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BR  145  .G54   v. 4 
Gieseler,  Johann  Karl 

Ludwig,  1792-1854. 
A  compendium  of 
■^  ecclesiastical  Jiistpry 


T.  &  T.  CLARK,  BOOKSELLERS, 

38  GEORGE  STREET,  EDINBURGH. 


Rev.   IP,   FaiB'1»i«ii*n. 

In  8vo,  price  10s.  6d., 

EZEKIEL,  km  THE  BOOK  OF  HIS  PROPHECY: 

AN   EXPOSITIOJf. 

By  the  Rev.  PATRICK  FAIRBAIRN,    Author  of  "  Typology  of  Scripture," 

"  Jonah,"  <SlC. 

"  Air  Fairbairn  has  succeeded  in  producing  a  work  which  was  greatly  wanted,  for 
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the  Bibliciil  Expositors  of  his  country  and  language,  and,  what  is  of  much  more  import- 
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on  Ezekiel."— £';«//i.vA  Rer'uio. 

"  In  the  department  of  critical  exposition,  it  is  long  since  anything  comparable  to  it 
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Translated  from  the  German  by  Rev.  W.  L.  ALEXANDER,  D.D. 

"  The  work  will  commend  itself  to  literate  theologians  as  one  of  the  most  valuable 
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3  WORKS  PUBLISHED  BY  T.  AND  T.  CLARK,  GEORGK  STREKT,  EDINBURGH. 

jyi.  Victor    Cousin. 

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COURSi:  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  MODERN  PHILOSOPHY. 

By  11.  VICTOR  COUSIN.     Translate^i  hy  0.  W.  WIGHT. 

"  M.  Cousin's  'Course  of  the  History  of  Modern  Philosophy'  is  here,  for  the  first 
time  entire,  presented  to  the  English  reader.  It  consists  of  Lectures  delivered  at  Paris 
in  the  years  1828-9.  'The  delivery  of  these  Lectures,'  says  Sir  Wm.  Hamilton,  'ex- 
cited an  unexampled  sensation  in  Paris.  Condemned  to  silence  during  the  reign  of 
Jesuit  ascendancy,  M  Cousin,  after  eight  years  of  honourable  retirement,  had  ascended 
again  the  chair  of  philosophy;  and  the  splendour  with  which  he  recommenced  his  aca- 
demical career  more  than  justified  the  expectation  which  his  recent  reputation  as  a 
writer,  and  the  memory  of  his  earlier  lectures,  had  inspired.  Two  thousand  auditors 
listened  in  admiration  to  the  eloquent  exposition  of  doctrines  unintelligible  to  the  many, 
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by  their  earlier  analyses,  the  impatient  curiosity  of  the  public;  and  the  Lectures  them- 
selves, taken  in  short-hand,  and  corrected  by  the  Pi-ofessor,  propagated  weekly  the  in- 
fluence of  his  instruction  to  the  remotest  provinces  of  the  kingdom.'  " — Edin.  Review. 

"  This  work  contains  the  fullest  and  most  popular  exposition  of  the  eclectic  system  of 
philosophy  of  which  Cousin  was  the  founder;  the  translation  is  always  correct  and 
clear,  and  it  will  doubtless  be  the  standard  version  of  what  must  still,  though  a  quarter 
of  a  century  has  elapsed  since  its  publication,  be  regarded  as  the  most  valuable  philo- 
sophical work  of  our  times." — Tail's  Mutjdzine. 

*,*  Tills  translation  is  already  recommended  by  the  Professors  of  Edinburgh,  Glas- 
gow, and  other  places. 

Biiriies'    Mei'iuons. 

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The  Publishers  have  been  induced  to  reprint  an  Edition  of  Barnes'  Sermons  in  this 
country,  from  a  very  general  wish  expressed  by  many  parties  to  possess  them.  The 
work  has  been  for  a  considerable  time  out  of  print  in  America,  and  copies  were  very 
rarely  to  be  met  with.  The  Sermons  themselves  are  marked  by  that  freshness  and 
vigour  of  thought  and  earnestness  of  expression  which  characterise  the  other  writings 
of  this  able  and  distinguished  author. 

A  number  of  other  Sermons  of  the  author's  are  added  to  this  edition  which  did  not 
appear  in  the  former,  and  which  are  considered  to  be  not  inferior  to  those  contained  in 
the  first  edition.  • 

In  2  vols.  8vo,  price  21s., 

THE    CHRISTIAN   DOCTRINE    OF   SIN. 

By  Dr  JULIUS  MULLER. 
Translated  by  the  Rev.  \V.  PULSFORD. 
•'  The  work  before  us  is  undoubtedly  to  be  considered  the  most  weighty  and  import- 
ant contribution  to  the  cause  of  dogmatic  theology  which  Germany  has  recently  pro- 
duced. It  unites  in  a  high  degree  depth  and  compi'ehensiveness  with  practical  earnest- 
ness and  clearness.  It  is  profound  even  to  the  contentment  of  a  German  mind,  yet 
rarely  obscure  or  uninstructive;  the  author  evinces  his  thorough  metaphysical  training, 
and  his  work  is  pervaded  by  the  presence  of  a  shining  and  disciplined  intellect,  and  the 
rare  mastery  of  a  large  and  skilful  argumentative  grasp.  He  has  in  no  sense  taken  up 
his  subject  as  so  much  mere  theological  task-work,  by  which  to  gain  a  reputation;  but 
it  has  plainly  been  with  him  long  a  favourite  sphere  of  reflection,  the  haunt  and  main 
region  of  his  spirit  during  many  years  of  silent  and  meditative  preparation;  he  has' 
felt  its  surpassing  interest,  its  grand  significancy,  its  solemn  importance.  He  has 
seen  such  a  work  to  be  above  all  that  was  needed  by  his  country's  theology,  and  ad- 
dressed himself  to  it  in  the  spirit  of  grave  earnestness,  and  patient  thoughtfulnoss  be- 
seeming it." — British  Qtiarterly  Renew. 


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PASTORAL  THEOLOGY:  THE  THEORY  OF  A  GOSPEL  MIIISTRY. 

Translated  from  the  French  of  Professor  VINET. 

"  All  that  might  be  expected  from  the  pen  of  the  first  of  modern  French  theologians." 
— Brili.ih  Qnarlerbj  Retiew. 

"  By  far  the  most  complete  and  most  practical  treatise  hitherto  written  on  the  sub- 
ject."— Lite.rarji  Gazette. 

"  One  or  two  rapid  readings  will  not  suffice  to  exhaust  the  treasures  of  Christian  and 
pastoral  experience,  of  enlightenment,  of  tenderness,  of  practical  directions,  of  eleva- 
tion, and  of  edification,  which  fill  these  pages.  We  will  find  it  to  our  profit  to  read  at 
least  once  a  year  this  precious  volume,  if  it  were  only  as  the  means  of  serving  us  pas- 
tors for  the  examination  of  our  consciences." — Archives  du  Chvistianisme. 

"  Highly  instructive,  and  written  in  a  practical  and  religious  spirit." — English  Review. 


By  the  same  Author. 
In  post  8vo,  price  6s.,  (Copyright J, 

A  TREATISE  ON  HOMILETICS,  OR  THEORY  OF  PREACHING. 

"  We  do  not  dread  the  rebuke  of  any  party  in  the  church  when  he  expresses  our 
conviction,  that  all  who  wish  to  combine  mental  diligence,  logical  accuracy,  and  scien- 
tific treatment  of  their  texts,  with  those  higher  and  holier  aspects  to  which  preaching 
relates,  will  be  instructed  and  improved  by  perusing  this  treatise." — Clerical  Journal. 


I>r   IT.    T.   Hamilton. 

In  demy  8vo,  price  7s.  6d.,  clotli,  (free  by  post), 

THE   PENTATEUCH   AID   ITS   ASSAILANTS; 

OR,  A 

REFUTATION  OF  THE  OBJECTIONS  OF  MODERN  SCEPTICISM 

TO  THE  PENTATEUCH. 

By    W.    T.    HAMILTON,    D.D. 

I.  The  Character  of  Moses  as  a  Scholar  and  Statesman. — II.  Necessity  of  Revela- 
tion.-— III.  The  Bible  is  a  Revelation  from  God. — IV.   Authenticity  and  Genuine- 
ness of  the  Pentateuch  as  the  Work  of  Moses. — V.  Genesis  the  Work  of   Moses 
,.  and  Inspired. — VI.  Creation  in  Six  Days. — VII.   Population  of  the  Earth  in  the 
Days  of  Cain,  and  Longevity  of  the  Patriarchs.— VIII.  The  Antediluvian  Giants. 
— IX.  The  Deluge  Universal. — X.  Death  among  the  Creatures  of  God,  its  Origin 
Extent,  and  Consequences.- — XI.  Man  one  Family. — XII.  Indebtedness  of  Modern 
Literature  to  the  Bible. 
''  All  these  subjects  are  treated  with  much  learning,  scientific  as  well  as  Biblical,  and 
calmly  and  dispassionately  discussed." — Literary  World. 

"  A  book  that  is  unanswerable,  affording  the  strongest  confirmation  of  the  matiy  and 
varied  evidences  that  the  Bible  is  the  Word  of  God." — Bell's  Weekly  Messenger. 

"  This  volume  contains  a  vast  deal  of  information,  much  profound  thought,  not  a 
little  close,  conclusive  reasoning,  and  some  fine  bursts  of  manly  eloquence." — Macphail^s 
Journal. 

"  Dr  Hamilton's  work  is  a  valuable  contribution  in  the  right  direction.  With  im- 
mense stores  of  information  and  sound  learning,  he  combines  a  large  share  of  theoe 
logical  power  and  acute  discrimination.  We  are  not  aware  of  any  objections  which 
have  been  raised  against  the  Pentateuch  as  a  whole,  or  any  part  of  it,  which  are  not 
here  very  satisfactorily  met  and  refuted.  The  author  addresses  himself  to  his  task  with 
a  manly  courage,  and  with  vast  resources  of  knowledge,  and  the  result  is  such  as  to 
place  him  in  the  highest  rank  as  a  Christian  apologist." — Evangelical  Magazine. 


4  WuRKS  PUELISHKU  BY   T.   AND  T.   CLAKX,  GEOnCH  STREET,  KDINBUKaH. 

Dr  W.  Hengstenberg. 

Ill  8vo,  price  7s.  6d., 

EGYPT  AID  THE  BOOKS  OF  MOSES: 

Or,  the  books  OF  MOSES  ILLUSTRATED  BY  THE  MONUMENTS 

OF  EGYPT.     WITH  AN  APPENDIX. 

By  E.  W.  HENGSTENBERG,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Theology  at  Berlin. 

Translated  by  R.  D.  C.  Robbins,  Abbot  Resident  Professor,  Theol.  Seminary,  Andover. 

With  Additional  Notes  by  W.  Cook  Taylor,  Esq.,  LL.D.,  M.R.  A.S.  of  Trin.  Coll.,  Dublin. 

"'  Egypt  and  the  Books  of  Moses'  is  an  invaluable  addition  to  tlie  means  already 

possessed  in  this  country,  for  understanding  the  reference  to  Egyptian  customs  so  often 

alluded  to  in  the  Pentateuch." — Evangelical  Mayazvie. 

Rev.  Creorge  I^ewis. 

In  2  vols.  8vo,  price  21s.,  cloth, 

THE   BIBLE,   THE  MISSAL,  AID  THE  BREVIARY; 

Ok,  RITUALISM  SELF-ILLUSTRATED  IN  THE  LITURGICAL 
BOOKS  OF  ROME: 

Containing  the  Text  of  the  entire  Roman  Missal,  Rubrics,  and  Prefaces,  translated  from 

the  Latin  ;  with  Preliminary  Dissertations,  and  Notes  from  the  Breviary,  Pontifical,  &c. 

By  Rev.  GEORGE  LEWIS,  Ormiston. 

"  These  volumes  present,  in  what  to  the  general  reader  will  be  a  fresh  aspect,  the 
great  question  of  the  nature  and  tendencies  of  Romanism — its  influence  on  the  forma- 
tion of  individual  and  national  character.  They  are  written  with  a  moderation  and 
candour — with  an  eye  upon  the  good  as  well  as  the  evil  that  has  sprung  up  in  the  track 
of  Romanism — that  may  well  conciliate  for  their  subject  the  attention  of  those  who  are 
repulsed  by  works  of  one-sided  dogmatism.  He  introduces  us  into  its  inner  life,  and  as 
under  the  dome  of  St  Peter's  at  the  hour  of  prayer,  amidst  the  chaunting  of  ciioristei-s, 
and  the  ascending  fragrance  of  the  morning  and  evening  incense,  bids  us  judge  of  Ro- 
manism for  ourselves.  He  unfolds  its  interior,  that  thence  we 'may  learn  its  exterior 
life  of  action  and  opinion.  For  the  first  time  the  English  reader  is  pi-esented,  in  these 
volumes,  with  the  entire  Missal  or  public  Liturgy  of  Rome,  in  his  mother  tongue — an 
invaluable  boon  to  the  Romanist,  who  may  henceforth  intelligently  acquaint  himself 
with  the  services  of  his  own  Church;  and  no  less  a  boon  to  the  English  Protestant  stu- 
dent, anxious  to  inform  h  mself  of  the  inner  life  of  that  great  ecclesiastical  system 
which  has  borne  so  prominent  a  place  in  the  history  of  Christianity  and  of  Europe. 

"  Besides  an  entire  translation  of  the  Missal,  there  is  interwoven,  in  foot-notes,  a  com- 
prehensive survey  of  the  contents  and  objects  of  the  other  service-books  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  as  the  Breviary,  Pontifical,  Book  of  Priests,  Rites,  &c.,  so  as  to  fur- 
nish the  reader  with  a  complete  view  of  the  whole  range  of  the  liturgical  and  ritual 
works  and  ceremonies  of  Romanism.  These  notes  abound  in  curious  information,  the 
result  of  much  leai'iied  research;  and  are  written  in  a  clear,  easy,  English  style.  The 
writer,  amidst  his  more  laborious  and  learned  studies,  evidently  loves  to  liii  upon  a 
good  story — and  Romanist  and  mediaival  history  is  not  barren  of  such — and  when  he 
has  laid  hold  of  one  he  does  it  justice.  The  entire  work  we  regard  as  one  of  the  most 
valuable  modern  additions  to  the  Romanist  controversy,  and  it  will,  we  doubt  not, 
speedily  find  its  place  in  the  library  of  every  student  of  that  subject." — EduiburglL  Courant, 

"  It  is  a  book  of  great  value  and  importance,  and  throws  much  interesting  light  upon 
some  departments  of  the  Popish  system  which  are  little  known  to  the  generality  either 
of  Protestants  or  Papists.  The  exposition  of  the  matters  referred  to  in  the  work  is 
conducted  with  great  success,  in  a  manner  extremely  creditable  to  the  talents,  judg- 
ment, and  knowledge  of  the  subject,  of  the  author.  It  is  well  adapted  to  convey  to 
intelligent  and  reflecting  readers  accurate  and  enlarged  conceptions  of  the  tendencies 
and  bearings  of  Popery,  while,  at  the  same  time,  by  the  sound  and  comprehensive  views 
it  presents  of  practical  Christianity,  it  is  fitted  to  be  vei-y  useful  in  promoting  the 
interests  of  enlightened  personal  piety  and  universal  holiness.  We  regard  the  work  as 
rendering  a  very  important  service  to  the  cause  of  Protestant  and  Christian  truth."— 
Rulwaik. 


CLARK^S 


FOREIGN 


THEOLOGICAL  LIBRARY, 


VOLUME   XXXI 


VOL.  IV 


EDINBURGH : 
T.  &  T.  CLARK,  38  GEORGE  STREET; 

LONDON  :  SEELEV  AND  CO. ;  WARD  AND  CO.  ;  AND  JACKSON  AND  WALFORD. 
DUBLIN  :  JOHN  ROBERTSON. 


MDCCCLIII. 


n  '■■ 


C  e.  _ 


A  COMPENDIUM 


ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY, 


DR  JOHN  C.  L,  GIESELER, 

CON313TOBAL  COOMSELLOR    AND  ORUINARY  PROFESSOR  OF  THEOLOGIT  IN  GOTTINGEN. 

FOURTH  EDITION  REVISED  AND  AMENDED. 

TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  GERMAN, 

BY  THE 

REV.   JOHN   WINSTANLEY   HULL,   M.A., 

INCUMBENT  OF  ST  MICHAEL'S,  GEjysAKGlI. 

VOLUME  IV. 


EDINBURGH : 
T.  &  T.  CLARK,  38  GEORGE  STREET. 

LONDON:    HAMILTON,  ADAMS,  AND  CO.  ;    SIMPKIN,  MARSHALL,  AND  CO.; 

SEELEY  AND  CO.  ;    WARD  AND  CO.  ;    JACKSON  AND  WALFORD,  ETC. 

DUBLIN  :    JOHN  ROBERTSON,  AND  HODGES  AND  SMITH. 

M  D C  C  C  L 1 II . 


/r. 


FIUKTEI)  BY  KOBERT  I'AUK,  miNDIE. 


\OPERfr 

CONTENTS  OFT%#r.firiRD  PERIOD. 


FOURTH   DIVISION. 


FROM  THE  REMOVAL  OF  THE  PAPAL  SEE  INTO  FRANCE  TO  THE 
COUNCIL  OF  PISA  FROM  1305—1409. 


FIRST  CHAPTER. 


HISTORY    OF    TilK    PAPACY. 


I. HISTOKY  OF  THE  POLITICAL  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  PAPACY  AT  AVIGNON 

UNTIL  THE  SCHISM  FROM  1305 1378. 

Page 

§     98.  Clement  V.     1305—1314,       ....  2 

99.  John  XXII.     A.D.  1334,         ....  18 

100.  Benedict  XII.    Clement  VI.    A.D.  1352,          .              .  44 

101.  Innocent  VL     Urban  V.    Gregory  XL    A.D,  1378,     .  64 

II. HISTORY  OF  THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  PAPACY  AT  AVJONON. 

102.  Completion  of  the  Papal  Code,  ...  72 

103.  Ecclesiastical  Usurpations,         •  ...  73 

in. HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPAL  SCHISM. 

104.  Rise  and  progress  of  the  Schism,  >  .  .  25 

105.  Oppressions  of  the  Church,        .  .  .  .99 

106.  Attempts  to  end  the  Schism,     ....  109 

107.  Eifects  of  the  Schism  on  the  general  opinion  of  the  Church,       115 


VI  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

SECOND  CHAPTEIJ. 

inSTOKY  OF  THE  UIERAUCHY  OF  NATIONAL  CUURCHIiS. 

Page 

§  108.  Their  relation  to  the  State,       .  .  .  .122 

109.  Internal  relations  of  the  Diocesan  Hierarchy,    ,  .  131 

110.  Moral  condition  of  the  Clergy,  .  .  .  133 

THIRD  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  MOyASTICISlI. 

111.  History  of  the  Earlier  Endowed  Orders,  .  .  139 

112.  Agency  of  the  Mendicant  Orders,  .  .  .  142 
113-  Internal  History  of  the  Franciscan  Order,          .              .  148 

114.  New  Orders,  .....  157 

115.  Independent  Ecclesiastical  Communities,  .  .  158 

rOURTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE. 

116.  Third  Period  of  Scholastic  Theology,     .  .  -168 

117.  Mystic  Theology,         .....  176 

118.  History  of  the  Remaining  Theological  Sciences,  .  190 

FIFTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  RELIGION  AMONG  THE  PEOI'LE. 

119.  .......         197 

SIXTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  CHURCH  DISCIPLINE. 

120.  Ecclesiastical  Rewards  and  Punishments,  .  .  205 

121.  Synodal  Tribunals,  ....  216 

SEVENTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  HERETICAL  SECTS. 

122.  History  of  the  Earlier  Sects,  ....  218 

123.  Flagellants,    ......  227 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  Vll 
EIGHTH  CHAPTER. 

EFFORTS  FOR  KEFORII. 

Puga 

§   124.  In  Bohemin,    ....••  233 

125.  John  Wvcliff,                .....  242 

NINTH  CHAPTER. 

126.  Lithuanians,  Laplanders,  Mongols,       .               .              .  2.78 

127.  Persecutions  and  Conversions  of  the  Jews,          .               .  260 


FIRST  APPENDIX. 

HISTORY  OF  THE    GREEK  CHURCH. 

128.  Efforts  for  Union  with  the  Latin  Church,  .  .  263 

129.  Hesychastic  Controversy,  ....  267 

SECOND  APPENDIX. 

130.  History  of  the  remaining  Oriental  Churches,    .  ,.  271 


FIFTH  DIVISION. 

FROM  THE  COUNCIL  OF  PISA  TO  THE  REFORMATION.  1409—1617. 


FIRST  CHAPTER 

HISTORV    OF    THE    PAPACY. 

130.  (Edit.  1)  Council  of  Pisa, 

131.  Council  of  Constance, 

132.  Council  of  Basle, 

1 33.  Nicolas  V.     Calixtus  IIL    Pins  IL     Paul  IT., 

134.  Sixtus  IV.     Innocent  VIIl.     Alexander  VI. 

135.  Pius  III.     Julius  II,     Leo  X. 

136.  General  Position. 


278 
285 
312 
344 
377 
399 
416 


FEXIICBTOII 


^'rflrEOLOG:^:^!.  # 


.^fe^^- 


•.■?vs«*-i*' 


THIRD   PERIOD 


DIVISION  IV. 


FROM  THE  RE-MOVAL  OF  THE   PAPAL  SEE  TO  FRANCE,  TO  THE 
COUNCIL  OF  PISA.      FROM  13C5-14C9. 


PRINCIPAL    SOURCES. 


Albertinus  Mussatus,  Poet  Laureate  and  Statesman  in  Padua  (f  1330) :  Historia 
Augusta  s.  de  gestis  Henrici  YII.  libb.  xvi.  De  gestis  Italicorum  post 
mortem  Henrici  VII.  libb.  xii.  down  to  1329.  Ludovicus  Bavarus,  from 
1327  to  1329  inclusive,  in  Muratori  rerum  Ital.  scriptt.  T.  x.  Ludov. 
Bavarus  best  in  Bohmer's  fontes  rerum  Germ.  i.  170. — Giovanni  A'illani, 
Statesman  in  Florence :  Historic  Florentine  libb.  xii.,  down  to  1348  in 
Muratori  T.  xiii.,  continued  in  xi.  libb.  by  his  brother  Matteo  Villani  down 
to  1363,  and  from  lib.  xi.  c.  61  by  his  son  Filippo  Villani  down  to  1364  in 
Muratori  T.  xiv.  (On  this  historical  work  see  Gervinus  hist.  Schriften, 
Frankf.  a.  M.  1833  s.  24.  Donniges  Kritik  d.  Quellen  f.  d.  Gesch. 
Heinrich's  VII.,  Berlin  1841,  S,  107.) — Joannes  de  Winterthur,  or  Vitodu- 
ranus,  a  Franciscan  (Chronicon  from  Innocent  III.  down  to  1348,  in  Eccardi 
Corp.  scriptorum  med.  aevi  T.  i.,  better  in  the  Thesauiiis  historiae 
Helveticae,  Tiguri  1735.  fol.  p.  1  ss.)— M.  Albertus  Argentinensis  (Chroni- 
con from  1273  to  1378  in  Urstisii  German,  historicorum  ii.  95.) — Fritsche 
{i.  e.  Friedrich)  Closener's  (Canon  at  Strasburg  f  1384)  Strassburgische 
Chronik,  down  to  1362  (in  the  Bibliothek  d.  literar.  Vereins  in  Stuttgart  i. 
1843),  is  taken  for  his  groundwork  by  Jacob  Twinger  v.  Konigshoven 
(Priest  at  Strasburg  f  1420)  in  his  Elsassischen  Qironik,  which,  edited  by 
him  in  a  longer  form  down  to  1414,  in  a  shorter  down  to  1386,  has  been 
publisht  in  the  latter  shape  by  Joh.  Schilter,  Strasburg  1698.  4.  cf.  Jac. 
Twingerum  Eegiovillanum  solemni  eruditorum  examini  subjicit  S.  F. 
Hollaender,  Argent.  1789.  4.— Detmar,  Franciscan  Lecturer  at  Lubeck, 
wrote  from  1385  to  13S5  his  Clironicle  from  1101  to  1395  (with  acontinua- 
VOL.  IV.  A 


THIRD  PERIOD.— DiV.  IV.— A. D.  1305— UO'l. 

tioii  down  to  1482  puLlisht  by  F.  H.  Grautoff :  die  liibeckisclieu  Cbroniken 
in  niederdeutscbcr  8pracbe  2  Th.  Hamburg  1829,  30.) — Gobelinvis  Persona 
Dean  in  Bielefeld,  f  about  1424,  seeLeben  v.  Eosenkranz,  in  Erbard's  and 
Gehrkben's  Zeitscbr.  f.  vaterliind.  Gesch.  u.  Altertbuniskunde,  Bd.  6, 
Miinster  1843  S.  1)  Cosmodromiuin  down  to  1418,  divided  into  6  aetates, 
publisbt  from  Aet.  vi.  c.  69  or  from  tbe  year  1347  onwards,  independently 
and  alone,  in  H.  Meibomii  rerum  Germanicarum  i.  53. 


FIRST    CHAPTER 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPAL  SEE. 

Sources  :  Tbe  antient  Lives  of  the  Popes ;  Vitae  Papanim  Avenionensium  ed.  St 
Baluzius.  Tomi  ii.  Paris  1693.  4.  Tbe  Lives  of  all  tbe  Popes  of  this  age 
scattei-ed  tbrougb  Muratori  scriptt.  rer.  Ital.  T.  iii.  P.  i.  and  ii.  Besides  : 
Tbeodoi'ici  de  Nieni  (literarum  apostolicarum  abbreviatoris)  vitae  Pontiff. 
Rom.  (from  1288 — 1418)  additis  Imperatorura  gestis  (in  Eccardi  corpus 
hist,  medii  aevi  i.  1461.) 

Histoire  politique  de  la  monarcbie  pontificale  au  xiv.  siecle,  on  la  Papaiit6  k 
Avignon,  par  1'  Abbe  J.  F.  Andre,  Paris  1845. 


I  .    HISTORY  OF  THE  POLITICAL  RELATIONS  OF  THE  PAPAL 
SEE  IN  AVIGNON  UNTIL  THE  SCHISM. 

1305—1378. 

§  98. 

CLEMENT  V.  (5.  JUN.  1305—20.  APR.  1314.) 

Clement  V.,  by  taking  up  his  residence  in  France,  and  by 
fixing  Ms  see  at  Avignon  from  the  year  1309,  introduced  a 
dilemma  into  the  state  of  Papal  politics,  which  could  not  but  be 
very  hurtful  to  his  influence  over  the  faithful.  In  their  dealings 
with  other  States,  the  French  Pontiffs  from  their  safe  retreat 
promulgated  with  increasing  arrogance  the  principles  of  the 
Pope's  universal  monarchy  :  but  in  France  they  not  only  had  to 
see  these  principles  continually  set  aside,  but  also  in  their  whole 
sphere  of  operation,  they  were  so  dependent  upon  the  nod  of  the 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  i:]78.— I.  POLIT.  HI8T.  §  98.  CLEMENT  V.      3 

French  court,  that  they  never  ventured,  except  by  stealth,  to 
opj^ose  them  to  its  policy. 

Clement  V.^  was  not  only  obliged  to  revoke  in  form  the 
encroachments  of  his  predecessor  Boniface  VIII.  upon  France 
(1306),^  but  also  to  allow  proceedings  to  be  instituted  against 

1  Giov.  Villani  hist,  Fiorent.  viii,  c.  80  (in  Muratori  xiii.  418)  puts 
the  following  conditions  in  the  mouth  of  King  Philip,  as  those  which 
he  made  with  Clement,  when  he  helpt  him  to  mount  the  I^apal  throne  : 
Le  sei  spetiali  gratie,  ch'io  vogHo  da  te,  sono  queste.  La  prima,  che 
tu  mi  riconcilii  perfettamente  colla  Chiesa,  e  facciami  perdonarc  il  mis- 
fatto,  ch'io  commissi  per  la  presura  di  Papa  Bonifatio.  La  seconda  tli 
ricoraunicare  me,  e  miei  seguaci.  La  terza,  che  mi  concede  tutte  le 
decime  per  5  anni  del  mio  Reame,  per  ajuto  alle  spese  fatte  alia  guerra 
di  Fiandra.  La  quarta,  che  tu  mi  prometti  di  disfare  e  anullare  la 
memoria  di  Papa  Bonifatio.  La  quinta,  che  tu  renda  I'honore  del  Car- 
dinalato  a  Messier  Jacopo,  e  Messer  Piero  della  Colonna  (comp.  Part  2. 
§  59,  note  14)  e  rimetteralli  in  stato,  e  facci  con  loro  insieme  certi  miei 
amici  Cardinali.  La  sesta  gratia  e  promessa  mi  riserbo  a  luogo  e  a 
tempo,  ch'e  secreta  e  grande.  Clement  had  promised  all  per  Sacra- 
mento in  sul  Corpus  Domini.  It  is  as  certain  that  Philip  did  impose 
conditions  on  the  Pope,  as  that  this  detailed  dramatical  account  of 
Villani  cannot  be  verbally  correct,  see  Donniges  Kritik  d.  Quellen  f.  d. 
Gesch.  Heinrichs  VII.  s,  125.     Schlosser's  Weltgesch.  IV.  i.  24. 

^  Clementin.  lib.  iii.  tit.  17  :  Quoniam  ex  constitutlone  Bonifacli  P. 
VIII.  praedecessoris  nostri,  quae  incipit  Clericis  laicos,  et  ex  declara- 
tione,  seu  declarationibus  (see  Part  2,  §  59,  note  6  and  9)  ex  ilia 
postmodum  subsequutis  nonnulla  scandala,  magna  pericula,  et  incom- 
moda  gravia  sunt  sequuta,  et  ampliora  sequi,  nisi  celeri  remedio 
succurratur,  praesumitur  verisimiliter  in  futurum :  nos  de  consilio 
fratrum  nostrorum  constitutionem,  et  declarationem,  seu  declarationes 
praedictas,  et  quidquid  ex  eis  sequutum  est  vel  ob  eas,  penitus  revoca- 
mus,  et  eas  haberi  volumus  pro  infectis,  volentes  et  firmiter  statuentes, 
illud  conti'a  quoscumque  laicos,  exigentes  seu  extorquentes  ab  Ecclesiis 
ecclesiasticisque  personis  tallias  seu  collectas, — inviolabiliter  observari, 
quod  super  his  a  praedecessoribus  nostris  in  Lateranensi,  et  generali 
conciliis  (see  Part  2,  §  63,  note  15  and  16) — salubriter  est  provisum. 
Extravagant,  commun.  lib.  v.  lit.  7.  c.  2  :  Meruit  carissimi  filii  nostri 
Philippi,  Regis  Francorum  illustris,  sincerae  adfectionis  ad  nos  et 
Ecclesiam  Romanam  integritas,  et  progenitorum  suorum  praeclara 
merita  meruerunt,  meruit  insuper  i*egnicolarum  puritas  ac  devotionis 
sinceritas,  ut  tam  Regem  quam  regnum  favore  benevolo  prosequamur. 
Hinc  est,  quod  nos  Regi  et  regno  per  definitionem  et  declarationem 
bonae  memoriae  Bonifacii  P.  VI I L  praedecessoris  nostri,  quae  incipit 
Unam  sanctam  (Part  2,  §  59,  note  26),  nullum  volumus  vel  intendimus 
praejudicium  generari.  Nee  quod  per  illam  Rex,  regnum,  et  regni- 
colae  praelibati  amplius  Ecclesiae  sint  subjecti  Romanae,  quam  antea 
existebant :  sod  omnia  intelligantur  in  eodem  esse  statu,  quo  erant  ante 

A  2 


4  THIKU  I'EKIOD.  ^DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305 -14oy. 

liim,  which  wouikIccI  the  Papal  dicrnity  to  the  quick.^  Then 
Pliilip  the  Fair  began  the  persecution  of  the  Templars  i7i  a 
highly  arbitrary  manner  (13.  Oct.  1307;  :  Clement  pardoned 
the  transaction,  and   sided   witli    the  persecutor.'*      The  Pope 

definitionem  praefatam,  tarn  quantum  ad  Ecclcsiam,  quain  etiara  ad 
Regem,  regnum  et  regnicolas  superius  nominates.  According  to  the 
contemporary  Bernard  Guido  (Quarta  vita  dementis  V.  in  Baluzii  vitae 
PP.  Aven.  i.  64)  both  Bulls  date  from  the  1st  Feb.  1306.  The  Bull 
Unam  sanctam  was  not  at  any  rate  hereby  repealed.  Further,  about 
this  time  it  was  furnisht  with  a  gloss  by  Johannes  Monachus,  in 
which  all  its  assertions  were  defended,  demonstrated,  and  commented 
on.  Comp.  also  Alvarus  Pelagius  de  planctu  Eccl.  i.  c.  60,  below 
§  99,  note  15. 

^  Comp.  Part  2.  §  59.  note  39.  According  to  Villaui  vlii.  c.  91,  at 
an  interview  \'\ith  the  Pope  in  Poictiers,  1307,  Philip  prest  him  hard 
to  fulfil  his  promise,  ch'elli  condannasse  la  memoria  di  Papa  Bonifatio^ 
efacesse  ardere  Ic  sue  ossa  e  corpo  :  The  Pope  escaped  by  means  of  a 
subterfuge :  He  engaged  to  summon  a  general  council  at  Vienne  for 
the  execution  of  this  difficult  undertaking.  However  in  1309  he  was 
forced  to  open  a  formal  inquiry  with  regard  to  Boniface,  in  which 
Nogaret  and  Du  Plessis  came  forward  as  accusers  (Raynald  1309  note 
4).  The  acts  of  the  inquiry  ai*e  in  Du  Puy  hist,  du  differend  entre  le 
Pape  Bonifoce  VIII.  et  Philippe  le  bel,  Paris  1655  fol.  p.  325.  The 
evidence  of  several  Cardinals  before  a  Papal  Commission  14.  Apr. 
1311  and  following  days,  is  publisht  by  Hofler  in  tlie  Abhandl.  d. 
hist.  Classe  d.  baierischen  Akad.  d.  Wiss.  Bd.  3.  Abth.  3.(1843) 
S.  45. 

*  Comp.  P.  Dupuy  liist.de  la  condemnation  des  Templiers,  Paris  1650. 
4.  with  many  additions  Bruxelles  1751.  4.  Raynouard  monuraens 
histor.  relatifs  a  la  condamnation  des  chevaliers  du  temple  et  a  I'aboli- 
tion  de  leur  ordre.  Paris  1813.  W.  F.  Wilcke  Geseh.  des  Terapel- 
herrnordens  (3  Bde.  Leipzig  1826 — 35)  i.  234,  E.  A.  Schmidt's 
Gesch.  V.  Franckreich  i.  692.  W.  Havemaun's  Gesch.  d.  Ausgangs 
des  Tempclherrenordens.  Stuttg.  u.  Tubingen  1846.  In  the  year 
1306  the  Grandmaster,  James  of  Molay,  came  from  Cyprus  to  France 
at  the  Pope's  invitation  to  consult  about  a  new  crusade  (Raynald  ann. 

1306  no.  12)  :  but  although  he  was  honourably  received  even  in  Paris 
(Raynouard  p.  17),  Philip  nevertheless  entertained  secret  designs 
against  the  order,  comp.  Clemeutis   ep.   ad   Philippum  dd.  24.   Aug. 

1307  (in  Baluzii  vitae  PP.  Aven.  ii.  75)  :  Sane  a  memoria  tua  uon 
credimus  excidisse,  quod  Lugduni  et  Pictavis  de  facto  Templariorum 
zelo  fidei  devotionis  accensus  nobis  tam  per  te  quara  per  tuos  pluries 
locutus  fuisti,  et  per  Priorem  monasterii  novi  de  Pictavo  aliqua  intlmari 
curasti.  Et  licet  ad  credendum  quae  tunc  dicebantur,  cum  quasi  incre- 
dibilia  et  impossibilia  viderentur,  nostrum  animum  vix  potuerimus 
applicare ;  quia  tamen  plura  incredibiiia  et  inaudita  extunc  audivimus 
de  praedictis,  cogimur  haesitare. — Quia  vero  magister  militiae  Templi 
ac  multi  praeceptores — a  nobis,  nedum  semel,  sed  pluries  cum  magna 


("!1.  1.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  I'OLIT.  HIST,  g  98.  CLEMKiNT  V.         5 
ventured  to  oppose  nothing  but  mean   cunning  to   the   urgent 


instantia  petieruiit,  quod  nos  super  illis  cis  falso  inipositis,  ut  dicebunt, 
vellemus  inquirere  veritcatem  ; — no.s — diligentis  inquisitionis  indaginem 
infra  paucos  dies — propter  hoc  instanti  die  Veneris  civitatem  Picta- 
viensem  intraturi  proponimus  inclioare  etc.  The  result  of  this  Papal 
inquiry  was  without  doubt  in  favour  of  the  Templars  :  however  Philip, 
supported  b}^  a  requisition  from  the  Inquisitor,  William  of  Paris,  his 
father-confessor  (secret  order  of  the  14th  Sept.  1307  in  Menard  hist,  de 
la  ville  de  Nismes  T.  i.,  Paris  1750.  4,  Preuves  p.  195),  gave  orders 
for  the  general  arrest  of  the  Templars  in  France  on  the  13  th  Oct.  1307, 
and  then  allowed  the  enquiry  to  begin  at  once.  In  tlie  articles  sub- 
joined to  this  order,  the  secular  authorities  were  instructed  :  cum  eis 
[templariis]  primo  per  so  inquirant,  commissariis  inquisitoris  subse- 
quenter  vocatis,  et  veritatem,  examinent  omnimodo  quo  potcrunt,  etiam 
ubi  faciendum  videi'int  per  tormenta.  The  errors  of  the  Templars, 
against  which  the  inquiry  was  to  be  directed,  were  thus  stated  :  Illi, 
qui  recipiuntur,  petunt  primo  panem  et  aquam  illius  Ordinis,  et  post- 
moduui  Praeceptor  vel  Magitter  recipiens  eum  ducit  secrete  post 
altare,  vel  in  sacristiam,  seu  locum  similem,  et  eis  ostendit  crucem  cum 
efftgie  Domini  nostri  J.  Chr.,  et  facit  eum  qui  recipitur  negare  pro- 
phetam,  scil.  Dominuui  J.  Chr.,  cujus  est  ilia  figura,  et  hoc  ter,  et 
qualibet  vice  spuere  supra  crucem  ;  et  postea  exuitur  suis  vestibus  qui 
recipitur,  et  recipiens  osculatur  eum  in  capite  spinae  dorsi  sub  balteo, 
et  secundo  osculatur  eum  in  umbilico,  tertio  in  ore  ;  et  dicit  ci,  quod  si 
quis  frater  Ordinis  velit  se  commiscere  sibi  concubitu,  hoc  sustineat, 
quia  hoc  tenetur  facere  juxta  statuta  Ordinis,  et  quod  ob  hoc  plures  ex 
eis  super  sodomiam  ad  invicem  se  commiscent ;  et  cum  recipiuntur, 
singulis  cordis  lineis  cinguntur,  quas  toto  tempore  vitae  suae  portare  te- 
nentur,  et  dicitur  quod  in  quodain  idolo  quod  adorant  involutae  fuerunt ; 
item  quod  Presbyteri  illius  Ordinis  non  conficlunt  sacramentum  altaris ; — 
item  quod  habent  quoddam  idolum  in  forma  capitis  hominis,  quod  in 
capitulis  provincialibus  adorant,  sed  hoc  nesciunt  omnes  fratres,  sed  anti- 
qui.  (In  some  examinations  the  name  Baftbraetus,  i.e.  Mahomet  in  the 
Provencal  dialect,  as  Mosques  are  called  Bafomairia,  appears  for  this  idol. 
Thus  in  the  examination  at  Carcassone  in  Paynouard  p.  291 :  Gauzerand 
de  Montpezat — dit,  que  le  chef,  qui  le  recevait,  lui  montra  une  idole 
doree,  ayant  la  forme  d'homme  avec  de  la  barbe  :  ce  chef  lui  deelara, 
qu'elle  etait  faite  in  figuram  Baffometi. — Raymond  Ruhei  depose,  que 
celui  qui  le  recevait  lui  montra  un  hois  oa  etait  ^QiniQ  Jigura  Baffometi^ 
et  illam  adoravit  osculando  sibi  pedes,  diccns  yalla,  verbum  Saraceno- 
rum.  In  atrial  at  Florence  it  was  deposed,  in  Piaynouard  p  295.,  that 
one  Templar  had  called  aloud  to  the  rest :  adorez  cette  tete  :  istud  caput 
vester  Deiis  est  et  vester  Mahumet.)  The  enquiry  was  conducted  with 
cruelty:  many  contest  (Continuator  Guilelmi  de  Kangiaco  ind'Achery 
spicil.  iii.  60  :  eorum  nonnulli  sponte  quaedam  praemissorum  vel  omnia 
etiam  lacrimabiliter  sunt  confessi.  Alii  quidem,  at  videbatur,  poenitentia 
ducti,  alii  autera  diversis  tormentis  quaestionati,  seu  eomminatione  vel 
eorum  aspect u  perterriti,    alii  blandis    tracti  proniissionibus  et   illecti, 


(J  TUIKI)  PElilUD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.   1305—1409. 

alii  arcta  carceris  inedia  cruciati  vel  coacti,  multipliciterque  compulsi. 
Multi  tameii  penitus  omnia  negavevunt,  et  phii*es,  qui  confessi  primo 
fuerunt,  ad  negationem  postea  reversi  sunt,  in  ea  finaliter  persistentes, 
quorum  nonnuUi  inter  ipsa  supplicia  pericrunt),  in  several  places  all 
confcsi  (thus  did  45  in  Aigues-uiortes,  15  in  Nismes,  see  the  minutes 
in  Menard  1.  c.  p.  197)  :  only  the  greater  part  knew  nothing  of  an 
idol,  and  of  the  unconsecrated  Host.  Even  the  Grandmaster  confest 
repeatedly  (Clementis  V.  vita  i=  in  Baluzii  vitae  Paparum  Aven.  p.  10; 
again  in  October  1307  congregatione  geuerali  omnium  magisirorum  et 
scholarium  cujusque  Facultatis  facta  apud  Templum,  Magister  trans- 
marinus  adductus  et  quidem  alii  coram  omnibus  confessi  sunt  quosdam 
articulorum  praedictorum,  et  dixerunt  aliqui  eoruni,  quod  crcdebant, 
hunc  modum  profcssionis  suae  inaledictae  coepisse  jam  erant  quadra- 
ginta  anni  et  amplius,  et  hactenus  fuerat  occultatum.  Item  in  alia 
congregatione  coram  Universitate  Magister  et  alii  plures  totum  sira- 
pliciter  sunt  confessi,  et  Magister  pro  toto  Ordine,  p,  11  :  Parisiensis 
Universitas,  praecipue  Magistri  in  theologia  requisiti — mittere  confes- 
sionem  Magistri  Terapli  et  quorundam  aliorum  magnorum,  sabbato 
post  ascensionem  Domini  (1308) — per  manum  tabellionis  scriptam 
dictam  confessionem  Regi  mandaverunt,  et  copiam  literarum  Magistri 
Templi,  quibus  omnibus  fratribus  suis  intimabat,  quod  haec  et  haec 
fuerat  confessus,  et  quod  idem  confiterentur  omnes,  vclut  antique 
decepti  errore.)  The  Pope  was  at  first  roused  to  anger  by  this  pro- 
ceeding (see  Letters  to  all  French  Bishops  and  Inquisitors  of  the  5th 
July  1308  in  Guilelmi  Majoris  Episc.  Andegav.  gesta  c.  49.  d'Achery 
spicileg.  ii.  199  :  Dudum  Templariorum  subitam  captionem,  quam  ad 
nostri  apostolatus  et  fratrum  noslrorum  pertulit  vulgatus  rumor  audi- 
tum,  quia  rationes  et  causae,  quae — Phillppum  Regem — induxerant  ad 
hujusmodi  captionem,  tibique  Guilermo  suggesserant  Regem  super  hoe 
requirere,  nostram — latebant  notitiam,  non  immerito  nos  et  fratres  ipsi 
dolentes  suscepimus,  cum  per  te  Guilermum  praedictum  nobis,  quibus 
quodammodo  vicinus  eras  in  januis,  nihil  intimatum  fuisset ;  ac  praeci- 
piti  festinatione  processus  per  vos  contra  ipsos  habiti,  et  ut  timebatur 
habendi,  super  quo  inaudita  publica  referebat  assertio,  grandis  suspi- 
cionis  materia  in  nostra  et  fratrum  ipsorum  mentibus  exstitit  suscitata. 
Propter  quod  omnem  quae  habebatis  in  negotio  potestatem  de  praedic- 
torum fratrum  concilio  suspendentes,  ad  nos  negotium  ipsura  totaliter 
duximus  revocandum.  The  minutes  of  the  examinations  were  then 
transmitted  to  him  :  ^lulta  per  eosdem  processus  contra  ipsos  apparent 
fuisse  reperta,  de  quibus  modicam  habebamus  verisimilem  conjecturam, 
nee  ad  ilia  credenda  nostrae  mentis  opinio  poterat  inclinari.)  However 
after  that  72  Templars  had  repeated  their  confessions  before  him,  and 
the  Cardinals  at  Poictiers  in  June  1308  (see  the  Bull  Regnans  incaelis 
of  12.  Aug.  1308  in  Mansi  xxv.  371:  Multos  de  Praeceptoribus,  Pres- 
byteris,  Militibus  et  aliis  Fratribus  dicti  Ordinis,  reputationis  non 
modicae,  in  nostra  praesentia  constitutes,  praestito  ab  eis  juramento, 
quod  super  praemissis  meram  et  plenam  nobis  dicercnt  veritatem,  super 
pracdictis  interrogavimus,  et  usque  ad  numerum  septuaginta  duorum 
examinavimus,  mviltis  ex  fratribus  nostris  nobis  assistentibus  diligcnter. 
Eorumque  confessioues  per  puhiieas  manus   in  authenticam  scripturam 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  137b.— 1.  POLIT.  HIST,  g  98.  CLEMENT  V.       7 

desii'e  of  the  ambitious  monarch  to  procure  the  Imperial  throne 
vacated  by  the  death  of  Albert  I.  (f  1308)  for  his  own  brother 
Charles  of  Valois.^  True  the  imposing  spectacle  of  a  general 
council  assembled  at  Vienne  (from  16.  Oct.  1311 — G.May  1312) 
furnisht  the  Pope  with  the  means  of  escaping  the  disgrace  of 
condemning  his  predecessor  f  but  in  return  for  this  at  the  same 

redactas,  illico  in  nostra  et  dictorum  fratrum  nostrorum  praesentia,  ac 
deinde  interposito  aliquorum  dierum  spatio  in  Consistorio  legi  fecimus 
coram  ipsis,  et  illas  in  suo  vulgaii  cuilibet  eorum  expoui.  Qui  persever- 
antes  in  illis,eas  expresseet  sponte,  prout  recitataefuerant,approbai'unt), 
likewise  also  the  Grandmaster  and  five  Praeceptors  before  a  deputation 
of  three  Cardinals  at  Chinon  in  August  (1.  c.  and  the  report  of  these 
Cardinals  on  the  proceeding  in  Du  Puy,  p.  240.  The  Grandmaster 
acknowledged  only  the  apostatizing,  all  askt  and  received  absolution) : 
Then  Clement  appointed  ecclesiastical  commissions  of  enquiry  for  all 
Christian  realms,  by  the  Bulls,  Regnans  in  caelis  and  Faciens  miseri- 
cordiamdd.  12.  Aug.  1308  (Du  Puy  p.  242  and  252.  Mansi  xxv. 
369.)  To  these  Bulls  127  articles  of  Inquisition  were  affixt  (in  Du 
Puy  p.  262.  Michelet  p.  89),  in  which  some  additional  charges,  for 
instance  the  worship  of  a  cat,  are  brought  forward.  The  Papal  com- 
mission appointed  for  France,  carried  on  the  enquiry  at  Paris  from  7, 
August  1309  to  26.  May  1311  in  a  very  humane  manner.  The 
minutes  may  be  found  translated  in  Moldenhawer's  Process  gegen  den 
Orden  der  Tempelherrn,  Hamburg  1792,  in  the  Latin  original  in 
Michelet  Proces  des  TempHers  T.  I.  Paris  1841.  4.  belonging  to  the 
collection  de  documents  inedits  sur  I'hist.  de  France.  The  minutes 
of  the  enquiry  carried  on  in  England  may  be  seen  in  the  Concilia 
Magnae  Brit,  et  Hiberniae  ii.  329. 

"  Publickly  he  seemed  to  recommend  Charles  to  the  Electoral  Princes 
(see  Olenschlager's  Staatsgeschichte  des  rom.  Kaiserthums  in  der  ersten 
Halfte  des  14ten  Jahrh.  Frankf.  a  M.  1755.  4.  Urkundenbuch  S. 
12.  ff.) :  in  private  he  forwarded  the  election  of  Henry  Count  of 
Luxembui'g  (Villani  lib.  viii.  c.  101).  F.  W.  Barthold's  Romerzug 
Kcinig  Heinrichs  v.  Liitselburg  (2  Th.  Konigsberg  1830.  31.)  i.  303. 

"  Preliminary  thereto  was  the  Bull  of  27.  April  1311  (in  Raynald 
ad  h.  a.  no.  26  ss.)  After  the  recital  of  the  progress  of  the  prosecution 
and  defence  down  to  this  time,  it  continues  :  Nos — apud  eundem  Regem 
— irstitimus, — ut  rejectis  anfractibus  denunciationum  et  objectionura 
hujusmodi — ipsius  negotii  prosecutionem  nosti'ae  et  Ecclesiae  ordinationi 
rclinqueret, — ita  quod  nos  et  eadem  Ecclesia — ex  officii  nostri  debito 
ad  ipsius  negotii  cogtdtionem, — et  totalem  dccisionem  procedere — ac 
finem  congruum  eidem  imponere  deberemus. — Competenti  super  his 
inquisitione  praehabita  compeinmus,  quod,  etsi  etiam —  denunciatores — 
ad  denunciationes, — ac  dictum  Regem  ad  requisitionem  praedictam  — 
faciendas  objectorum  Veritas,  de  qviibus  certi  non  sumus,  forsitan  non 
movisset :  ipsos  tamen  ad  hoc  praeconcepta  malignitas,  aut  mala  causa 
non  impulit,  sed  bonus,  fiincerus  et  Justus  zelus  ioduxit :  nnde- — denun- 


y  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  13U5— U09. 

cuunc'Il  he  sacrificed  the  Templars  to  the  ambitious  King,''  with- 
out any  sufficient  proof  of  the  guilt  of  the  Order.^ 

ciatores — et  dictum  Regem — extra  omnem  calumniam  fuisse  et  esse, 
ac  bono,  sincere  et  justo  zelo,  ex  fervore  catholicae  fidei  processisse, — 
tenore  praesentium  declaramus. — Quibus  pronunciationibus — factis — 
cum  in  negotio  nieinorato  vellemus  ulterius — procedere, — illi  qui  defeu- 
sioni — dicti  Boniiacii  se — otFerebant,  iiegotium  hujusinodi  in  officii 
nostri  mera  et  libera  potestate  sponte  ac  libere  dimiserunt  :  ac  demum 
praefatus  Rex — pro  se  ac  univcrsis  regnicolis  regni  sui — nostris  in  hac 
parte  requisitionibus  de  abundantia  regalis  clementiae  per  efiectum 
operis  acquievit. — Motum  et  zelnm  dicti  Regis  iu  hac  parte  ex  fervore 
fidei — prodeuntem  non  iramerito  approbantes,  et  sonoris  laudum 
efferentes  praeconiis,  ac  volentes  praefato  Regi  et  suis  adversus  futura 
pei-icula  sic  plene  prospicere, — quod  inclytae  domus  et  regni  Franciae 
fama  Celebris, — nuUis  obloquentium  inorsibus — in  posterum  pateat ; — 
omnes  sententias  latas  ab  honiine  vel  a  jure,  constitutiones,  declara- 
tiones  non  inclusas  in  sexto  libro  Decretalium,  in  quantum  praejudicant, 
vel  possent  praejudicare  bonori,  statui,  juribus  et  libertatibus  dictorum 
Regis  et  regni,  regnicolis  assertoribus,  denunciatoribus,  delatoribus, — 
relaxamus,  revocamus,  irritamus,  annuUamus,  cassaraus. — Et  si  qua 
calumnia,  macula,  sive  nota  ex  praeniissis  denunciationibus, — aut 
quibuscunque  contumeliis,  blaspbemiis  —  eidem  Bonifacio  —  illatis — 
praefato  Regi,  posteritati  suae, — et  denuntiatoribus, — nee  non  et  adju- 
toribus — ex  captione,  insultu  et  aggressione  praediclis — inipingi,  imponi, 
vel  imputari  possent  in  posterum  quoquo  modo  ;  hujusmodi  calumnias, 
notas,  maculas — totaliter  abolemus  et  toUimus. — So  the  decision  of  the 
Council  in  acquittal  of  Boniface  might  be  foreseen  ( Villani  IX.,  c.  22. 
Raynald  ann.  1312.  no.  15.)  On  the  other  hand,  all  passages  offensive 
to  Pliilip  were  obliterated  from  the  Registrum  Bonifacii,  (Raynouard 
monumens  hist,  relatifs  a  la  condamn.  des  Chevaliers  du  Temple  p, 
190  :  a  list  of  these  may  be  seen  in  Raynald  ann,  1311.  no.  32  ss.) 

^  Bernardus  Guido  in  vita  Clementis  (Baluz.  i.  58)  records  that  the 
Pope  in  private  consistorio  on  22.  March  1312  had  decreed  the  sup- 
pression of  the  order,  and  at  the  second  session  of  the  Council  3.  April 
announced  this  decree  praesente  Rege  Franciae  Philippe  cum  tribus 
filiis  suis,  cui  negotium  erat  cordi  (comp.  contin.  chron.  Guil.  de  Nangis 
in  d'Achery  spicil.  iii,  65.)  The  Bull  of  suppression  Ad  providam  (in 
Mansi  XXV.  389.  Rymer-Clarke  II.  i.  167)  is  dated  2.  May  1312. 
Here  we  find  :  Dudum  siquidem  Ordinem  domus  militiae  templi  Hiero- 
solymitaui  propter  magistrum  et  fratres — variis — infandis — obscoenita- 
tibus,  pravitatibus,  maculis  et  labe  respersos, — ejusque  Ordinia  statum, 
habitum  atquj  nomen, — non  per  modum  diffinitivae  senteniiae,  cum 
earn  super  hoc  secuudiun  inquisitiones  et  processus  super  his  habitos 
non  possemus  ferre  de  jure  (to-wit  as  this  Contin.  Guil.  de  Nangis  1.  c. 
declares,  cum  Ordo  ut  Ordo  non  esset  adhuc  convlctus  :  the  acknow- 
ledged crimes  of  individuals  were  regarded  as  proved),  sed  per  viam 
provisionis,  seu  ordinationis  apostolicae,  irrefragabili  et  perpetuo  vali- 
tura   sustulimuB    sanctione.      With   regard   to    the   possessions  of  the 


('{I.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  PULIT.  HIST,   g  y8.  CLEMExM"  V.       9 

Order  it  was  decreed,  uL  Ordini  hospitalis  s,  Joannis  Hierosolymitani — 
in  perpetuum  imirentur  : — exceptis  bonis — Ordinis — consistentibiis  in 
vegnis — Castellae,  Aragoniae,  Portugalliae  et  Majoricaruin  regum 
illustrium  (in  Aragon  the  Order  of  Montesa  founded  in  1317 
received  these  possessions,  in  Portugal  the  Order  of  Christ  founded  in 
1319;  see  Havemann's  Gesch.  d.  Ausgangs  d.  Tempelherrnordens  s.  ■ 
336.  That  the  Order  of  St  John,  notwithstanding  the  payment  of  vast 
sums  over  to  the  Pope  and  King,  still  did  iiot  come  into  possession  of  all 
their  property,  may  be  seen  in  liaynouard  p.  197.  Havemann  S.  333, 
Wilcke  ii.  63.)  It  is  remarkable  that  even  after  this  Papal  Bull  of 
iuippression,  the  Council  of  Tarragona  (10.  Aug.  1312  tf.)  pronounced 
the  Templars  of  this  place  guiltless,  after  a  previous  examination,  and 
decreed  thera  a  maintenance  (Mansi  xxv.  516  :  The  publication  of  the 
minutes  of  this  Council  promised  by  Peter  de  Marca,  was  never  accom- 
plisht.)  The  Grandmaster,  James  of  Molay,  was  sentenced  to  impri- 
sonment for  life  :  When,  however,  he  revoked  his  confession,  he  was 
burnt  to  death  on  11.  March  1314,  together  with  another  chief  of  the 
Order.  (Cont.  ehron.  de  Nangis  in  d'Achery  iii.  67,  Villani  viii.  c. 
92.     Raynouard  p.  205.  ss.) 

8  Some  even  of  the  writers  of  the  day  thought  that  Philip  had  sup- 
prest  the  Order  unjustly  out  of  covetousness,  see  Chronique  de  Godefroy 
de  Paris  in  Buchan  collection  de  chroniques  ix.  221  : 

Dyversement  de  ce  Ton  parle 
Et  au  monde  en  est  grant  bataille  ; 
Mais  je  ne  sais  que  vous  en  die. 
Li  uns  dient  que  par  envie, 
Li  autres  dient  autrement. 

Villani  viii.  c.  92.  Jo.  Boccacius  (j  1375)  de  casibus  vironim  illus- 
trium  (see  Bulaei  hist.  Univ.  Paris,  iv.  110.)  Especially  Albericus 
de  Rosate,  Jurist  about  1350,  in  his  Dictionarium  juris  ed.  Venet. 
I6OI  s.  V.  Templo  :  Templarii  erant  magnus  ordo  in  Ecclesia,  et  erant 
milites  strenui  b.  Marlae.  Et  deslnictus  fuit  ipso  tempore  Clomentis 
Papae  ad  procurationem  Regis  Franciae.  Et,  sicut  audivi  ab  uno  qui 
fuit  examinator  causae  et  testium,  destructus  fuit  contra  justitiam.  Et 
mihi  retulit,  quod  ipse  Clemens  protulit  hoc:  etsi  non  per  viam  justi- 
tiae  possit  destrui,  destruatur  tamen  per  viam  expedientiae,  ne  scan- 
dalizetur  earns  filius  noster  Rex  Franciae.  Thus  also  the  historians, 
F.  Closener  (7  1384  Bibliothek  d.  literar.  Vereins  in  Stuttgard  i.  51 
f.),  Detmar  (1385  Grautoff's  Liibeckische  Chroniken  i.  190),  Anto- 
ninus Florentinus  (j  1459  in  Raynald  ann.  1307  no.  12),  and  Joannes 
Trithemius  (-}-  1517)  maintain  the  injustice  of  the  condemnation  of  the 
Order.  On  the  other  hand  all  French  writers  of  the  14th  and  15th 
centuries,  and  from  the  1 6th  century  onwards  for  a  long  time,  almost 
all  historians  have  taken  for  granted  that  the  guilt  of  the  Templars 
was  proven.  Later  writers  recognize  the  irregularity  of  the  proceed- 
ing :  but  their  opinion  as  to  the  guilt  of  the  Order  is  divided.  Nicolai 
(essay  on  the  charges  brought  against  the  Order  of  Knights  Templars. 


10  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1400. 

Berlin  1782)  was  the  first  to  discover  in  the  idolatry  attributed  to  the 
Templars,  an  esoteric  mystery  of  Gnosticism,  into  which  men  were 
initiated  in  the  three  degrees  of  the  Order  ;  he  explained  Baffometus 
the  supposed  idol  of  the  Templars  to  be  /3a0f)  ^i'-jtovs,  a  gnostic  symbol. 
V.  Hammer  (mysterium  Baphometis  revelatum  in  d.  Fundgruben 
des  Orients  Bd.  6.  st.  1.  Wien  1818)  concluded  from  some  imagery, 
which  he  considered  to  belong  to  the  Temple,  that  the  Templars  were 
Ophites,  and  their  idolatry  a  worship  of  the  powers  of  nature,  especially 
the  power  of  procreation.  Wilcke  Gesch.  des  Tempelherrnordens  i. 
342.  ff.  considers  the  mystery  of  the  Temple,  a  Mahometan  gnosticism, 
Leo  Gesch.  d.  Mittelalters  i.  364  a  frivolous  Deism,  which  secured  the 
secrecy  of  its  followers  by  a  disgraceful  initiation  ;  in  like  manner 
Rehm  Gesch.  d.  Mittelalters  III.  i.  235  and  Schlosser  Weltgesch.  IV. i. 
192  :  Michelet  (Revue  des  deux  mondes  x.  318)  understands  a  sym- 
bolical denial,  an  imitation  of  St  Peter's. — Defenders  of  the  Order  : 
Herder  historic  doubts  on  Nicolai's  book,  &c.  (in  the  deutschen  Mercur 
1782.  March,  &c.,  with  additions  in  Herder's  works  on  philosophy  and 
history,  Carlsruhe  edition  xiii.  266  ;)  Miinter  on  the  principal  charges 
brought  against  the  Order  of  the  Temple  (in  Henke's  neuem  Magazin 
V.  351)  ;  Raynouard  monumens  historiques  relatifs  a  la  condamnation 
des  Chevaliers  du  Temple,  Paris  1813,  and  his  later  treatises  in  refu- 
tation of  Hammer  in  the  Journal  des  Savans  Mars  et  Avril  1819, 
Biblioth.  universelle  x.  327,  xi.  3,  especially  the  note  in  Michaudhist. 
des  croisades  ed.  4.  v.  572  ;  W.  G.  Soldan  iiber  d.  Process  der  Tem- 
pler  (in  Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuche  1845  s.  389;)  W.  Havemann's 
Gesch.  d.  Ausgangs  d.  Tempelherrnordens,  Stuttg.  u.  Tubingen,  1846  ; 
G.  J.  Rooijens  de  Beschuldigingen  tegen  de  Tempelorde  (in  Kist  en 
Royaards  nederlandseh  Archief  voor  kerkelijke  Geschiedenis  vii.  5.) 
It  cannot  but  be  allowed,  that  Philip  desired  the  condemnation  of  the 
Templars  from  ambition  and  self-interest,  and  compelled  the  Pope  to 
this  measure ;  that  the  confessions  of  the  Templars  are  as  unworthy 
of  belief,  as  all  others  extorted  by  torture  in  the  inquisitorial 
trials  of  the  day :  that  many  Templars  under  torture  had  con- 
fest  what  was  manifestly  false  and  preposterous  (thus  two  stated 
at  Alais,  that  the  Devil  appeared  as  a  cat,  and  fiends  as  women 
in  their  chapters,  that  the  cat  and  an  idol-head  had  spoken,  Me- 
nard hist,  de  Nismcs,  i.,  Preuves  p.  211,  212);  that  the  Templars 
who  confest  at  first,  could  not  revoke  their  confession  even  before  the 
Papal  commission  of  enquiry  without  fear  of  being  burnt  alive  as  re- 
lapsed (for  the  Papal  commissaries  declared  repeatedly,  e.g.  Michelet 
proces  des  Ternpliere  p.  43,  quod  non  intromittebant  se  de  facto  singu- 
larium  personarum,  sed  de  facto  ordinis,  corap.  p.  28,  accordingly  they 
delivered  over  all  proceedings  against  individuals  to  the  customary 
inquisitors) ;  and  that  in  fine  many  depositions  of  the  Templars,  which 
assert  their  innocence,  carry  with  them  a  high  degree  of  moral-proba- 
bility (e.g.  Amerius  de  Villaribus  in  Michelet  p.  276,  Johannes  de 
Pollencourt  p.  369.)  But  on  the  other  side  the  following  considerations 
also  must  be  thrown  into  the  scale.  1.  Of  all  who  confest,  by  far  the 
greater  number  acknowledge  only  the  denial  of  Christ,  and  in  spite  of 
all  torture  repel  the  rest  of  the  charges.     Thus  Gerardus  de    Pasagio 


Cil.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  POLPr.  HIST.  §  98.  CLEMENT  V.    H 

(Michelet  p.  212)  confesses  the  denial,  says  that  on  this  account  he  had 
retired  from  the  order  five  years  before,  hut  he  pleads  innocent  of 
sodomy  and  idolatry,  and  says,  p.  218,  quod  propter  dictos  articulos, 
quia  non  confitebatur  eos  coram  baylico  regio  Matisconensi,  fuit  quaes- 
tionatus  ponderibus  appensis  in  genitalibus  suis  et  in  aliis  membris 
quasi  usque  ad  exaniinationem. —  2,  Many  declare  tliat  they  had 
already  made  confession  of  this  denial  to  priests,  who  did  not  belong  to 
the  order ;  they  mention  their  names,  and  give  their  expressions,  and 
the  penances  which  they  had  imposed  upon  them,  comp.  Michelet  p. 
273,  303,  361,  523,  52(3,  528,  533,  545.-3.  Baldoynus  de  s.  Justo, 
Praeceptor,  says  in  Michelet  p.  241,  that  he  vi  et  metu  tormentorum 
confessus  fuit  plura  coram  ipsis  Px'aedicatoribus  quam  postea  Parisius 
coram  domino  Episcopo, — et  plus  quam  non  deponat  coram  dominis 
coramissariis.  Still  he  continued  to  acknowledge  the  denial ;  he  be- 
lieved, however,  p.  244,  quod  abnegationes  ab  aliquibus  et  in  aliquibus 
locis  fierent,  sicut  ipse  fecit : — scit  tamen  bene,  ut  dixit,  quod  in  aliqui- 
bus locls  non  fiebant  dictae  abnegationes. — 4.  Others  who  were  not 
Templars  asserted,  that  even  before  the  investigation,  intimations  had 
been  given  to  them  by  fi-iends  of  their  own  who  were  Templars,  of 
secret  abominations  in  the  order,  without  any  more  accurate  statement. 
Thus  Radulphus  de  Praellis  in  Michelet  p.  175,  Antonius  Syci  de 
Vercellis,  public  notary,  p.  644. —  5.  The  Grandmaster  and  several 
officers  of  high  rank,  who  must  have  retained  a  lively  sense,  that  it  was 
their  especial  duty  to  defend  the  honour  of  their  order,  who  also  as 
knights  were  accustomed  to  look  death  in  the  face,  confess  directly  and 
repeatedly,  but  only  to  the  denial.  The  after- declaration  of  the 
Grandmaster  before  the  Papal  commission,  by  no  means  contradicts,  as 
has  been  often  supposed,  his  former  confessions.  When  the  Bull  Fa- 
ciens  miser icordiam,  and  in  it  his  deposition  taken  down  before  the 
Cardinals,  was  read  over  to  him  (Michelet  p.  34),  producendo  bis  sig- 
num  crucis  coram  facie  sua  et  in  aliis  signis  praetendere  videbatur,  se 
esse  valde  stupefactum  de  his,  quae  continebantur  super  praedicra  con- 
fessione  sua  et  aliis  in  literis  apostolicis  supradictis,  dicens  inter  alia, 
quod  si  dicti  domini  commissarii  fuissent  alii,  quibus  liceret  hoc  audire, 
ipse  diceret  aliud.  Et  cum  fuisset  responsum  eidem  per  dictos  dominos 
commissaries,  quod  ipsi  non  erant  ad  recipiendum  vadium  duelli,  sub- 
junxit  dictus  Magister,  quod  non  intendebat  diceredehoc,  sed  placeret 
Deo,  quod  illud  quod  observatur  a  Saracenis  et  Tartaris  observaretur 
contra  tales  perversos  in  hoc  casu,  nam  dicti  Saraceni  et  Tartari  abscin- 
dunt  caput  perversis  inventis,  vel  scindunt  eos  per  medium.  He  does 
not  here  declare  that  the  statements  with  regard  to  his  former  avowals 
were  false,  but  his  reproaches  are  aimed  against  the  Commissaries 
before  whom  he  was  standing.  His  avowal  was  employed  as  evidence 
of  the  guilt  of  the  order,  and  the  Commissaries  explained  to  him,  that 
their  investigation  was  concerned  only  with  the  guilt  of  the  order,  not 
with  that  of  individuals  :  he  however  had  expected  that  the  guilt  of 
individuals  Avould  be  punisht,  but  the  innocence  of  the  order  be  recog- 
nized. With  this  end  in  view,  he  demanded  the  assistance  of  counsel, 
which  he  as  well  as  many  other  Templars  desired  for  this  purpose  ;  he 
did  not  I'equire  it  for  the  explanation  of  his  own  confession.     Accord- 


12  THIUU  I'EKIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.   1305—1409. 

ingly  as  a  tniles  illiteratiis  Le  decliiied  the  defence  of  the  order  (p.  42), 
but  he  recalled  to  their  recollection  its  deserts  at  the  hands  of  the 
Church.  Also  the  last  words  of  jMolay  before  his  death,  with  regard 
to  which,  at  any  rate,  we  can  look  for  no  more  trustworthy  statement, 
neither  in  Villani  (Muratori  scriptt.  xiii.  430)  nor  elsewhere,  are  to  be 
explained  hy  his  grief  at  the  disgraceful  end  of  his  oi'der,  and  besides 
at  the  fact  that  he  had  been  made  to  contribute  to  it  by  his  confession  : 
accordingly  he  refused  to  repeat  his  confession,  and  asserted  the  inno- 
cence of  the  order. — 6,  It  has  been  concluded  from  the  manner  of  the 
suppression,  that  Clement  acknowledged  the  innocence  of  the  order,  but 
could  not  escape  from  Philip's  importunity.  However,  it  is  much  more 
consistent  with  the  foregoing  circumstances  to  conjecture,  that  the 
Pope  wisht  to  avoid  a  public  inquiiy  and  condemnation,  !>y  means  of 
which  the  hidden  abominations  existing  in  the  order,  would  have  been 
brought  to  light  in  an  incontrovertible  manner,  because  it  might  easily 
exercise  an  unwholesome  influence  upon  public  opinion  with  regard  to 
all  ecclesiastical  orders. — Accordingly,  we  must  believe  that  the  charge 
of  apostacy  was  better  grounded  than  the  other  charges  brought 
against  the  order.  It  is  in  the  highest  degree  probable,  that  it  was  a 
common  occurrence  in  the  order,  that  sometimes  immediately  after  the 
statutory  initiation,  sometimes  after  an  interval,  the  initiated  person 
was  required,  either  by  one  officer,  generally  the  officiator  at  the  cere- 
mony, or  by  more  than  one,  commonly  Avithout  further  witnesses,  to 
deny  Christ  and  spit  upon  the  cross.  Stephen  of  Stapelbrugge  states 
for  this  reason  (Cone.  Magnae  Brit.  ii.  383) :  duae  sunt  professiones  in 
Ordine  Templi,  prima  licita  et  bona,  et  secunda  est  contra  fidem  : 
Geraldus  de  Causso  in  Michelet  p.  379,  and  Matthaeus  de  Tilleyo  p. 
358,  describe  both  forms  of  admission  with  the  greatest  minuteness.  It 
was  given  as  the  reason  for  the  denial  of  Christ,  that  it  was  de 
punctis  Ordinis  (Michelet  p.  222,  475),  quod  ita  servabatur  in  Ordine 
(p.  194),  quia  sic  erat  in  Ordine  consuetum  '(p.  335.)  On  the  other 
hand  tlie  brethren  were  very  far  from  taking  this  in  earnest :  the  cross 
which  they  denied  was  afterwards  regarded  with  the  greatest  reverence 
by  the  initiator  and  the  initiated  (p.  361) :  all  the  Templars  who  avow 
the  denial,  assert  at  the  same  time  tlieir  orthodoxy,  and  declare  that 
they  believe  their  brethren  also  to  be  orthodox.  When  Egidius  de 
Rotangi  refused  the  denial  (p.  464)  quia  erat  bonus  Christianus,  the 
initiator  answered  him  :  talem  vos  reputamus  et  esse  volumus,  sed  oportet 
vos  abnegare,  quia  hoc  est  de  punctis  Ordinis  nostri.  To  an  initiated 
surprised  by  the  denial  another  Templar  declares  it  to  be  pro  trufa  (p. 
510.)  On  the  other  side,  many  who  had  themselves  denied  Christ,  assert 
that  the  denial  was  not  universal  in  the  order  ;  so  Baldoynus  de  s.  Justo 
p.  244,  see  above,  Geraldus  de  Causso  p.  392,  Guido  Delphini  p.  415, 
Therefore  Ponzardus  de  Gysiaco,  p.  3(),  denies,  ipsum  Ordinem  abne- 
gare  Jesum  Christum  et  spuere  super  crucem  :  the  Order  was  guiltless, 
though  some  members  were  guilty.  With  regard  to  the  origin  of  this 
evil  custom  no  satisfactory  information  is  furnisht  by  the  minutes. 
The  serving  brother  Mattheus  de  Tilleyo  (Michelet  p'.  361)  believed 
that  the  denial  was  required  of  him,  ut  esset  eis  (superioribus)  magis 
subjectus  ct  in  majorem  confusionem  suam,  si  vellet  erigere  se  contra 


t'H.  I.—PAl'ACY  LN  ia7a.-  I.  ['(.(LIT.  HIST,  g  'JS.  (  LEME^T  V.      1^ 

superiorem  suum.  i^ut  this  gives  us  no  clue  to  the  i-euson  for  its  first 
introduction.  Probably  some  Arabian  clianns,  vvhicli  were  supposed  to 
make  men  victorious  and  strong,  but  wliich  had  no  effect  upon  a  man 
unless  he  renounced  his  allegiance  to  Christ  by  denial,  were  known  to 
many  Christian  knights  during  the  Crusades,  and  were  appropriated 
especially  by  the  ambitious  Templars,  always  on  the  understanding 
that  they  would  afterwards  be  able  to  reconcile  themselves  to  the 
Church  in  time  enough  for  the  salvation  of  their  souls.  The  unfortu- 
nate issue  of  the  Crusades  was  frequently  ascribed  to  the  magic  arts  of 
the  Saracens.  Even  a  Roger  Bacon  Opus  majus  ed.  Jebb.  p.  253. 
writes  :  Et  ideo  Tartar!  procedunt  in  omnibus  per  viam  astronomiac,  et 
in  praevisione  futurorum  et  in  operibus  sapientiae.  Cujus  signum 
est  evidens,  quod  cum  sit  gens  habens  parvos  ct  debiles  homines, — ^jaiu 
totam  latitudinem  mundi  prostraverunt. — Similiter  Saraceni  multum 
utuntur  astronomia,  et  sciunt  sapientes  inter  eos  facere  haec  opera. — 
Et  nisi  Ecclesia  occurrat  per  sancta  consilia  ad  impediendum  et  dcstru- 
enduin  opera  hujusmodi,  aggravabitur  intolerabiliter  fiagellis  Chris- 
tianorum. —  Si  igitur  Christiani  scirent  haec  opera  auctoritate  papali 
facienda  ad  impedienda  mala  Christianorum  satis  esset  laudabile,  et  non 
solum  propter  mala  repellenda,  sed  ad  promoticnem  quorunicunque  uti- 
lium.  This  opinion  naturally  took  a  rude  form  among  rude  soldiers.  The 
Sirvente  of  the  Troubadour,  le  Chevalier  du  Temple,  Part  2.  §.  5G.  note 
23.  shows  with  how  great  resentment  the  Knights  Templars  regarded 
the  fruitlessness  of  their  efforts  in  Palestine.  Christ  seemed  to  sleep,  the 
great  wizard  Wahoinet  to  rule  alone,  so  whoever  wishes  for  good  luck 
and  success  must  borrow  of  him.  The  rude  soldiers,  as  Bacon  will  have 
it,  were  too  much  wanting  in  education  to  adopt  the  mjsterious  sciences 
of  the  Saracens ;  but  they  found  among  them  certain  charms  and 
talismans  to  keep  them  unwounded  and  victorious  in  battle,  to  win 
them  kingdom,  honour  and  might,  and  so  forth,  the  use  of  which  was 
easily  learnt  (with  reference  to  the  magic  of  this  age  see  the  Bull  of  John 
XXII.,  Super  illius  specula  in  the  Bullarium  Romanum,  Meiner's  com- 
parison of  the  manners  of  the  middle  ages  with  those  of  our  century, 
iii.  182  :  The  advantage  of  the  Order,  wliich  they  had  been  long 
wont  to  prefer  even  to  the  interest  of  the  Church  (Part  2.  §.  72.  note 
13.)  covered  the  giult.  That  the  Templars  were  often  united  in  very 
close  connection  with  Mahometan  princes  is  well  known.  Frederick  II. 
relates,  that  two  Sultans  were  received  into  one  stronghold  of  the  Tem- 
plars and  allowed  to  celebrate  their  worship.  (Part  2.  quoted  above.) 
Afterwards  a  Praeceptor  in  Sidon  had  concluded  a  treaty  of  alliance 
with  the  Sultan  of  Babylon,  with  the  ceremony  of  mutually  drinking 
each  other's  blood  (Michelet  p.  645.)  The  denial  of  Christ  may  have 
been  a  preparation  for  the  reception  of  a  magic  charm  which  perhaps 
consisted  in  the  peculiar  fashion  of  the  lace  (Schnur)  which  the  Tem- 
plars wore.  After  the  close  of  the  war  the  tradition  of  the  magic 
charm  was  lost,  but  the  denial  was  retained  in  a  large  part  of  the 
Order,  for  those  who  had  themselves  denied  Christ  found  some  relief 
under  their  guilt  in  imposing  it  as  a  custom  of  the  Order  upon  those 
who  were  admitted.  In  consequence  of  this  one  impious  custom,  the 
mysterious  i*ites,  as  they  were  then  practised  in  many  societies  upon 


14  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

Clement  seemed  to  wish  to  recompense  himself  for  these  con- 
cessions to  France  by  an  extension  of  his  power  abroad.  Against 
Venice,  with  which  he  had  begmi  a  quarrel  about  the  possession 
of  Ferrara  (1308),^  he  launcht  with  ghastly  imprecations  the 
ecclesiastical  Ban,  blended  with  secular  outlawry  in  a  manner 
hitlierto  unheard  of  (1309).^"  From  this  the  Republic  could 
obtain  absolution  only  by  submission  (1313).^^  He  demeaned 
himself  no  less  imperiously  towards  the  German  monarch  Henry 
VII.^^     When  this  young  and  gallant  Prince,  on  his  progress 


novices,  might  easily  assume  an  impious  form,  and  gradually  be 
accepted  by  many  in  real  earnest.  Tbus  may  the  filthy  kisses,  which 
next  to  the  denial  were  most  frequently  avowed,  be  easily  accounted 
for.  Thus  also  the  charge  that  the  Order  enjoined  sodomy,  the  frequent 
representation  of  two  Templars  upon  one  horse,  furnisht  their  coarse 
wit  with  a  handle  for  this  assertion ;  and  thus  the  tale  of  the  head  of 
Mahomet  into  which  what  was  originally  a  metal  saint's  head  with 
relics,  such  as  are  still  found  sometimes  upon  (Roman)  Catholic  altars, 
may  have  been  misinterpreted  by  military  profaneness.  That  the 
apparition  of  fiends  in  the  chapters  was  afterwards  added  by  popular 
superstition  is  self-evident. 

^  cf.  Raynald.  ann.  1308  no.  14.  Le  Bret  Staatsgesch.  der  Republik 
Venedig  i.  672. 

^^  Raynaldus  ann.  1309  no.  6.  is  ashamed  to  communicate  in  full  the 
judiciarum  edictmn  die  coenae  Dora,  consignatum^  and  only  gives  a 
report  of  it :  Ni  parerent,  sacrorum  usu  et  commercio  publico  Vene- 
torum  omnem  ditionem  privavit :  inussit  infamiae  notam  magistratibus, 
legum  et  judiciorum  beneficio  privatos  pronunciavit,  viros  ecclesiasticos 
abire  ditione  Veneta  jussit,  exceptis  iis,  qui  baptismalia  infantibus  et 
morituris  confesssionis  sacra  conferrent.  Demum  si  in  coeptis  persta- 
rent,  praefixo  ad  veniam  poscendam  tempore,  ducem  insignibus  ducalibus 
exuendum,  et  omnes  Venetorum  fortunas  fisco  addicendas,  Regumque 
in  eos  imploranda  arma  pronunciavit,  donee  Ferrariam  Ecclesiae  resti- 
tuissent.  Besides  there  is  also  the  determination  (ibid,  no  7.)  Venetos 
in  servitutem  addictos,  occupantibus  bona  dii'eptioni  sive  in  Italia  sive 
in  Graecia  exposita,  and  the  injunction  on  all  princes  and  bishops  to 
spoil  and  enslave  the  Venetians  found  in  their  dominions. 

11  Raynald.  ann.  1313.  no.  31  ss.     Le  Bret  i.  707. 

12  Henry  had  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Pope  in  1309  with  full  powers 
(Raynald  ad  h.  a.  no.  10.),  devotionem  et  filialem  reverentiam,  quam 
erga  vos  et  sacrosanctam  Romanam  Ecclesiam — gerimus,  exponendi, 
— nee  non — praestandi  in  animam — nostram  debitae  vobis  et  s.  Romanae 
Ecclesiae  fidelitatis,  et  cujuslibet  alterius  generis  juramentum,  et  spe- 
cialiter  ad  petendum  a  vobis  unctionem,  consecrationem  et  coronam 
Imperii  de  sacratissimis  manibus  vestris  nobis  impendendum  etc.     The 


CH.  1.- PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  98.  CLEMENT  V.      15 

to  Rome  (1310  ss.)  vindicating  once  more  the  long  forgotten 
imperial  rights  in  Italy,^^  acted  against  Robert,  King  of  Naples, 
who  immediately  met  him  -with  hostilities,  as  against  a  vassal ; 
the  Pope  was  not  satisfied  with  merely  asserting  his  own  feudal 
superiority  over  Sicily,  but  also  ventured,  at  the  same  time 
erecting  the  Papal  right  of  universal  monarchy  in  opposition  to 
the  Imperial  claim  fomided  on  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
Roman  Jurists,^'*  to  desire  to  mediate  peace  as  between  two 
conflicting  vassals. ^^  Henry's  firmness  gave  reason  to  expect  a 
remarkable  struggle,^^  when   sudden  death   carried  him  off  at 

oath  taken  by  them  in  Henry's  name  (Raynald  1.  c.  no.  12),  is 
remarkably  suggestive  at  the  beginning  of  the  oath  of  fealty  in  use  at 
the  time  (comp.  Pai't  1.  §  23.  note  11) :  Nos — vobis  sanctissimo  Palri 
— vice  et  nomine — nostri  Regis,  et  in  aniraam  ipsius  promittimus,  et 
juramus, — quod  nunquam  vitam  aut  membra,  neque  ipsum  honorem 
quem  habetis,  sua  voluntate,  aut  suo  consensu,  aut  suo  consilio,  aut  sua 
exhortatione  perdetis  ;  et  in  Roma  nullum  placitum  aut  ordinationem 
faciet  de  omnibus,  quae  ad  vos  pertinent  aut  Romanos,  sine  vestro  con- 
siHo  et  consensu  etc. 

^^  Olenschlager's  Staatsgescbicbte  des  Rom.  Kaisertbums  in  der 
ersten  Halftedes  14ten  Jahrh.  Frankf.  a.  M.  1755.  4.  Der  Romerzug 
Konig  Heiurichs  v.  Liitselburg,  v.  F.  W.  Barthold  2  Th.  Konigsb. 
1830.  31.  Acta  Henrici  VII.  Imp.  primum  luci  dedit  Gu.  Doenniges 
P.  II.  Berol.  1839.  4.  W.  Donniges  Kritik  d.  Quellen  fur  die  Gesch. 
Heinrichs  VII.  Berlin  1841. 

^*  See  Part  2.  §  52.  note  11.  §  54.  note  4.  At  this  period  (not  first 
under  Lewis  the  Bavarian)  Dante  Alighieri  defended  this  claim  in  his 
Monarchia  lib.  iii.  (in  S.  Schardii  syntagma  tractatuum  de  imperiali 
jurisdictione,  Basil.  1566  and  Argent.  1609  fol.  p.  80),  when  he 
endeavoured  to  prove,  Monarcbam  Romanum  de  jure  esse  Monarcham 
mundi,  et  immediate  a  Deo  dependere,  non  ab  aliquo  Dei  vicario  vel 
ministro,  quem  Petri  successorem  intelligo.  Henry  himself  decidedly 
asserted  this  idea  in  a  law  issued  at  Pisa  in  1312  ( Extra vagantes,  quas 
nonnulli  xi.  Collationem  appellant.  Tit.  I.  at  the  end  of  the  Codex 
Justin.) :  divina  praecepta,  quibus  jubetur,  quod  omnis  anima  Roma- 
norum  Principi  sit  subjecta. 

^^  Clement  wrote  to  Henry  and  Robert  (Raynald  ann.  1312  no.  44), 
quod  cum  ipsi  Reges,  ejusdem  Ecclesiae  specialissimi  filii,  sibi  jura- 
mento  fidelitatis  et  alias  multipliciter  essent  adstricti,  ipsius  Ecclesiae 
debeant  esse  promptissimi  defensores.  Henry  on  the  other  side  caused 
a  declaration  to  be  made  in  a  public  instrument,  se  non  fore  cuiquara 
ad  juramentum  fidelitatis  adstrictum. 

1^  When  Nicolaus,  Ep.  Botrontinensis,  who  bad  accompanied  the 
Emperor  so  far,  warned  him  at  leave-taking  (cf.  ejusd.  relatio  de 
Henrici  itinere  Italico  in  Baluzii  PP.  Aven.  ii.  1228,  and  in  Bdhmer's 


K;  THFRI)  ]M<:R1<)D.— DIV.  IV.— A. U.  i;jn5  -14Uit. 

Buonconveiito   in   tlie   territory   of  Siena    (24.    Aug.    1313):'' 

foiites  rerum  Germ.  i.  136),  quod  caveret  suniivic  de  oecasione  qua- 
cumque,  per  qiiam  Eeclesia  Homana  haberet  causani  ipsum  offeiidendi 
directe  vel  iiidirecte,  the  Emperor  answered  rideiido  et  quasi  me 
comtortans :  ^>itis  consolalus.  Nos  audivimus  consilium  nostrorum 
Clericorum  juratorum,  utrum  defendendo  nos  Deum  oft'endamus,  ct 
utrum  teneamur  facere  justitiain  et  delinquentes  punire :  ex  quo  Deum 
non  oftendimus  praedicta  facieado,  sed  magis  oli'endereuius  ipsum  con- 
trarium  facientes.  Whea  the  Legate  announced  to  him  that  in  case  of 
an  invasion  of  Naples  Papa  excommunicatum  vos  denunciabit,  et  postea 
procedct  ad  vesti'am  depositionem,  sicut  factum  fuit  de  Frederico,  qui 
fuit  ditior,  nobilior,  et  potentior  ct  minores  rebelles  habuit,  et  plures 
amicos,  tamen  finalicer  Eeclesia  ipsum  destruxit  ;  then  he  answered  : 
Si  Deus  pro  nobis,  nee  dominus  Papa,  nee  Eeclesia  destruet  nos,  ex 
quo  Deum  non  offendimus.  The  Ban  did  not  follow  till  Aug.  6.  1313 
(Raynald  ad  h.  a.  no.  22.)  a  few  days  before  the  Emperor's  death. 

^^  According  to  common  report  he  died  of  poison,  which  is  supposed 
to  have  been  administered  to  him  by  the  Dominican  Bernardino  of  Mon- 
tepulciano  in  the  Lord's  Supper.  True,  the  Italian  historians  of  the 
time  mostly  allow  him  to  have  died  of  disease  (Albertinus  Mussatus, 
the  Dominican  Ptolemaeus  Lucensis,  Ferretus  Vicentinus,  Giov.  Vil- 
lani\  and  some  contradict  expressly  the  tale  of  the  poi.soning  :  only 
Giovanni  di  Lelrao,  likewise  a  contemporary,  in  his  Chronicle  of  S. 
Miniato  (in  Lamii  deliciae  Eruditorum,  Florent.  1740  p.  106.)  records 
it  in  plain  language.  On  the  other  hand  among  the  German  retainers 
of  the  Emperor  the  story  was  generally  believed  ;  and  from  this  circle 
the  author  of  the  Gesta  Balduiui  lib.  ii.  c.  17.  (GestaTrevir.  ed.  Miiller 
et  Wyttenbach  ii.  230),  who  was  closely  connected  with  the  Emperor's 
brother,  Baldwin  Archbishop  of  Treves,  reports  it  in  a  decided  and 
circumstantial  manner  (viz.  postea  sui  prudentissimi  intelligentes  medici 
ipsum  nulla  infii-mitate  alia,  quam  intoxicationis  materia  graviter 
laborare,  sibi  indicarunt,  devotissime  supplicarunt,  quod  banc  intoxica- 
tionis matcriam  sineret  eos  per  inferendum  sibi  vomitum  radicitus 
revocare.  Quibus  fertur  respondisse  :  malo  migrando  ad  Dorainum 
diem  claudere  extremura,  quam  generare  scandalum  in  sacrum  domini- 
cum  et  detrimentum  Christianorum) ;  and  Henry  high-steward  of 
Diessenhofen,  canon  of  Constance,  and  chaplain  to  Pope  John  XXII., 
states  in  his  additions  to  Ptolemaeus  Lucensis  (comp.  Doeen  in  Biichler's 
u.  Diimge's  Archiv  d.  Gesellsehaft  f  altere  deutsche  Geschichtskunde 
ii.  26) :  intoxicatus  fuit  per  quondam  Fratrem  de  Ordine  Praedicatorum 
in  speciebus  corporis  Christi,  ut  a  suis  audivi,  qui secum  fuerunt.  Thus 
all  the  German  chronicles  of  the  14th  cent,  and  many  poems  (Roman- 
tiae,  chrouicae  et  cantilenae  ac  moteti,  in  vorgebl.  Diplome  des  Konigs 
Johann  v.  Bohmen)  record  this  story  of  the  poisoning ;  in  some  it  is 
further  stated  that  the  instigators  of  the  poisoning  were  the  Pope  and 
certain  Italian  towns  (Closener  S.  52)  or  only  the  towns  hostile  to  the 
Emperor  (Vitoduranus  p.  20 \  or  Engerannus  de  Marigny,  thesaurarius 
regis    Franciae  (Chron.  Corn.  Zantfliet  in   Martene   et  Durand   ampl. 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  POLIT.  HLST.  §  98.  CLEMENT  V.      17 
and  now  Clement  could  publish  the  new  doctrine  of"  a  Papal 


coUectio  V.  163.)  The  Dominican  order  afterwards  endeavoured  to 
clear  itself  of  this  disgrace  by  evidence,  for  instance  by  the  evidence  of 
John  King  of  Bohemia,  son  of  the  Emperor  Henry  :  This  evidence 
however  was  first  brought  forward  in  Ilernianni  Korneri,  a  Dominican 
at  Lubeck  about  1438,  Chronica  novella  (in  Eccardi  corp.  historic,  mod. 
aevi  ii.  984),  who  had  discovered  it  in  manuscript  in  the  archives  of 
his  monastery.  In  the  17th  century  it  w^as  pubHsht  from  the  Domini- 
can archives  at  Luxembui'g  in  Bertelii  histor.  Luxemb.  p.  49,  from 
those  at  Verdun  in  Baluzii  miscell.  i.  162.  As  it  is  now  quite 
incredible  that  the  originals  being  of  such  vast  importance  to  the 
Dominicans,  should  have  been  lost,  and  that  these  witnesses  should  not 
have  been  brought  forward  in  the  14th  cent.,  if  they  had  been  in  exis- 
tence ;  so,  besides,  their  spuriousuess  is  manifested  even  by  the  difference 
of  the  copies  from  each  other.  The  evidence  of  John  of  Bohemia  is 
dated  1326  in  one  copy,  in  the  other  1346,  and,  nevertheless,  is 
authenticated  in  K6i*ner  by  John  Bishop  of  Strasburg  in  1314.  The 
way  in  which  these  evidences  arose  is  explained  by  a  passage  of  a 
manuscript  in  the  Vatican  Library,  Avhich  Hofler  (Miinchener  gel. 
Anz.  Febr.  1846  s.  222)  contributes.  After  the  mention  of  a  report 
of  poisoning,  it  proceeds :  Quod  tamen  falsum  esse  asseruit  illustrissi- 
mixs  Rex  Bohemiae,  Heinrici  praefati  Iniperatoris  filius,  plenissime 
Praedicatorem  habens  excusatum.  Similiter  illustrissima  domina 
Beatrix  praefati  Imperatoris  genitrix  vivae  vocis  oraculo  excusat 
publice  coram  civibus  Metensibus  intra  Missarum  solemuia  praedictum 
confessorera  cum  multis  aliis,  quod  Imperatori  erat  cordatissimus ; 
omnes  Imperatorem  affirmant  sine  omni  suspicione  toxici  natural! 
morte  quiete  vitam  finivisse.  Quae  omnia  publice  praedicari  praecepit 
Episcopus  Johannes  Argentinensis  in  eadcm  dioecesi,  de  quibus  literae 
sunt  sane  sigillatae  in  conventu  Ordinis  Praedicatorum  in  Niirenberga. 
Thus  at  first  a  document  from  John  Bishop  of  Strasbvn-g  was  shewn, 
in  which  this  evidence  was  stated  as  given  by  word  of  mouth  ;  after- 
wards the  evidence  of  John  King  of  Bohemia  and  others,  was  drawn  up 
in  writing,  which  must  have  been  authenticated  by  John  Bishop  of 
Strasburg.  —  The  question  whether  Henry  was  poisoned  could  only 
have  been  solved  by  an  enquiry  instituted  immediately  after  his  death, 
but  now  it  cannot  be  decided  at  all.  As  it  was  wrong  to  maintain 
the  affirmative,  first  out  of  hatred  to  the  order,  with  a  view  to  make  the 
misdeed  of  an  individual  member  the  crime  of  the  entire  society,  after- 
wards to  be  employed  in  the  Protestant  controversy  against  the  (Roman) 
Catholic  clergy  (see  especially  Mart.  Dieffenbach  de  vero  mortis  genere, 
ex  quo  Henricus  VII.  Imp.  obiit.  Francof.  1685.  4.)  so  neither  does 
it  admit  of  absolute  denial  with  Barthold  (Riimerzug  K.  Heinrichs  v. 
LiitzelburgTh.  2  Beil.  S.  3)  and  Bohmer  (Regesta Imperii  from  1246— 
1313  S.  311.)  Either  way  it  is  a  fact  of  less  historical  importance, 
whether  the  Dominican  did  commit  this  crime  or  not,  than,  that 
general  opinion  in  Germany  attributed  it  to  him  with  great  consistency, 
and  in  part  even  accused  the  Pope  of  instigating  the  deed. 

VOL.  IV.  B 


18  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

sovereignty  over  the  Imperial  power,  in  a  solemn  BuU,^^  dated 
21.  Marcli  1314,  wathout  encountering  any  immediate  resistance. 


§99. 

JOHN  XXTI.  (7.  AUG.  1316—4.  DEC.  1334.) 

After  a  long,  interrupted,  and  stormy  election,^  John  XXII. 
became  Pope ;  notwithstanding  his  former  promise,  he  likewise 

^^  In  the  first  place  he  repealed  the  sentence  of  outlawry  pronounced 
by  Henry  upon  Robert,  by  the  Bull  Pastoralis  (Clementin.  lib.  ii.  tit. 
xi.  c.  2  :  the  antient  text  is  in  Doenniges  acta  Henrici  vii.  ii.  241. 
cf.  praef.  p.  xlii.),  not  only  because  the  King,  as  noster  et  Ecclesiae 
Romanae — notorie  subditus  horaoque  ligius  et  vasallus,  was  not  subject 
to  the  Emperor,  but  also  tarn  ex  superioritate,  quam  ad  Imperium  non 
est  dubium  nos  habere,  quam  ex  potestate,  in  qua,  vacante  Imperio, 
Imperatori  succedimus,  et  nihiloniinus  ex  illius  plenitudine  potestatis, 
quaxii  Christus — nobis — in  persona  b.  Petri  concessit.  These  two  bold 
assertions  were  again  vindicated  in  two  special  Bulls.  The  first  (Cle- 
mentin. lib.  ii.  tit.  is.  :  the  antient  text  is  in  Doenniges  ii.  237  cf. 
praef.  1.  c.)  Romani  Principes — non  reputaverunt  indignum, — Romano 
Pontifici,  a  quo  approbationem  personae,  ad  imperialis  celsitudinis 
apicem  assumendae,  nee  non  unctionem,  consecrationem,  et  Imperii 
coronam  accipiunt,  se  adstringere  vinculo  juramenti.  Then,  as  Henry 
had  denied  that  this  juramentum  was  an  oath  of  fealty ;  nos, — ne  quis 
in  Romanum  assumptus  Principem,  vel  in  posterum  assumendus, 
an  juramentum  hujusmodi — fidelitatis  rationabiliter  dici  possit,  in 
dubitationem  ducere  audeat,  vel  super  hoc  contrarium  adstruere  veritati : 
auctoritate  apostolica  de  fratrum  nostrorum  consilio — declaramus,  illud 
juramentum  fidelitatis  existere  ac  censeri  debere.  The  other  dd.  ii.  Id. 
Mart.  1314  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  2)  ad  Robertum  Regem  Sicil. : 
Nos,  ad  quos  Romani  vacantis  Imperii  rognum  pertinere  dignoscitur, 
attendentes,  quam  avide  Italiae  partes,  praesertim  quae  ad  Imperium 
ipsum  pertinent,  rectoi'em  exigant, — Te  de  fratrum  nostrorum  consilio 
in  partibus  ipsis — vicarium  in  temporalibus  usque  ad  sedis  apostolicae 
beneplacitum  constituimus  generalem  etc. 

^  Compare  the  contemporary  Joannes  Canonicus  s.  Victoris  in  vita 
Joannis  XXTI.  (Baluzii  PP.  Aven.  i.  113)  :  Cardinales  apud  Carpen- 
tras,  ut  de  pa'store  providerent  Ecclesiae,  convenerunt.  Sed  eftusa  est 
contentio  super  Principes,  nee  poterant  concordare.  Italici  talem  eligere 
intendebant,  qui  ad  Romanam  sedem  curiam  revocaret.  Quod  Cardi- 
nales Gascones  facere  formidabant :  quia  cum  sui  de  Gasconia  Italicis 
multas  injurias  irrogassent,  certi  erant,  quod  si  in  manibus  Romanorum 
inciderent,  aequipoUentiam  sustinerent.  Fuerunt  ergo  diu  in  v  tali 
discordia,  licet  inclusi  multa  incommoda  sustinerent,  quia  cibariaeorum 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  HIST,  g  UO.  .JOHN  XXII.       Jt) 

abode  at  Avignon.^  Dependent  upon  France  and  haughty 
towards  the  Empire,  as  his  predecessor,  he  quickly  found,  in  the 
contested  imperial  election,^  between  Lewis  of  Bavaria  and 
Frederick  of  Austria,  a  favourable  opportunity  for  vindicating 
the  newly  devised  sovereignty  of  the  Pope  over  the  Imperial 
throne.  He  secretly  connived  at  the  contest  between  the  two 
candidates  for  the  crown,  that  in  the  meantime  he  niight  rule  as 
an  arrogant  viceroy,  especially  in  Italy,*  and  afterwards  hand 

subtrahebantur,  et  domus  eorum  desuper  dissipatae.  Tandem  haec 
Waseones  non  ferentes  ignem  in  palatio  posuerunt,  per  quern  combusta 
est  pars  maxima  civitatis.  Et  sic  dispersi  Cardinales.  According  to 
the  Epist.  Encyclica  of  the  Italian  Cardinals  (in  Baluz.  ii.  286)  many 
of  their  people  were  killed,  and  they  themselves  could  save  their  lives 
only  by  flight.  The  business  of  the  election  was  resumed  at  last  in 
Lyons  by  means  of  French  mediation. 

2  Quinta  vita  Jo.  XXII.  (Baluz.  i.  178)  :  in  sua  electione — juravit 
se  nunquam  ascensurum  equum  vel  mulum,  nisi  iret  Romam.  Quod  et 
servavit,  quia  navigio  ivit  usque  ad  Avinionem  et  pedes  ascendit 
palatium,  de  quo  postea  nisi  intrando  Ecclesiam  majorem,  quae  contigua 
palatio  est,  non  exivit. 

^  With  reference  to  the  struggle  which  ensued  betwixt  Lewis  and 
the  Pope,  see  Georg.  Herwart  ab  Hohenburg  (Privy  Councillor  of 
Bavaria)  Ludovicus  IV.  Imp.  defensus,  Bzovius  injuriarum  postulatus. 
Monachii  III.  Partes  1618 — 19.  4.  Chr.  Gewold  (aulic  councillor  of 
Bavaria)  defensio  Ludov.  IV.  Imp.  ratione  electionis  contra  Bzoviura. 
Ingolst.  1618.  4.  Job.  Dan.  v.  Olenschlager's  erlauterte  Staatsgesch. 
des  Rom.  Kaiserthunis  in  der  ersten  Halfte  des  i4ten  Jahrh.  sammt 
einem  Urkundenbuche.  Frankf.  a.  M.  1755.  4.  S.  86.  ff.  H.  Zschokke's 
baierische  Geschichten  Bd.  2.  (Aarau  1815)  S.  108  ff.  A.  Buchner's 
Gesch.  V.  Bayern,  Buch  5.  (Miinchen  1831)  S.  269.  Conr.  Mannert's 
Kaiser  Ludwig  IV.  eine  gekrbnte  Preisschrift.  Landshut  1812.  Lud- 
wig's  d.  Baler's  Lebensgesch.  Preisschrift  v.  Roman  Zirngibl,  in  d. 
Hist.  Abhandl.  d.  baier.  Akademie  d.  Wissensch.  Bd.  3.  Miinchen" 
1814.  4.  Jos.  Schlett's  Biographie  von  Kaiser  Ludwig  dem  Baier. 
Sulzbach  1822.  C.  Hofler's  urkundl.  Beitrage  zur  Gesch.  Kaiser 
Ludwig's  IV.  aus  ital.  Archiven  (bes.  aus  den  Regesten  Johannes 
XXII.)  in  d.  Oberbaierischen  Archive  f  vaterl.  Gesch.  Bd.  1.  (Miin- 
chen 1839)  S.  45.  J.  F.  Bohmer  regesta  Imperii  v.  1314—1347. 
Frankf  a.  M.  1839.  4. 

*  The  Bull  of  31.  March  1317  (in  Raynald  ad  b.  a.  no.  27  and  in 
the  Extrav.  Jo.  xxii.  tit.  5.)  In  nostram — deductum  est — notitiam, 
quod,  licet  de  jui-e  sit  liquidum,  et  ab  olim  fuerit  mconcusse  servatum, 
quod  vacante  Imperio, — cum  in  illo  ad  saecularem  judicem  nequeat 
haberi  recursus,  ad  summum  Pontificera,  cui  in  persona  b.  Petri  terreni 
simul  et  caelestis  imperii  jura  Deus  ipse  commisit,  imperii  praedicti 
jurisdictio,  regimen  et  dispositio  devolvantur,  et  ea,  tempore  durante 

B  2 


20  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305— 1409. 

over  the  Imperial  throne  to  the  King  of  France.^  However  after 
Lewis  had  taken  his  antagonist  prisoner  (at  the  battle  of  Auipfing 
or  Miihidorf,  28.  Sept.  1322)/  John  resented  with  anger  his 
assuming  the  character  of  King  of  Rome^  before  the  grant  of 
Papal  confirmation ;  and  when  on  the  other  hand  Lewis  derived 


ipsius  vacationis  imperii,  per  se  vel  alium  sen  alios  exercuisse  noscitur 
in  imperio  meinorato  ;  nonnulli  tanien  in  Italiae  partibus — vicariatus 
sen  aUerius  cujuscuinque  nonicn  officii,  quod  Imperatorc  vivente  ex 
ipsius  coramissione  gerebant, — post  decessuni  ipsius  absque  nostra — 
licentia  retinere  sibi — praesumpserunt. — Quia  igitur  error,  cui  non 
resistitur,  approbari  videtur  ;  uos  volentes  nostris  et  Ecclesiae  sponsae 
nostrae  juribus  et  honoribus  in  bac  parte  prospicere, — nee  non  periculis 
animarum  bujusmodi  retinentium — uoniina — salubriter  occin-rere  cupien- 
tes  ;  praesentium  avxctoritate  monenius  sub  excomraunicationis  poena 
omnes  et  singulos, — quatenus  de  caetero  a  denorainatione  bujusmodi, — 
necnon  usu,  potestate  et  exercitio  supradictis  prorsus  abstineant. — 
Alioquin  in  omnes  et  singulos — exconimunicationis  in  singulares  per- 
sonas,  et  in  terras  et  loca  ipsorum — intcrdicti  sententias — publics 
promulgamus  etc.  On  the  quarrel  with  jNlattbeo  Visconti,  imperial 
vicar  in  Milan,  who  indeed  laid  aside  this  title,  but  exercised  the  same 
power  as  Capitaneus,  see  Villani  ix.  c.  85.  ss.  As  Eobert  King 
of  Sicily  was  not  a  fit  match  for  him,  Philip  of  Valois  Avas  appointed 
second  vicar  (Kaynald  1320  no.  10),  but  JVIattbeo  pronounced  a  heretic, 
cum  illi  Ecclesia  auctoritas  sacrorumque  religio  ludibrio  asset  (ib.  no. 
13.) — The  Pope's  attempts  to  interfere  as  Vicero}-  in  Germany  also 
may  be  seen  in  Olenscblager  S.  102. 

^  See  Raynald  ann.  1234,  no.  26.  Chronik  des  Franciscaner  Lese- 
meistei's  Detmar  (geschr.  1395)  herausgeg.  von.  D.  F.  H.  Grautoff 
Th.  I.  (Hambui-g  1829)  S.  216  :  De  Paves  dachte  jo  mer  unde  mer, 
wu  he  dat  Kayserrike  van  den  Dudescben  bracbte,  vgl.  S.  237.  How 
entirely  his  whole  policy  was  directed  by  the  King  of  France,  is  plain 
from  his  letters  to  bim,  Oberbaierisches  Arcbiv.  I.  52,  54.  70. 

^  Compare  Bucbner  v.  323.  F.  Kurz  Oesterreicb  unter  K.  Friede- 
ricb  d.  Scbonen,  Linz  1818,  S.  223. 

^  The  Bull  of  8.  Oct  1323  [Processus primus  contra  Lud.)  is  in  Ray- 
nald. ad  h.  a.  no.  30,  more  fully  in  Herwart  i.  194  and  in  Martene  et 
Durand  thes.  nov.  anecdot.  ii.  644  :  Ludovicus  a  nobis,  ad  quem  suae 
electionis — ac  personae  ipsius  examinatio,  approbatio,  ac  admissio, 
repulsio  qvioque  et  reprobatio  noscitur  pertinere,  electione  praedicta 
nequaquam  admissa,  nee  ejus  approbata  persona, — Ivomanorum  Regni 
nomen  sibi  et  titulum  regium  usurpavit ;  quamvis  priusquam  alterutrius 
eoruin  per  sedem  apostolicam  fuisset  approbata  vel  reprobata  persona, 
neutri  electorum  ipsorum  assumere  licuit  nomen  et  titulum  praelibatura  : 
cum  nee  interim  Homanorum  Reges  existaut,  sed  in  Reges  electi. — 
Idem  etiam  Ludovicus — ad  administrationem  jurium  Regni  et  Imperii 
praedictoruin,  in  gravem  Dei  oftensam  et  contemptum,  ac  manifestam 


CH.  1.— PAl'ACY  IN  1378.--1.  TOLIT.  HIST.  §  99.  JOHN  XXII.      21 
his  rank  from  tlie  choice  of  the  electoral  princes,*  the  hostile 

injuriam  Romanae  Ecclesiae  matris  suae,  ad  quam  ejusdem  vacationis 
tempore  Imperii  regimen,  sicut  et  inpraesentiarum  vacat,  pertinere 
dignoscitur,  necnon  et  plurimorum  scandalum  et  rei  turbationem  ac 
laesionem  publicae,  ac  suae  animae  detrimentuin  prosilire,  seque  illi 
immiscere  irreverenter  ac  indebite  praesumpsit  hactenus  etpraesumit. — 
Ejusdem  insuper  Ecclesiae  Romanae  hostibus,  sicut  Galeacio  de  Vice- 
coraitibus  (Galeazzo  Visconti  Son  and  Successor  of  Matteo)  et  ejus 
fratribus,  quamvis  sint  de  criuiine  haeresis — condemnati, — se  exhibere 
fautorem  et  defensorem — non  est  veritus  nee  veretur.  Nos  itaque — 
praefatum  Ludovicum — praesentium  tenore  monemus,  eidem  sub  virtute 
sanctae  obedientiae,  ac  excommunicationis  poena,  quam  ipsum,  nisi  cum 
effectu  hujusmodi  monitioni  nostrae  paruerit,  incurrei'e  volumus  ipso 
facto,  auctoritate  apostoHca  nihilominus  injungentes,  ut  infra  trium 
mensium  spatium,  a  data  praesentium  comp^^tandum, — ab  adrainistra- 
tione,  fautoria  et  defensione  praedictis  prorsus  abstineat  ac  desistat ; — 
quodque  gesta  per  eum  post  praesumptum  ab  eo  titulum  memoratuin 
circa  praemissa,  quatenus  processere  de  facto  (cum  de  jure  non  teneant, 
velut  ab  ipso,  cui  jus  faciendi  non  competebat  nee  conipetit),  attentata, 
curet  infra  praedictum  terminum,  quantum  patietur  possibilitas,  realiter 
revocare.  Then  follows  a  command  to  all  vassals  of  the  Empire,  sub 
poenis  excommunicationis  in  personas,  et  interdicti  in  terras  eoi'um, 
necr.on  privationis  privilegiorum  quorumcunque  Apostolicorum  et  impe- 
rialium,  ac  feudorum,  quae  ab  Ecclesia  vel  Imperio  obtinent,  to  render 
Lewis  neither  obedience  nor  assistance.  Lastly  :  Ut  autem  hujusmodi 
processus  noster  ad  ipsius  Ludovici — notitiam  deducatur,  cbartas  sive 
membranas  processum  continentes  eundem  in  Ecclesia  Avenionensi 
appendi  vel  affigi  ostiis  seu  superliminaribus  ejusdem  Ecclesiae  faciemus, 
quae  processum  ipsum  suo  quasi  sonoro  praeconio  et  patulo  indicio 
publicabunt ;  ut  idem  Ludovicus  et  alii,  quos  processus  ipse  contingit, 
nullam  possint  excusationem  praetendere,  quod  ad  eos  non  pervenerit : 
— cum  non  sit  verisimile,  quoad  ipsos  remanereincognitum, — quod  tarn 
patenter  omnibus  publicatur.  As  to  the  method  of  publication  inti'o- 
duced  by  Boniface  VIII.  see  Part  2.  §  59.  note  33. 

*  The  Protest  of  Lewis  before  a  notary  and  witnesses  at  Nuremberg 
16.  Dec.  1323  (in  Herwart  i.  248,  in  Olenschlager's  Urkundenb.  S.  84.) 
— A  tempore,  cujus  non  est  memoria,  circa  electos  Romanorum  Reges 
et  Principes  sic  est  de  jure  etconsuetudine  observatum, — quod  Romanus 
Rex  eo  solum,  quod  electus  est  a  Principibus  Electoribus — omnibus  vel 
niajori  numero  eorundem,  et  coronatus  corona  regia  in  solitis  locis  et 
consuetis,  Rex  est, — ac  jura  Regni  libere  administrat. — Nee  concedi- 
mus,  ita  siinpliciter,  ut  proponitur,  ad  sedem  apostolicam  exanr.inationem, 
admissionem  et  approbationem  electionis  et  personae  nostrae,  [aut] 
repulsionem  et  reprobationem  pertinere,  sicut  asserit.  Sed  si,  quod  non 
credimus,  pertineret,  hoc  unum  demum  sibi  locum  vendicare  forte  posset, 
si  per  querelam,  vel  per  viam  supplicationis,  appellationis  vel  provoca- 
tionis,  vel  alio  modo  ad  ipsam  sedem  fuisset  devolutum  ipsum  negotium 
vel   deductum  ;  quae  locum  non   obtinent  in   praesenti :    vel   si   forte. 


22  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

Pontiff  pronounced  sentence  of  excommunication  upon  liim  (21. 
March  1324.)^ 

petitis  per  nos  infulis  imperialibus  vel  denomlnatione  nostra,  ex  causis 
legitimis  jure  scriptis,  quas  ad  nos  locum  non  credimus  habuisse,  per- 
sonam nostram  contigisset  exigente  justitia  refutai'i.  Denominatio 
quippe  personae  vel  electionis  adaiissio  habitae  subsequenter  nobis  non 
jus,  nomen  vel  titulum  tribuissent,  quae  jam  ex  ipsa  electione  sortiti 
sumus,  sed  ea  potius  detexissent,  approbassent,  et  latius  commendas- 
sent. — Quod  vero  adjunxit,  nos  Galeazio  de  Vicecoraitibus  et  ejus 
fratribus  de  haeresi  condemnatis — defensionem  exliibuisse,  penitus  nihil 
scimus.  Nam  si  dicti  Galeazius  et  fratres  sui  sunt  de  haeresi  condem- 
nati,  nobis  non  innotuit. — Imo  quem  favorera  aut  defensionem  eis — 
exbibulmus,  et  quoraodo  sint  vel  fuerint  rebelles  Ecclesiae,  non  videmus; 
aperte  conjicimus,  et  per  effectura  operis  cognoscimus,  nonnullos  rebelles 
norainari  Ecclesiae,  qui  per  fidem  devotionis  suae  molientibus  contra 
statum  et  jura  Imperii  renituntur. — Sed — nos  astringimus  et  offerimus 
— legitime  probaturos,  quod  ipse  est  dissimulator,  defensor  et  fautor 
haereticae  pravitatis  ejus,  quae  totam  s.  Ecclesiam  iuficit  et  conturbat, 
et  a  confessione  retrahit  poenitentes. — Nam  cum  ad  ipsius  summi  Pon- 
tificis  audientiam  gravibus  et  frequentibus  Arcliiepiscoporum,  Episco- 
porum — querimoniis  sit  deductum — contra — Fratres  Minores, — quod 
ipsi  sint  secretae  confessionis  proditores,  et  peteretur  ab  eo,  ut  hoc — 
emendaret ;  ipse  tanquam  tergiversando,  dissimulando  et  celando 
morbum  hujusmodi — curare — non  curavit,  dictis  Fi-atribus  in  hac  parte 
8.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  et  fidei  catholicae  inimicis  constituens  se  fautorem. 
Caeterum — ipse  contra  divinae  dispositionis  ordinationem,  per  quam  in 
firmamento  Ecclesiae  militantis  duo  magna  luminaria  Deus  fecit,  pon- 
tificalem  videlicet  auctoritatem  et  imperatoriam  majestatcm,  illud  ut 
praeesset  diei,  spiritualia  disponendo,  alteram  ut  praeesset  nocti,  tem- 
poralia  judicando,  manifeste  nititur  luminaris  alterius,  potestatis  scilicet 
radios  saecularis  suffocare  :  vmde  in  confusionem  et  errorem  sancta 
reponetur  Ecclesia,  causabuntur  baereses,  ingerentur  lites,  suscita- 
buntur  scandala,  et  Ecclesia  Romana,  carens  praeposito  advocate, 
resistere  non  poterit  insurgentibus  ex  adverso.  Nos  igitur, — sentiens, 
nos  et  jura  Imperii  et  nostra,  sanctam  professionem  catholicam,  sanctam 
Romanam  Ecclesiam  ex  praedictis  processibus — gaviter  et  enormiter — 
aggravates  esse  ; — a  pi'ocessibus  dicti  Pontificis  manifeste  iniquis — 
sanctam  sedem  apostolicam — appellamus. —  Cum  vero  propter  prae- 
missos  articulos  —  opus  sit  convocatione  concilii  generalis,  instanter 
et  cum  omni  devotione  ipsum,  quam  primum  commode  poterit,  ad 
locum  communem  et  aptum  petimus  congregari. 

^  The  Processus  sccundus  of  9.  Jan.  1324  (in  Martene  et  Durand 
thes.  anecd.  ii.  647)  contains  nothing  more  than  a  confirmation  of  the 
first,  and  a  further  respite  of  two  months.  The  Processus  tertius  of 
21.  March  1324  (in  Martene  1.  c.  p.  652.  Olenschlager  in  the  work 
quoted  above,  S,  96) :  Nos  adhuc  volentes  cum  eodem  electo  uti  potius 
mansuetudine  quam  rigore, — per  infra  scriptum  modum  duximus  ordi- 
nandum,  videlicet  quod  ad  publicationem  sententiae  excommunicationis, 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  HIST.  §99.  JOHN  XXil.       23 

Thus  the  insatiable  Papacy  began  once  more  the  war  against 
the  Empire,  in  order  to  rob  the  German  crown  of  its  remaining 
lustre  by  means  of  ncAvly  devised  rights,  and  to  crush  one  of  the 
best  of  the  German  Emperors.  Public  opinion,  once  the  most 
dangerous  ally  of  the  Papal  see,  was  now,  however,  especially  at 
first,  rather  against  than  for  the  unrighteous  usurper.  The 
Jurists  wei'e  the  natural  allies  of  the  Emperor  ;^°  not  all  even  of 


— in  qua  idem  electus  propter  suam  in  praedictis  inobedientiam 
et  contemptum  incidisse  dignoscitur,  procedentes,  ab  aliaruni  poena- 
rum  publicatione,  in  quas  similiter  iucidit,  supersedeamus  ad  prae- 
sens.  Then  Lewis  was  ordered,  sub  poena  privationis  omnis  juris, 
si  quod  sibi  ex  sua  electione — quoquomodo  competit,  to  render  obe- 
dience within  three  months  :  ac  insuper  infra  dictum  terniinum  per  se 
vel  procuratorem — compareat  coram  nobis,  super  dictis  excessibus — 
definitivam  senteutiara  et  beneplacitum,  quantum  officium  nostrum 
patitur,  auditurus,  ac  alias  facturus  et  recepturus  quod  justitia  suade- 
bit.  The  threats  issued  in  the  first  process  against  his  adherents 
were  repeated.  Et  licet  contra  civitates,  communitates,  universitates, 
et  singulares  personas  alias,  quae  in  praedictis  vel  circa  ea  forsitan 
deliquerint, — ad  debitam  impositionem  poenarum  propter  hoc  fuisset 
merito  procedendum,  tamen  de  apostolicae  sedis  gratia  adhuc  provi- 
dimus  expectandum.  All  persons,  however,  who  from  this  time 
forward  should  continue  to  render  obedience  or  assistance  to  Lewis, 
Avere  ipso  facto  to  incur  excommunication  or  interdict,  from  which  the 
Pope  only  could  absolve  them. 

^"  The  great  Jurist  Bartolus  de  Saxoferrato  (in  Bologna  -j-  1356)  in 
his  Comm.  super  secund.  partem  ff.  novi  (in  Dig.  lib.  xlix.  tit.  15.  de 
captiv.  et  de  postlim.  1.  24.)  demonstrates  in  detail  the  universal  mo- 
narchy of  the  Emperor,  and  concludes  :  si  quis  diceret,  dominum 
Imperatorem  non  esse  dominum  et  monarcham  totius  orbis,  esset 
haereticus  :  quia  diceret  contra  determinationem  Ecclesiae  (comp.  Part 
2.  §.  59.  note  31.)  et  contra  textum  s.  Evangelii,  dum  dicit :  Exivit 
edictum  a  Caesare  Aiigusto^  ut  descriheretur  universus  orbis,  ut  babes 
Luc.  ii.  vel  iii.  cap.  et  ita  etiam  recognovit  Christus  Imperatorem  ut 
dominum.  But  comp.  ad  Dig.  lib.  xlviii.  tit.  17  de  requir.  reis  1.  1.  §. 
2.  Praesides  :  Dantes — in  uno  libro,  quem  fecit,  qui  vocatur,  monarchia 
— disputavit  tres  quaestiones,  quarum  una  fuit,  an  imperium  dependeat 
ab  Ecclesia,  et  tenuit,  quod  non  :  sed  post  mortem  suam  quasi  propter 
hoc  fuit  damnatus  de  haeresi.  Nam  Ecclesia  tenet,  quod  Imperium 
dependeat  ab  Ecclesia  pulcherrimis  rationibus,  quas  omitto,  tenendo, 
istud,  quod  imperium  dependeat  ab  Ecclesia.  The  following  passage  is 
characteristic,  it  is  on  the  question,  whether  Henry  VII.  could  summon 
Robert,  and  on  the  Bull  Pastoralis  (§.  98.  note  18) :  Cynus  (Bartolus' 
Teacher  f  1341)  disputavit  istam  quaestionem  Senis,  et  dicit,  quod 
ista  citatio  potest  fieri. —  Sed  ad  illam  decretalem  dicit  ipse  :  non  potest 
dari  responsum  in  pace,  sed pertranseat  cum  aliis  errorihus  Canonistarum. 


24  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305—1409. 

Ita  dicit  ipse.  Ego  eonsuevi  tenere  illam  decretalem,  tamquam 
existens  in  terris  Ecdcsiae,  dicens  cam  esse  veram  de  jui-e.  Nam  etc. 
Thus  the  Papal  Jurist  allows  the  universal  monarchy  of  the  Emperor 
in  dependence  upon  the  Pope,  as  Boniface  VIII.  did  (Part  2.  §.  59. 
note  31.)— Albericus  dc  Rosate  is  worthy  of  consideration  (from  Ber- 
gamo -J-  1354.)  In  his  Lectura  super  Cod.  he  argues  indeed  very 
rationally  against  the  universal  monarchy  claimed  by  the  Emperor,  ad 
Cod.  lib.  1.  t.  1.  1.  1.  no.  7.  but  afterwards  ad  1.  7.  §.  Gloi-iosissimo  no. 
6.,  he  declares  :  Quidquid  ergo  dicatur,  credo  potestates  esse  distinctas, 
ut  unus  praesir  in  spiritualibus  sc.  Papa,  alter  in  temporalibus.  He 
enlarges  most  fully  on  the  relations  of  the  Papal  and  Imperial  power 
ad  Cod.  lib.  vii.  tit.  39  :  De  quadriennii  praescriptione  1.  3.  Bene  a 
Zenone.  Here  are  some  remarkable  reminiscences  from  earlier  times, 
e.  g.  omnes  Clerici  et  Ecclesiae  antiquitus  suberant  Imperatori. — 
P'odem  modo  posset  dici  de  electione  Papae,  nam  olira  eligebatur  per 
Imperatorem. — Et  ista  forte  privilegia  perdidit  Imperium  de  facto 
potius  quam  de  jure,  propter  longam  vacationem  ejusdem  et  potentiam 
et  prudentiam  summorum  pontificumet  aliorum  praesidentium  Romanae 
Ecclesiae.  At  the  end :  Nunc  illam  durara  et  subtilem  quaestionem 
aggredior,  utrum  Imperator  ex  sola  electione  concordi  vel  a  majori 
parte  facta  dicatur  verus  Imperator,  et  omnimodam  administrationem 
et  potestatem  habeat  circa  privilegia  concedenda  et  omnia  alia,  an  vero 
indigeat  confirm atione,  unctione,  examinatione,  coronatione  Papae. 
After  unfolding  in  detail  the  reasons  for  and  against,  he  proceeds : 
Quid  ergo  in  tanta  jurium  Doctorum  et  glossarum  varietate  tenebimus  ? 
Dominus  Oldradus  (de  Ponte,  Advocatus  consistorialis,  and  much 
employed  by  John  xxii.  -j-  1320)  sequebatur  opinionem,  quod  adminis- 
trare  non  posset. — In  eadem  opinione  fuit  OsHensis  (Henricus  Card. 
Ostiensis  Canonist  about  1260)  and  other  Canon-lawyers.  Contra- 
riam  opinionem  tenuit  Jacobus  de  Arena  (about  1280  Prof,  juris  in 
Padua),  qui  banc  quaestionem  publice  disputavit,  et  cujus  disputationem 
inseruit  hie  Cynus  (Jurist  at  Bologna  and  Perugia  -{-  1341),  qui  ean- 
dem  opinionem  clare  hie  sequitur.  Eandem  opinionem  sequitur 
Guilelmus  Naso  (by  him  are  the  glossae  ad  Decretales,  see  Savigny's 
Gesch.  d.  rom.  Rechts  im  Mittelalter  iii.  583.  585), — qui  dicit  quod 
eligendo  confirmatur,  sicut  dominus  Papa, — quia  sacerdotium  et  impe- 
rium parum  discrepant.  Et  tenet,  quod  privilegia  per  eum  concessa 
valeant  etiam  si  cassaretur  ejus  electio.  Hanc  etiam  opinionem  sequitur 
Innocentius  (IV.  who  had  written  a  Comm.  in  Decretales  Pontificum), 
d.  c.  Venerabilem  (Deer.  Greg.  i.  6.  34)  in  glossa  art.  quod  stent  potest, 
ubi  haec  verba  ponit  :  Credimus  tamen,  quod,  si  Imperator  coi-onam  in 
loco  debito  recipere  non  possit,  nihilominus  auctoritate  ministrandi  ab 
Archiepiscopo  Coloniensi  posset  recipere,  vel  sua  auctoritate,  quam  habet 
ex  electione.  Haec  ibi.  Et  hanc  opinionem  veriorem  puto  per  jura  et 
rationes  ad  hoc  adductas,  et  maxime  auctoritate  dicti  domini  Innocentii 
et  aliorum  hoc  tenentium.  Alias  sequeretur  maxima  absurditas,  quod 
cum  Imperium  et  Imperatores  fuerunt  ante  Papam, —  et  multo  etiam 
tempore  Papae  fuerunt  non  confirmati  nee  coronati  ab  eo,  immo  elige- 
bant  Papam,  ut  praedictum  est,  videretur,  quod  gesta  per  eos  non 
valuissent,  et  sic  lesres  civiles  et   multa  subvcrterentur.     Hanc  etiam 


CH.  1.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  POLIT.  HlbT.  g  9y.  JOHN  XXII.       25 

the  Canonists  were  able  to  keep  pace  with  the  bold  encroach- 
ments of  Papal  claims.'^  The  justice  of  the  German  people 
decided  more  readily  for  Lewis,^^  as  it  became  continually  more 
plain,  that  the  Pope  had  no  other  end  in  view  than  the  elevation 
of  the  King  of  France  to  the  Imperial  throne. ^^  But  the  taint 
of  heresy  had  no  less  influence  upon  popular  feeling :  the  active 
]\Iinorites,  persecuted  by  the  Pope,  and  seeking  refuge  under 

opinioaem  sequitur  quidam  magister  Joannes  Parisiensis  (Part  1.  §. 
59.  note  36)  et  Dantes  do  Florentia  (above  §.  98.  note  14). — De  hoc 
fuit  magna  concertatio  tempore  Joannis  XXII.  et  successoris  sui  Bene- 
dicti  XII.  inter  eos  et  dominum  Ludovicum  de  Bavaria,  electum  in 
Imperatorem.  Et  me  existente  tunc  in  Romana  cicria,  audivi  magnos 
Praelatos  et  etiam  laicos,  utrosqice  jurisperitos,  in  hanc  opinionem  incli- 
nare  tamquam  veriorem.  —  Prae.sidentes  Eomanae  Ecclesiae  eorura 
astuta  et  sagaci  prudentia  secundmii  temporum  varietatem  sua  varia- 
verunt  statuta,  modo  Imperium  sublimando,  modo  paulatim  deprimendo 
de  tempore  in  tempus  :  sed  considerato  initio  cujuslibet  puto  potentates 
fuisse  distinctas,  et  si  quaelibet  fuisset  contenta  suis  liinitibus,  et  una 
alteram  coadjuvasset,  sicut  facere  tenentur,  puto,  quod  pax  esset  in 
universo  orbe. 

^1  Hermannus  Januensis,  about  1348  in  the  continuation  of  Martini 
Minoritae  flores  temp,  (in  Eccardi  corpus  hist,  medii  aevi  i.  1638)  : 
Papa  anno  1323  Ludovicum  excommunicavit  etc. — Isti  processus  a 
quibusdara  stricte  servabantur ;  a  multis  vero  quasi  invalidi  nihil  cura- 
bantur,  quia  Bononiae  et  Parisius,  ut  dicitur,  examinati  a  Doctoribus 
Theologiae  et  utriusque  juris  judicabantur  penitus  nil  valere.  of.  Al- 
bericus  a  Rosate  note  10. 

^^  How  entirely  this  sense  of  justice  spoke  for  Lewis  is  manifest 
from  the  fact,  that  it  deck.red  itself  even  in  the  form  of  visions.  Thus 
the  infant  Jesus  appeared  to  Margaretha  Ebner,  a  Dominican  nun  in 
the  monastery  of  Medingen,  in  Dillingen,  who  had  often  received  reve- 
lations, and  said,  "  Ich  will  ihn  ninniier  verlassen,  denn  er  hat  Lieb  zu 
mir,  das  entbeut  ihm."  At  another  time  it  was  said  to  her,  that  he 
should  overcome  his  enemies  :  and,  lastly,  that  he  was  undergoing 
great  chastisement,  but  should  not  fail  of  eternal  life,  see  Jo.  Heumanni 
opuscula,  quibus  varia  juris  germ,  itemque  historica  et  philologica 
argumenta  explicantur  (Norimb.  1747.  4)  p.  340. 

1'^  The  German  princes  were  summoned  to  meet  at  Bar  sur  Aube  in 
June  1324,  to  depose  Lewis,  and  elect  King  Charles  of  France.  But  only 
Leopold,  Duke  of  Austria,  brother  of  the  imprisoned  Frederick,  made 
bis  appearance,  and  received  promises  in  return  for  his  engagement, 
zealously  to  further  Chai'lcs'  design,  for  instance  a  promise  of  help  in 
the  reconquest  of  Schwyz  and  Unterwalden  (see  the  deeds  in  F.  Kurz 
Oesterreich  unter  K.  Friedrich  d.  Schonen,  Linz  1818,  S.  482),  comp. 
Villani  1.  ix.  c.  267.  Albertus  Argentin.  p.  123.  Kurz  in  the  work 
quoted  above  .S.  283.     Buchner's  Gesch.  v.  Baiern  V-  352. 


26  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

the  Emperor,  cast  this  imputation  upon  the  former;^*  the 
authors  who  now  came  forward  on  the  Emperor's  side,  Mar- 
silius  of  Padua  (f  after  1342),  physician  in  ordinary  to  the 
Emperor,  and  John  of  Jandun  (f  after  1338),^'^  who  advancing 

^*  To  wit,  because  of  his  decision  issued  in  1323,  baereticum  esse, 
pertinaciter  affirraare,  Christum  ejusque  Apostolos  in  speciali  non 
habuisse  aliqua,  nee  in  communi  etiara.  See  below  in  the  history  of 
the  Franciscans. 

^^  According  to  Albert.  Mussatus  in  Lud.  Bav.  (Murat.  x.  773) 
Lewis'  advisers,  quorum  consiliis  potissimum  fruebatur,  were  Marsilius 
de  Raymundinis,  civis  Paduanus  plebejus,  philosophiae  gnarus  et  ore 
disertus,  (be  is  generally  believed  to  have  died  in  1328,  he  was  how- 
ever mentioned  among  the  living  in  Ludov.  ep.  ad  Bened.  xii.  in  Ray- 
nald  ann.  1336  no.  36,  and  there  is  no  reason  hei'e  for  disclaiming  for 
him  the  work  de  jurisdict.  imp.  in  causis  matrim.  publisht  in  1342,  see 
below  §  100  note  18),  and  Ubei'tinus  de  Casali,  Januensis  Monachus, 
vir  similiter  astutus  et  ingeniosus  (see  part  2.  §  70.  note  14.)  Beside 
these  there  were  Johannes  de  Janduno  (called  by  mistake  de  Gandavo, 
or  of  Ghent,  see  Oudin.  comm.  de  scriptt.  eccl.  iii.  883)  and  Ulrich 
Hangenor  (Mag.  Ulricus  de  Augusta),  private  secretaries  to  the  Em- 
peror.— The  principal  woi'k :  Defensor  pacis  (in  Goldast.  monarcbia 
ii.  154)  the  joint  composition  of  Marsilius  and  John  belongs  to  this 
period  :  also  Marsilius'  tract,  de  translatione  Imperii  (ibid.  p.  147) 
and  John's  tract,  de  potestate  ecclesiastica  (Ms.  bibl.  Colbert,  see 
Oudin.  1.  c.  p.  884.) — The  Defensor  pacis  divided  into  3  dictiones  or 
partes,  ti'eats  in  the  first  part  of  the  origin  and  aim  of  the  state,  in  the 
second  of  the  relations  between  the  secular  and  sacerdotal  powers,  and  in 
the  third  gives  41  conclusions  from  the  foregoing  treatises,  cf.  concl.  i.  : 
Solam  divinam  s.  canonicam  scripturam,  et  ad  ipsam  per  necessitatem 
sequentem  quamcunque  ipsius  interpretationem,  ex  communi  concilio 
fidelium  factam,  verain  esse  et  ad  aeternam  beatitudinem  consequendam 
neccsse  credere,  si  alicui  debite  proponatur.  II.  Legis  divinae  dubias 
definire  sententias — solum  generale  concilium  fidelium — debere,  nul- 
lumque  aliud  partiale  collegium  aut  personam  singularem,  cujuscun- 
que  conditionis  existat,  jam  dictae  determinationis  auctoritatem  habere. 
III.  Ad  observanda  praecepta  divinae  legis  poena  vel  supplicio  tem- 
porali — nemo  evangelica  scriptura  compelli  praecipitur.  IV.  Solius 
novae  legis  divinae  praecepta,  vel  ad  ipsa  per  necessitatem  sequentia, 
et  quae  secundum  rectam  rationem  fieri  aut  omitti  convenit,  propter 
aeternam  salutem  necesse  servari,  antiquae  vero  legis  nequaquam 
omnia.  V.  In  divinis  novae  legis  praeceptis  aut  prohibitis  neminem 
mortalem  dispensare  posse  :  permissa  vero  prohibere,  obligando  ad 
culpam  aut  poenani  pro  statu  praesentis  saeculi  vel  venturi,  solum  posse 
generale  concilium,  aut  fidelem  legislatorem  humanum.  VI.  Legisla- 
torem  humanum  solam  civium  universitatem  esse,  aut  valentiorem  illius 
partem.  VII.  Decretales  vel  Decreta  Romanorum  aut  aliorum  quo- 
rumlibet  pontificum,  communiter  aut  divisim,  absque  concessione  legis - 
latoris   humani    constituta,     neminem    obligare    poena    vel    supplicio 


en.  T.— PAPACY  IN  i;J78.— I.  POLIT.  HIST,  g  99.  JOHN  XXII.       27 
far  beyond    the  empty  formalism    of  the  jurists,    maintained 

temporali.  VIII.  In  humanis  legibus  solum  legislatorem  vel  illius 
auctoritate  alterum  dispensare  posse.  X.  Ciijuslibet  principatus  aut 
aherius  officii  per  electionein  instituendi,  praecipue  vim  coactivam 
habentis,  electionem  a  solius  legislatoris  expressa  vokmtate  pendere. 
XV.  Super  omnem  singulai-em  personam  mortalem,  cujuscunque  con- 
ditionis  existat,  atque  collegium  laicorum  ac  clericorum,  auctoritate 
legislatoris  solummodo  Principera  jurisdictionem  tam  realem  quam 
personalem  coactivam  habere.  XVI.  Excommunicare  quenquara,  aut 
divinorum  officia  interdicere  absque  fidelis  legislatoris  auctoritate  nulli 
Episcopo  vel  sacerdoti  aut  ipsorum  collegio  licere.  XVII.  Onmes 
Episcopos  aequalis  auctointatis  esse  immediate  per  Christum,  neque 
secundum  legem  divinam  conviuci  posse  in  spiritualibus  aut  tempoi'ali- 
bus  praeesse  invicem  vel  subesse.  XVIII.  Auctoritate  divina,  legis- 
latoris human!  fidelis  interveniente  consensu  seu  concessione,  sic 
alios  Episcopos  communiter  aut  divisim  excommunicare  posse  Roma- 
num  Episcopum,  et  in  ipsum  ai;ctoritatem  aliam  exercere,  quemadmo- 
dum  e  converse.  XIX.  Conjugia — divina  lege,  nova  praesertim, 
prohibita  per  mortalem  neminem  dispensari  posse  ;  humana  vero  lege 
prohibita  ad  solius  legislatoris  vel  per  ipsum  principantis  auctoritatem 
pertinere.  XXI.  Ad  ecclesiasticos  ordines  promovendos,  ipsorumque 
sufficientiam  judicare  judicio  coactivo,  ad  solum  legislatorem  fidelem 
spectare,  ac  sine  ipsius  auctoritate  quenquampromovere  ad  hoc  cuiquam 
sacerdoti  vel  Episcopo  non  licere.  XXII,  Numerum  Ecclesiarum 
fiive  templorum,  ac  in  ipsis  ministrare  debentium  sacerdotum,  diacono- 
rum,  et  reliquorum  officialium  ad  solum  principantem  secundum  leges 
fidelium  pertinet  mensurare.  XXVII.  Ecclesiasticis  temporalibus, 
expleta  sacerdotum  et  aliorum  Evangelii  ministrorum,  et  his  quae  ad 
cultum  divinum  pertinent  ac  impotentum  pauperum  necessitate,  licite 
ac  secundum  legem  divinam  pro  communibus  seu  publicis  utilitatibus 
aut  defensionibus  uti  posse  legislatorem  humanum  totaliter  et  in  parte. 
XXXIII.  Generale  Concilium  aut  partiale  sacei'dotum  et  Episcopo- 
rum  ac  reliquorum  fidelium  per  coactivam  potestatem  congregare,  ad 
fidelem  legislatorem  aut  ejus  auctoritate  principantem  in  commu- 
nitatibus  fidelium  tantummodo  pertinere,  nee  in  aliter  congregate 
determinata  vim  aut  robur  habere.  According  to  Concl.  xxxii.  a 
general  council  alone  could  constitute  and  abolish  metropolitan  sees, 
and  according  to  Concl.  xxxv.  canonize  saints  ;  thus  also  concl.  xxxvi.  : 
Episcopis  aut  Presbyteris  aliisque  templorum  ministris  si  uxores  inter- 
dicere convenit,  reliqua  quoque  circa  ecclesiasticum  ritum,  per  generale 
solum  fidelium  Concilium  id  statui  et  ordinari ;  et  illud  solum  colle- 
gium, aut  personam  in  hoc  cum  praedictis  dispensare  posse,  cui  data 
fuerit  ejus  auctoritas  per  Concilium  supra  dictum.  Concl.  xxxvii.  A 
judicio  coactivo,  Episcopo  vel  sacerdoti  concesso,  semper  ad  legislatorem 
contendentem  {leg.  concedentem)  liceat  appellare,  vel  ad  ejus  auctori- 
tate principantem.  Concl.  xl.  Legislatorem  fidelem,  aut  ejus  aucto- 
ritate principantem  in  subjecta  sibi  provincia  compellere  posse  tam 
Episcopos  quam  reliquos  evangelicos  miuistros,  quibus  de  sufficientia 
victus    et     tegumenti    provisnm    est,    ad    divina    officia    celebranda 


28  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— U09. 

opinions  of  unprecedented  boldness,  made  the  people  rather  mis- 

et  sacramenta  ecclesiastica  ministranda.  The  historical  elucida- 
tions of  the  origin  of  the  hierarchy  are  worthy  of  remark,  cf.  P.  II.  c. 
15.  p.  239:  Haec  nomina,  Presbyter  et  Episcojms,  in  priinitiva 
Ecclesia  fuerunt  synonyma,  quamvis  a  diversis  proprietatibus  eidem 
iniposita  fuerint.  Nam  Presbyter  ah  aetate  nomen  impositum  est,  quasi 
senior ;  Episcopus  vero  a  dignitate  seu  cura  super  alios,  quasi  super- 
intendens.  Proofs  are  given  from  Jerome.  Phil.  i.  1  see  vol.  i.  part 
1.  §  30.  note  1. — Post  haec  autem  Apostolorum  tempora  numero 
sacerdotum  notabiliter  aucto  ad  scandalura  et  schisma  evitandum 
elegerunt  sacerdotes  unum  ex  ipsis,  qui  alios  dirigeret  et  ordinaret, 
quantum  ad  ecclesiasticum  officium  et  servitium  exercendum  et  oblata 
distribuendura,  ac  reliqua  disponendum  convenientiori  modo,  ne  istud 
quolibet  pro  libito  faciente  oeconomia  et  servitium  templorum  turba- 
retur  propter  atfectionum  diversitates.  Hie  siquidem  electus — ex 
posteriorum  consuetudine  retinuit  sibi  soli  nomen  Episcopi,  quasi  super- 
intendentis — Verum  jam  dicta  electio  seu  institutio  per  hominem — 
nihil  amplioris  meriti  essentialis  seu  sacerdotalis  auctoritatis— tribuit, 
sed  solum  ordinationis  oeconomicae  in  dome  Dei  seu  templo  potestatera 
quandam,  alios  sacerdotes — ordinandi  et  regulandi,  quomodo  Priori 
datur  potestas  in  monacbos. — Et  ideo  secundum  voritatem  et  inten- 
tionem  Hieronymi  non  aliud  est  Episcopus  quam  Arehipresbyter.  Cap. 
16  demonstrates,  Apostolorum  neminem  ad  alios  habuisse  praeeminen- 
tiara  from  Luc.  xxii.  19  ;  Jo.  xx.  21,  22  ;  Gal.  ii.  6 — 9.  Nullam  ergo 
potestatem,  eoque  minus  coactivam  jurisdictionem  habuit  Petrus  a  Deo 
immediate  super  Apostolos  reliqixos,  neque  instituendi  eos  in  officio 
sacerdotali,  neque  segregandi  eos  seu  niittendi  ad  officium  praedi- 
cationis,  nisi  quod  hoc  sane  concedi  potest,  ipsum  fuisse  priorem 
aliis  aetate  vel  officio  fortasse  secundum  tempus,  aut  Apostolorum 
electione,  qui  eum  propterea  reverebantur  merito,  quamvis  banc  elec- 
tionem  ex  Scriptura  nemo  convincere  possit.  Signum  autem,  verum 
esse  quod  diximus,  est,  quoniam  b.  Petrum  nullam  sibi  assumpsisse 
singulariter  auctoritatem  supra  reliqiios  Apostolos  invenimus  ex  Scrip- 
tura, sed  magis  cum  ipsis  aequalitatem  servasse.  For  proof  see  Acts 
XV. — Sicut  Petrus  Antiochiae  legitur  electus  in  Episcopum  per  fidelium 
multitudinem,  aliorum  Apostolorum  confirmatione  non  indigens,  sic  et 
Apostolorum  reliqui  praefuerunt  in  aliis  provinciis  absque  Petri 
scientia,  institutione,  vel  consecratione  aliqua :  fuerant  enim  per 
Christum  consecrati  sufficienter.  Propter  quod  similiter  opinandum, 
horum  Apostolorum  successores  non  indiguisse  aliqua  confirmatione 
successorum  Petri  :  quinimo  multi  successores  aliorum  Apostolorum 
fuerunt  electi  et  instituii  Episcopi  rite,  ipsorumque  provincias  sancte 
rexerunt  absque  alia  institutione  vel  contirmatione  de  ipsis  facta  per 
successores  Petri,  Et  extitit  hoc  sic  legitime  observatum  usque  quasi 
ad  tempora  Constantini  Imp. — Quod  si  tamen  Apostoli  b,  Petrum 
tanquam  sibi  Episcopum  elegissent ; — non  tamen  ex  hoc  sequeretur, 
quod  ipsius  successores  in  Romana  sede  vel  alia,  si  alibi  fuit  Episcopus, 
banc  prioritatem  habeant  super  aliorum  successores,  nisi  a  reliquorum 
successoribuR  eligerentur  ad   hoc  :  majoris  enim  virtutis  fuerunt  aliqui 


CH.  1.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  HIST,  g  <jy.  JOHN  XXII.       2U 
trustful  of  the  imperial  cause,  than  favourably  inclined  towards 

successores  aliorum  quibusdam  successoribus  Petri. — Rursum  cur  magis 
convcniret  hoc  successoribus  ejus  in  sede  Romana,  quam  in  Antiochena 
vel  Hierosolymitana  vel  alia,  si  Episcopus  in  pluribus  extitisset  ? 
Amplius  quilibet  Episcopus  quantvxm  ad  intrinsecam  dignitatem — 
inditierenter  successor  est  cujuslibet  Apostoli,  et  ejusdem  meriti  sive 
perfectionis  quantum  ad  dignitatem  praedictam  sive  characterem, 
quoniam  oranes  hunc  habent  eundera  ab  uno  efficiente — Chrisfo, 
non  ab  eo  qui  manus  iinposuit. — Jam  dictis  autem  audiri  desuetis 
mirabilius  est,  quia  desuetum  amplius  et  inopinabile  fortassis  videbitur, 
si  non  falsum  :  quod  ex  certo  Scripturae  testimonio  convinci  potest, 
Romanos  Episcopos  magis  esse  successores,  quantum  ad  provinciam  et 
gentem,  Apostoli  Pauli  quam  Petri.- — Cum  per  Scripturam  constet 
evidenter,  Paulum  Romae  fuisse  biennio,  et  ibidem  omnes  suscepisse 
gentiles  converti  volentes, — constat  ipsum  fuisse  Romanum  Episcopum 
specialiter. — De  beato  vero  Petro — dico  per  Scripturam  sacram  con- 
vinci non  posse,  ip^um  Romanum  Episcopum,  et  quod  amplius  est, 
ipsum  unquara  Romae  fuisse. —  Sed  per  Scripturam  sacram  indubitanter 
tenendum,  b.  Paulum  fuisse  Romanum  Episcopum,  et  si  quis  alter  cum 
ipso  Romae  fuerit,  tamen  Paulum  singulai'iter  et  principaliter — fuisse 
Rom.  Episcopum,  b,  vero  Petrum  Antiocbiae,  ut  apparet  ad  Gal.  ii  : 
Romae  vero  non  contradico,  sed  verisimiliter  teneo,  ipsum  in  hoc  non 
praevenisse  Paulum,  sed  potius  e  converso. — Cap.  18  p.  251.  Unde 
Romanus  Episcopus  et  Ecclesia — super  caeteros  sibi  quendam  primatum 
assumpsit. — Nemo  Episcoponim  per  omne  tempus  illud  (until  the  time 
of  Constantine)  in  alios  Episcopos  coactivam  jurisdictionem  exercuit. 
Quamvis  tamen  aliarum  provinciarum  Episcopi  plures,  in  quibus 
dubitabant,  tam  de  Scriptura  sacra,  quam  de  ritu  ecclcsiastico,  non 
audentes  se  publice  congregare,  consuluerunt  Episcopum  et  Ecclesiam 
fidelium  existentem  Romae,  propter  majorem  ibidem  forte  fidelium 
multitudinem  et  magis  peritiorem,  eo  quod  studia  scientiarum  omnium 
tunc  multuin  Romae  vigebant. — Unde  etiam  provinciarum  aliarum 
fideles,  sufficientia  personarum  carentes,  ad  ipsorum  Ecclesias  guber- 
nandas  ab  Episcopo  et  Ecclesia  Romana  fidelium  postulabant  personas 
sibi  ad  episcopatum  praeficiendas,  eo  quod  Ecclesia  fidelium  Romae 
personis  talibus,  ut  jam  diximus,  amplius  abundabat.  Episcopi  vero  et 
Ecclesia  Romanorura  sic  requisiti — charitative  atque  fraterne  subve- 
niebant  in  his  ; — ordinationes,  quas  super  ecclesiasticum  ritum  sibi 
fecerant,  aliis  communicando  provinciis,  et  quandoque  etiam  in  aliis 
provinciis  contentionem  aut  schisraa  fidelium  inter  se  audientes  cha- 
ritative monendo.  Haec  autem  aliarum  provinciarum  Ecclesiae  grate 
suscipiebant. — Hoc  etiam  modo  vel  consimili  quasi  suscepit  a  Graecis 
Romanus  populus  gratuite  non  coacte  leges  quasdam  vocatas  decern 
tabularum.  Ex  jam  dicta  vero  quasi  consuetudinaria  prioritate,  ali- 
arum Ecclesiarum  consensu  spontaneo,  Romanorum  Episcopi — auctori- 
tatem  quandam  decreta — constituendi  super  universalem  Ecclesiam — 
sumpserunt  usque  ad  tempora  Constantini. — Constantinus  vero — primus 
fuit  Imperator,  qui  fidem  Christi,  ministerio  b.   Sylvestri   tunc   Papae 


30  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

it.     It  was  their  merit  to  have  furnisht  their  own  and  the  foUow- 

Romani  patenter  adeptus  est,  et — Ecclesiae  Romanae  ac  ipsius  Epis- 
copo  tribuisse  videtur  auctoritates  et  potestates  super  alios  Episcopos  et 
Ecclesias  omnes. — Cap.  22  p.  268  :  Post  tempora  vero  Constantini  I. 
et  praecipue  imperiali  sede  vacante  banc  sibi  deberi  prioritatera  quan- 
doque  lege  divina,  quandoque  vero  concessione  Principum  suis  epistolis 
expresserunt  Eora.  Episcopi  quidam. — Hanc  etiam  extendentes  aiicto- 
ritatem  in  omnes  Episcopos  et  Ecclesias,  populos  j3t  singulares  personas, 
ad  sententiam  excommunicationis  et  interdicti  divinorum  officiorum — 
in  supradictos  fideles  ferendum. — Sic  etiam  suis  epistolis  expresserunt, 
sibi  convenire  temporalium  omnium  ecclesiasticorum  dispensationem. — 
Quibus  etiam  moderniores  excessibus  non  contenti  suis  expresserunt 
epistolis  sive  decretis,  auctoritatem  sive  jurisdictionem  coactivam  supre- 
mam  super  omnes  mundi  principatus — sibi  lege  divina  deberi ; — propter 
quod  etiam  ad  suam  auctoritatem  pertinere  dicunt,  omnia  mundi  regna 
et  principatus  conferre  ac  auferre  licite  posse  Regibus — ipsorum  man- 
data  transgredientibus,  quamvis  impia  sint  secundum  veritatem  et 
illicita  saepe.  Hoc  autem  inter  caeteros  Romanes  Episcopos — octavus 
Bonifacius  in  tantum  expressit  et  asseruit,  ut  banc  Romanis  Episcopis 
deberi  potestatem  decreverit  ab  omnibus  credendum  et  confitendum  esse 
de  necessitate  salutis  aeternae  (Part  2,  §  59,  note  26.)  Cujus  senten- 
tiam assecuti  sunt  successores  ejus  Clemens  V.  et — Joannes, — quamvis 
hoc  solum  explicite  videantur  dicere  de  solo  imperio  Romanorum. 
Quod  quia  id  asserunt  innisi  titulo  supradicto,  plenitudinis  videlicet 
sibi  datae  potestatis  a  Christo,  indubium  est,  potestatem  banc  sive  auc- 
toritatem, si  qua  talis  ex  hoc  sibi  conveniat,  omnia  mundi  regna  et 
principatus  ex  aequo  respicere.  Cap.  26  p.  281  is  on  the  origin  of 
the  Papal  encroachments  upon  the  empire  :  Voluerunt  Romanorum 
Principum  quidam  citra  tempora  Constantini  electionem  de  se  factam 
amicabiliter  signare  Romanis  Pontificibus,  ut — per  Pontificum  inter- 
cessionem  amplioi'em  benedictionem  et  gratiam  ad  suum  gubernandum 
imperium  obtinerent :  eodemque  aut  consimili  quasi  modo. — Romano- 
rum quidam  Imperatores  diadema  regium  imponi  sibi  fecerunt  per  Ro- 
manes Pontifices  :  quam  siquidem  impositionera  Pontifici  Romano  plus 
auctoritatis  tribuere  super  Rom.  Principem,  quam  Remensi  Archiepis- 
copo  super  regem  Francorum,  quis  dicet  ?  Non  enim  conferunt  hujus- 
modi  solemnitates  auctoritatem,  sed  habitam  vel  collatam  significant. 
Ex  hac  quidem  igitur  reverentia  sic  sponte  per  Romanos  Principes 
exhibita,  quaerentes  saepius  quae  sua  non  sunt,  Episcopi  Romani 
induxerunt  consuetudinem  et  abusum  verius,  pi-opter  Principum  simpli- 
citatem,  non  modo  dicam  ignaviam,  laudationem  elcctae  personae  ac 
benedictionem,  quam  super  illam  mittebant,  vocaliter  aut  in  scriptis 
vocare  confirniationcm  electionis  praedictae.  Nee  attendentibus  olim 
Romanis  Principibus,  quae  sub  hac  appellationis  tigura  praejudicialis 
latebat  intentio,  sic  ipsam  successive  subinduxerunt  latenter,  nunc  vero 
patenter  Romani  Pontifices,  ut  nullus  quantumcunque  convenienter 
electus  in  Romanorum  Regem  Rex  vocari  debeat,  neque  Regis  Ro- 
manorum auctoritatem  habeat  aut  exerceat,  nisi  per  Romanum  Episco- 


ClI.  I.— PAPACY  IN  i:i78.— 1.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  99.  JOHN  XXII.     31 

ing  age,  with  plentiful  materials  for  reflection.^^  Perhaps  more 
iisefiil  to  the  Emperor  than  these,  were  the  Pope's  advocates  who 
encountered  them,  the  Augustine  monk  Augustinus  Triumphus, 
fi'om  Ancona  (f  1328),^''  and  the  Franciscan  Alvarus  Pelagius 

copum  fuerit  appvobatus. — Non  esset  hoc  aliud  quam  Romanum  solvere 
priucipatura,  et  Principis  creationem  perpetuo  prohibere. — Quid  ergo 
aliud  sibi  tribiut  auctoritatis  Principum  electio,  quam  nominationcin,  ex 
quo  ipsorum  determinatio  ab  unius  solius  alterius  voluntate  dependet  ? 
Tantam  neiupe  septem  tonsores  aut  lippi  possent  Romano  Regi  aucto- 
ritatem  tribuere. 

^^  Thus  speaks  the  Canon  Closener  (j  1384)  in  his  Strasburg. 
Chronik  S.  54  :  In  den  Ziten  wart  daz  biich  gemacht,  daz  do  heisset 
Defensor  pads :  da.z  hev,iset  mit  redeliclien  Spriicben  der  heil.  Ges- 
cbrift,  daz  ein  Bobest  under  eime  Kelser  sol  sin,  un  daz  er  kein 
weltlicb  Ilerschaft  sol  ban.  Es  bewiset  ouch  des  Bobestes  un  der 
Cardinal  Grit,  un  ire  Hofart,  \\n  ire  Symonie,  die  sii  gewonlich  tribent, 
un  sich  des  bescbonent  rait  falschen  Glossen. 

^^  Summa  de  potestate  ecclesiastica  ad  Job.  P.  xxii.  (ed.  Aug.  Vind. 
1473.  Colon.  1475.  Romae  1582.  fob)  divided  into  III.  partes  and,  112 
quaestiones.  Qu.  1,  art.  1  :  Sola  potestas  Papae  est  immediate  a  Deo. 
— Habet  omnem  potestatem  saecularem  judicare  et  deponere,  si  non 
bona  est. — Et  si  inveniatur,  quandoque  aliquos  Imperatores  dedisse 
aliqua  temporalia  summis  Pontificibus,  sicut  Constantinus  dedit  Sylves- 
tro :  hoc  non  est  intelligendum,  quod  suum  est,  sed  restituerunt,  quod 
injuste  et  tyrannice  ablatum  est  (cf.  Qu.  43  art.  3.) — Omnis  potestas 
Impcratorum  et  Regum  est  subdelegata  respectu  potestatis  Papae. 
Qu.  18  art.  1  :  Major  est  jurisdictio  Papae  quam  cujuslibet  angeli. — 
Papae  totius  mundi  jurisdictio  et  cura  commissa  est, — quod  super 
caelum  et  terram  jurlsdictionem  accepit.  Qu.  22  art.  3  :  Magis  tenen- 
tur  laici  subditi  obedire  Papae,  quam  Iraperatori  vel  Regi, — Tota 
macbina  mundialis  non  est  nisi  unus  principatus  : — princeps  autem 
totius  principatus  mundi  est  ipse  Christus,  cujus  Papa  vicarius  existit 
juxta  illud  Dan.  vii. — Si  aliud  mandat  Papa,  et  aliud  Imperator,  obe- 
diendum  est  Papae  et  non  Imperatori.  Qu.  23  art.  1  :  Pagani  jure 
sunt  sub  Papae  obedientia. — Vicarius  Cbi'isti  est  Papa,  imde  nullus 
potest  se  subtrahere  ab  ejus  obedientia  de  jure,  sicut  nullus  potest  de 
jure  se  subtrahere  ab  obedientia  Dei.  Qu.  35  art.  1  :  Papa  per  se 
ipsum  Imperatorem  potest  eligere. — Imperator  est  minister  Papae  eo 
ipso  quod  est  minister  Dei. — Est  autem  principaliter  agentis,  eligere 
ministros  et  instrumenta  ad  suum  finem. — Unde  puto,  quod  Papa,  qui 
universos  fideles  in  praesenti  Ecclesia  ad  pacem  babet  ordinare,  et  ad 
supernaturalem  finem  consequendum  derigere  et  destinare,  justa  et 
rationabili  causa  existente  per  se  ipsum  possit  Imperatorem  eligere  :  ut 
propter  eligentium  negligentiam  et  discordiam,  aut  propter  electi  boni- 
tatem  et  condecentiam,  vel  propter  populi  cbristiani  pacis  providentiam, 
seu  propter  coercendura  haereticorum,  paganorum  et  scbismaticorum 
potentiam  et  audaciam.     Posse  enim  Papae  fulcitum  debet  esse  veri- 


32  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305—1409. 

tate,  justitia  et  aeqiiitate  :   iibn  enim  potest  adversus  veritatem  .scd  pro 
veritate,  ut  dicit    Apostolus  II.  ad   Cor.  ult. — Art.  3.     Sicut  a  sode 
apostolica  potestas  eligendi  Imperatorem  Electoribus  est  concessa,  ita  a 
praedicta  sede  potest  eis  auferri.     Art.  6.  Papa  potest  Imperatorem 
facere  per  haereditariam  siiccessionem  sicut  per  electionem. — Qu.  37. 
art.  3  :  Auctoritate  Papae  Imperium  a  Romanis  est  ad  Graecos  traus- 
latum. — Constantinus  hujusmodi  translationem  fecit  auctoritate  summi 
Pontificis,  qui  tanquam  vicarius   Dei  filii,  caelestis   Imperatoris,  juris- 
dictionem  habet  universalem  super  omnia  regiia  et  imperia. — Propter 
imperium  ad  Graecos  post  tempus  Constantini  translatmn,  Ecclesia  ibi 
potestate  et  dignitate  multum  vigebat.     Et  ideo  quatuor  Concilia  fue- 
runt  ibi  celebrata,  quibus  Imperatores  sic  se  subjecerunt,  quatenus  per 
suramum  Pontificem  approbarentur.      Art.  4.     Auctoritate  Papae  Im- 
perium est  translatum   a   Graecis  ad  Germanos.     Art  5.     Auctoritate 
Papae  Imperium  potest  a  Germanis  transferri  ad  alios. — Conditio  Im- 
peratoris a  tempore  Constantini  multipliciter  variata  est.  Nam  tempore 
dicti  Constantini  Imp.  eligebantur. — Qui  modus  servatus  est  usque  ad 
tempora  Michaelis  Imp.  et  Caroli  M.  Postea  institutio  Imperii  processit 
per  successionem  ad  tertiam  generationem  puta  usque  ad  tertium  Otto- 
nem,  qui  fuit  nepos  primi   et   filius  filii.      De  istis  enim  non  invenitur 
facta  electio,  sed  sola  provisio  per  summum  Pontificem. — Gregorius  V. 
convocatis   Principibus  Almaniae  ordinavit   electores  Imperatoris  offi- 
ciales  ipsius  imperialis  curiae.    Qualitercunque  tamen  institutio  Imperii 
sit  variata:   nuUi  tamen  dubiura  esse  debet,  quin  summus  Pontifex — 
Imperatorem  possit  eligere,  quemcunque  et   undecunque  sibi  placet  in 
auxilium  et  defensionem  Ecclesiae.     Qu.  38.  art.  1  :  Per  Papam  Impe- 
rator  electus  debet  confirmari. — Ad  ilium  pertinet  immediate   Impera- 
toris  confirmatio,    ad    quem    pertinet    Imperii    immediata  jurisdictio. 
Postquam    enim    Constantinus   cessit    Imperio    occidentali    nulla    sibi 
reservatione  facta, — plenum  jus  totius  Imperii  est  acquisitum  summis 
Pontificibus,  non  solum  superiorisdominationis,  verum  etiam  immediatae 
administrationis,  ut  ex  ipsis  tota  dependeat  imperialis  jurisdictio,  quan- 
tum ad  electionem  et  quantum  ad  confirmationem  :  ita  ut  ex  tunc  nullus 
de  jure  poterit  se  intromittere  de  regimine  occidentalis  Imperii  absque 
expressa   auctoritate  et  mandato  sedis   apostolicae,  nisi  usurpative  et 
tyrannice,  sicut  fecit  Julianus  Apostata  et  multi  alii.     Art  4 :  Papae 
Imperator  electus  debet  fidem  jurare. — Imperator  assumitur  in  defen- 
sorem  et  protectorem    Ecclesiae,  potissime  in  partibus   Italiae  et  in 
occidentalibus  regionibus,  in  quibus  Ecclesia  non  solum  temporalium 
habet  universalem  jurisdictionem,  sicut  in  toto  orbe  noscitur  habere, 
verum  etiam  habet  mediante  ministro,  quem  elegit,  immediatam  adminis- 
trationem.     Talis  ergo  minister  in  tribus  tenetur  Ecclesiae  fidelitatem 
servare  :  primo  in  ipsius  Ecclesiae  exaltatione,  ut  per  rebelles  et  infideles 
Ecclesia  non  deprimatur,  sed  potius  illis  expugnatis  juxta  posse  suum 
supra  candelabrum  ponatur ;  secundo  in  Ecclesiae  pastoris  et  rectoris 
defensione  ; — tertio    in    temporalium   per    Constantinum    concessorum 
Ecclesiae  conservatione,  ut  in  talibus  non  praetendat  aliquam  immedia- 
tam jurisdictionem,  sed  solum  immediatam  administrationem.      Et  ista 
tria  ponuntur  in  juramento  fidelitatis,  quod   ipse   Imperator   sumrao 
Poatifici  praestare  tenetur.       Qu.   39.  art.    1  :   Imperator  per    solam 


CH.  I.— PArACY  IN  1378.— 1.  POLIT.  HIST,  g  99.  JOHN  XXII.       33 

clectionem  non  potest  adininistrare,  nisi  beneficiuin  confirmationis 
recipiat.  Qu.  40.  art.  1  :  Papa  potest  Impcratorem  deponere,  Art  4  : 
Imperatoris  subditos  ajuramento  fidelitatis  absolvere.  Qu.  41.  art.  1  : 
Ad  Papara  spectat  Imperatoris  electionem  examinare.  Qu.  44.  Art.  1  : 
Absque  Papae  auctoritate  Imperator  non  potest  leges  condere. — Omnis 
justa  lex  (quae  secundum  Augustinum  si  justa  non  est,  non  est  lex) 
dependet  a  lege  divina. — lUo  ergo  jure  lex  imperialis  dependet  ab 
auctoritate  Papae,  quo  jure  dependet  a  lege  divina,  cujus  ipse  Papa  est 
vicarius  et  minister,  potissime  cum  secundum  Dionysium  lex  divinitatis 
hoc  habeat,  ut  ejus  influcntia  non  transeat  ad  inferiora  nisi  per  media. 
Medius  autem  inter  Deura  et  populum  christianum  est  ipse  Papa,  unde 
nulla  lex  populo  christiano  est  danda,  nisi  ipsius  Papae  auctoritate ; 
sicut  nee  aliqua  lex  fuit  data  populo  Israelitico  nisi  mediante  Moyse. 
Art  4  :  Papa  potest  sua  auctoritate  leges  imperiales  corrigere.  Qu. 
45.  art.  2  :  Papae  subjiciuntur  omnes  Reges,  quantum  ad  temporalium 
recognitioneui. — Dicentes,  Papam,  vicarium  Christi,  in  toto  orbe 
dominium  habere  solum  super  spiritualia,  non  autem  super  temporalia, 
similes  sunt  consiliariis  Regis  Syriae,  qui  dixerunt  iii.  Reg.  20:  Dii 
montium  sunt  dii  eorum  etc.  Sic  hodie  mali  consiliarii  adulaticne 
pestifera  seducunt  Reges  et  Principes  terrae,  dicentes  :  dii  montium, 
puta  spiritualium  donorum,  sunt  summi  Ponlifices,  sed  non  sunt  dii 
convallium,  quia  temporalium  bonorum  nullum  habent  dominium  :  ideo 
in  campestribus  et  in  potentia  bonorum  temporalium  pugnemus  contra 
eos  et  obtinebimus.  Sed  quid  dicit  eis  divina  sententia,  audiamus : 
quia  dixerunt^  inquit,  Syri,  dens  montium  est  doininus,  non  deus  vallium, 
daho  omnem  multitudine7n  hanc  in  manu  vesira,  et  scietis,  quia  ego  sum 
Doviinus.  Qu.  46.  art.  2  :  Papa  potest  omnes  Reges,  cum  subest  causa, 
deponere.  Art.  3  :  Papa  potest  in  quolibet  regno  Kegem  instituere. 
— Sicut  Deus  est  factor  omnium  regnorum  et  provisor,  sic  Papa  vice 
Dei  est  omnium  regnorum  provisor.  Unde  cum  causa  rationabilis 
subest,  in  quolibet  regno  potest  Rcgem  instituere,  sive  sit  causa  ipsius 
Regis  nequitia,  ut  dictum  est  supra  de  Rege  Francorum,  sive  ipsius 
populi  fraudulenta  malitia,  ut  si  in  Regis  mortem  conspirarent,  vel  eum 
ejicerent, — vel  quocunque  alio  modo  causa  justa  et  rationabilis  subest, 
ad  Papam  spectaret,  illi  regno  de  Rege  providere.  Qu.  61.  art.  3: 
Papa  non  potest  aliquos  eximere  a  se  ipso  in  temporalibus. — A{.(Ostolus 
ii.  ad.  Tim.  2  dicit :  Deus  fidelis  est,  et  selpsum  negare  non  potest. 
Negaret  autem  seipsum,  sieximeret  aliquos  a  suo  dominio  temporali  vel 
spirituali,  quia  tunc  negai'et,  se  esse  dominum  omnium  tarn  temporalium 
quam  spiritualium.  Cum  igitur  Papa  verus  vicarius  Dei  sit,  si  aliquos 
eximeret  a  seipso  in  jurisdictione  temporalium  vel  spiritualium,  negaret 
quod  non  esset  verus  Dei  vicarius,  et  talis  negatio  in  errorem  Mani- 
chaeorum  ipsum  induceret,  ponentium,  ab  alio  principio  spiritualia  et 
ab  alio  temporalia  esse  producta.  Unde  non  est  dubium,  quod  si  pro 
tali  veritate  testificanda  Papa  pateretur,  verus  Christi  martyr  esset 
censendus.  To  the  plea :  consuetudo  servanda  est,  et  longo  tempore 
approbata  pro  lege  tenenda  est,  ut  juriseonsultus  dicit.  Sed  ab  antiqua 
consuetudine  fuit  observatum  in  Ecclesia  Gallicana,  quod  Praelati 
Franciae  non  recognoscunt  temporalia  a  Papa  sed  a  Rege,  et  ipse 
similiter  Rex  a  nullo  temporalia  rccognoscit,  he  answers  :  consuetudo 
VOL.  TV.  C 


34  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

(t  after  1340),^^  who,  heated  by  their  boldness,  proudly  and 
fearlessly  unfolded  the  newly  erected  political  right  of  the  Pope 
with  its  most  obnoxious  results. 

Under  these  circumstances,  neither  the  Papal  excommunica- 
tion, which  Lewis  met  without  delay  by  an  appeal  to  a  General 
Council,^^  nor   the    interdict  ^"^  afterwards   pronounced   against 

veritati  et  rationi  contraria,  quanto  diuturnior  tanto  perniciosior  et 
periculosior,  nee  consuetude  sed  abusio  dicenda  est.  Non  enim  dixit 
Christus,  ut  dicit  Gregorius  :  Ego  sum  consuetudo,  sed  :  ego  sum  Veritas. 
Si  vero  potentia  regalis  vel  imperialis  allegatur,  videatur,  ut  dicit  Aug. 
quod  factum  sit  de  Nabuchodonosor,  quomodo  a  regno  depositus  est  et 
inter  bestias  connumeratus  est,  donee  recognosceret,  Deum  caeli  esse 
dominum  universorum,  Qu.  73.  art.  3:  Papa  alicui  potest  concedere 
decimas  Laicorum. — Jus  naturale  propi'ia  facit  communia  in  necessitate, 
jus  vero  divinum  ex  caritate,  et  jus  civile  ex  reipublicae  utilitate. 
Planum  est  autem,  quod  Papa  est  omnis  juris  interpres  et  ordinator, 
tamquam  architector  in  tota  ecclesiastica  hierarchia  vice  Christi,  unde 
quolibet  jure  potest,  cum  subest  causa  rationabilis,  decimas  laicorum, 
non  solum  subditorum,  verum  etiam  Regum,  Principum  et  Dominorum 
recipere  et  concedere  pro  Ecclesiae  utilitate,  ac  eos,  si  noluerint  dare, 
compellere. 

1^  His  work  de  planctvi  Ecclesiae  libb.  ii.  (ed.  Ulmae  1474.  Venet. 
1560  fol.)  composed  at  Avignon  in  1330,  and  revised  in  1340  by  the 
author,  at  that  time  Bishop  of  Silves  in  Portugal,  agrees  entirely  in 
principle  with  that  of  August.  Triumphus.  cf.  lib.  1.  c.  13  :  quod 
jurisdictionem  habet  universalem  in  toto  mundo  Papa  nedum  in  spiri- 
tualibus,  sed  temporalibus,  licet  executionem  gladii  temporalis  et 
jurisdictionem  per  filium  suum  legitimum  Imperatorem,  cum  fuerit, 
tanquam  per  advocatum  et  defensorem  Ecclesiae,  et  per  alios  Reges  et 
mundi  Principes  ;  et  in  patrimonio  s.  Petri  et  in  regno  Siciliae,  quod 
est  regnura  Ecclesiae  et  patrimonium, — et  in  aliis  terris  Ecclesiae  eam 
per  suos  rectores  debeat  exercere. — Cum  animae  corporibus  sunt 
pretiosiores,  et  spiritualia  temporalibus  digniora; — cui  ergo  commissae 
sunt  animae  et  spiritualia,  multo  potius  res  sunt  et  corpora  committenda. 
— Temporalia  accessoria  sunt  ad  spiritum,  Matth.  xvi. :  haec  omnia 
scil.  temporalia  adjicientur  vobis :  sed  accessoria  naturam  habent 
principale  sequendi.  Accordingly  the  Papal  encroachments  were 
defended  against  the  Emperor  Lewis,  here  styled  only  Bavarus  schis- 
maticus.  Afterwards,  cap  33  :  Quod  Papa  non  tenetur  se  purgare  de 
aliqua  infamia,  a  quibuscunque  exorta,  bonis  vel  malis,  si  non  vult. 
Cap.  34  :  Quod  in  bac  vita,  etiamsi  injuriam  vel  injustitiam  facit  Papa 
alicui,  non  habet  judicem  super  se,  nee  tenetur  eligere  judices  vel  arbi- 
tros.  Cap.  36  ;  Quod  antea  fuit  Ecclesia,  quam  Imperium.  Cap.  60 
he  introduces  the  Bull  Unam  sanctam.  Cap.  68  is  against  the  new 
Schismatic!,  especially  against  the  haeresiarcha  novellus  Marsilius 
Padovanus. 

^^  dd.  Sachsenhausen  in  April  or  May  1324  (ed  Baluz.  vitae  PP. 
Aven.  T.  ii.   p.   478) :  Nos   Ludovicus  Dei  gratia  Romanorum  Rex 


TH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  III8T.  §  99.  JOHN  XXII.       35 

Lewis'  faithful  subjects,  produced  the  desired  eflFect  in  Germany .^^ 
The  Pope's  anger  rose  higher,  when  Lewis  was  reconciled  even 

semper  Augustus  pi'oponimus  contra  Johannem,  qui  se  dicit  Papam 
XXII.,  quod  iniraicus  sit  pacis,  et  iutendit  ad  discordias  et  scandala 
suscitanda. — Nam  publico  dicei*e  dicitur,  quod  quando  inter  Reges 
raundi  et  Priucipes  est  discordia,  tunc  Papa  est  verus  Papa,  et  timetur. 
— Maxirae  autem  dicere  dicitur,  quod  discordia  Alaraanniae — salus  est 
et  pax  Romani  Pontificis  et  Ecclesiae.  Unde  cum  multiplicarentur  in 
Alamania,  occasione  diversarum  electionera,  caedes, — et  sanguinis 
effusiones,  proh  dolor,  innocentium  ;  nunquam  unam  literam  vel  qualem- 
cunque  nuntium  niisit  ad  obviandum  praedictis  periculis  atque  malis, 
cum  tamen  multos  haberet  in  partibus  Alamanniae  exactores  et  collec- 
tores  pecuniarum  pro  ipso,  quibus  hoc  committere  sine  aliquo  suo  onei'e 
potuisset,  si  voluisset,  vel  sibi  de  hoc  cura  aliqua  fuisset,  ostendens  se 
per  hoc  facere  contra  doctrinam  et  vitam  et  exemplum  Christi,  cujus 
vicariura  se  mentitur  et  dicit.  After  the  rights  of  the  Empei'or,  and 
the  unfounded  assumptions  and  political  injustice  of  the  Pope  have  been 
demonstrated,  there  follows  a  long  and  zealous  refutation  of  the  Papal 
assertion,  Christum  et  Apostolos  habuisse  bona  temporalia  in  communi 
eo  modo,  quo  alia  collegia  habent,  quod  dictvim  est  notorie  haereticum, 
et  profanura  et  contra  Evangelii  sacrum  textura,  which  evidently 
proceeded  from  the  pen  of  some  persecuted  Minorite.  In  conclusion : 
ad  generale  Concilium,  quod  instanter  et  cum  instantia  repetita  in  loco 
tuto  nobis  et  nostris  convocai'i  petimus,  et  ad  verum  legitimum  futurum 
summum  Pontificem,  et  ad  sanctam  matrem  Ecclesiam  et  apostolicam 
sedem,  et  ad  alium  vel  ad  alios,  ad  quem  vel  ad  quos  fuerit  appellandum, 
provocaraus  et  appellamus. 

^^  Processus  quartus  of  11.  July  1324  in  Martene  et  Durand  thes. 
anecd.  ii.  660  :  (Ludovicum)  reputamus  et  declararaus  merito  contu- 
macem, — omni  jure,  si  quod  sibi  ex  electione  sua  competere  seu 
competiisse  poterat,  a  Domino  privatum  denunciamus, — de  benignitate 
sedis  apostolicae — supersedentes  ad  praesens  a  poenis  alils,  quibus 
excessus  praedicti  ipsum  reddiderunt  obnoxium. — Personas  ecclesiasti- 
cas, — quae  contra — mandata  nostra  Ludovico  praefato  tamquam  Regi — 
paruerunt  vel  adhaeserunt  qiioraodolibet, — declaramus  poenas  suspen- 
sionis  ab  officio,  ac  excommunicationis  sententias — incurrisse.  Civitates 
autem,  communitates, — ac  singulares  personas  illarum,  quae  in  prae- 
dictis— deliquerunt,  declaramus,  civitates? — interdicti,  singulares  vero 
personas  excommunicationis  sententiis  subjacere.  Next  Lewis  was 
forbidden  sub  poenis  excommunicationis  ac  privationis  feudorum,  quae 
ab  Ecclesia  Romana  vel  aliis  seu  Iraperio  obtinet,  ne  deinceps  se 
Regem  Romanorum  vel  electum  intitulet,  and  the  first  of  October  was 
peremptorily  assigned  him  as  the  day  on  which  he  should  answer  for 
himself  before  the  Pope. 

■^^  Compare  the  Papal  briefs  of  the  yeav  1324  in  the  Oberbaierischen 
Archiv.  f.  vaterl.  Gesch.  Bd.  1  (Miinchen  1839.)  According  to  S.  50 
the  townsmen  of  Liege  and  Strasburg  wisht  their  Bishops  to  forbid  the 
publication  of  the  Processus.     On  the  faithful  adherence  of  Strasburg 

C  2 


36  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

to  Frederick  (March  1325)  r-  and  when  the  latter,  in  defiance 
of  all  requisitions  to  the  contrary,^^  fairly  broke  his  plighted 
word.  And  now  the  pretended  vicegerent  of  Christ  avenged 
himself  by  causing  the  march  of  Brandenburg,  with  which  Lewis 
had  shortly  before  enfeofft  his  son,^*  to  be  laid  waste  by  the 
neighbouring  tribes,  chiefly  by  the  heathenish  Lithuanians.^^ 

to  Lewis,  see  Wencker  apparatus  et  instvuctus  archivovum,  Argent. 
1713.  4.  p.  J  94.)  According  to  S.  60  the  Archbishop  of  Mayence,  to 
S.  68  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne  refused  to  publish  it.  The  Pope,  S. 
81,  required  the  city  and  diocese  of  Basle,  with  threats,  to  allow  the 
publication :  but  Jo.  Vitoduranus  p.  32  :  quidam  clericus  famosus  a 
Papa  Basileam  dirigitur,  ut  quosdam  processus  frivolos  ibidem  promul- 
garet :  qui  statim  de  curia  Monasterii  summae  Canoniae  dictae  Burg, 
eminenti  et  valde  excelso  loco,  in  fluvium  Rhenura  illic  praeterfluentem 
praecipitatur.  The  Archbishop  of  Saltzburg,  and  the  Bishops  of 
Freisingen  and  Passau,  were  obliged  as  adherents  of  the  Pope  to  fly  to 
Austria.      Buchner's  Gesch.  v.  Baiern  v.  360. 

'-'-  See  the  compact  in  Gewold  p.  89,  and  Olenschlager,  Urkunden- 
buch  S.  129.  Fredei'ick  renounced  all  claim  to  the  kingdom,  and 
pledged  himself  to  aid  Lewis  "  wider  allermeniglich,  swie  sie  genannt 
seyn,  Pfafifen  und  Layen,  und  mit  nahmen  wider  den,  der  sich  Babst 
nennet, — dieweil  er  wider  den  Chiinig  und  das  Riche  ist."  Vgl.  Kurz 
Oesterreich  unter  K.  Friedrich  d.  Schonen  S.  304. 

2^  Comp.  Kurz  S.  319.  The  Pope  wrote  to  Frederick  dd.  4.  May 
1325  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  2) :  Sane  quia  multorum  habet  opinio, 
quod  in  relaxatione  hujusmodi  ad  multa  Deo  infesta,  tibique  inexpe- 
dientia,  et  Rei  periculosa  publicae  Te  promissionibus, — juramentis  ac 
poenis — duxeris  astringendum  :  nos  super  hoc  de  salubri  providere 
remedio  cupientes — ea  ex  officio  nostro  cassa  et  irrita,  et  nulla  esse 
penitus  declaramus  ; — Tibique  nihilominus — in  virtute  sanctae  obedien- 
tiae  ac  sub  escommunicationis  poena — districtius  inhibentes,  ne  ad 
ejusdem  Ludovici  Rebellis  et  excommunicati  quoquo  modo  redire  car- 
cerem,  aut  sibi — obedire  praesumas.  He  declared  also  that  Frederick's 
rights  rising  from  his  election  were  restored  (Raynald.  1.  c.  no.  5)  : 
however  he  proceeded  secretly  in  his  endeavour  to  procure  the  imperial 
crown  for  Charles  IV.  King  of  France.  He  wrote  to  him  dd.  30.  July 
1325  (1.  c.  no.  6)  :  res  sic  sunt  dispositae,  ut  regium  possit  ad  prius 
desiderium  adimpleri. — Tepiditas  regia  multum  negotio  obfuit,  quia  et 
nos  reddit  ct  reddidit  tepidos  et  morosos. — Excutiat  circuraspectio 
I'egia  quaeso  hune  torporem,  et  operetur,  dum  ad  hoc  intendat,  dum 
dies  est. 

2*  The  Pope  declared  the  investiture,  which  was  made  in  1323  (see 
the  deeds  in  Ludewig  reliqu.  mss.  ii.  262.  x.  642)  invalid,  and  charged 
the  men  of  Brandenburg  in  virtute  sanctae  obedientiae,  and  under  pain 
of  Ban  and  Interdict,  to  renounce  their  allegiance  to  their  new  lord 
(Raynald.  ann.  1322.  no.  8.) 

25  Jo.  Vitoduranus  in  thesaur.  hist.  ITelv.  p.  32  :   De  Johanne  Papa 


CII.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  PULIT.  HIST,  g  99.  JOHN  XXII.       37 

Lewis  meanwliile  establisht  his  ascendancy  in  Germany  so 
firmly  that  he  was  able  to  tiu'n  his  thoughts  to  an  attack  upon 
the  Pope  in  Italy  his  most  assailable  quarter  (1327.)  John 
advanced  in  vain  to  the  Fifth  Process.^*^  The  outcry  of  heresy 
raised    by  the   Minorites   blunted    his  ecclesiastical  weapons  f^ 

exsecrabile  factum  fidelibus  in  perpetimm  displicibile  praecedentibus 
subnecto. — Nam  in  quibusdam  Cbristianitatis,  ut  fertur,  extremitatibus 
Teutonicis  cruciferis  diffuse  dominantibus,  paganorum  truculentam 
rabiem  eos  contingentium  coercentibus  et  refraenantibus,  ne  per  suas 
invasiones  et  incursiones  pestiferas  fidelium  terris,  quantum  gliscunt, 
nocere  possint,  dorainus  Papa  in  mandatis  districtissime  dedit,  quatenus 
ipsos  per  terram  suam  liberum  transitum  habere  sinerent,  ut  in  vindic- 
tam  et  injuriam  Imperatoris  ad  terram  filii  sui  demoliendani,  vocatani 
Brandeburg,  accessum  habere  possent.  Qui  jussioni  papali  contraire 
pertimescentes,  inviti  cum  ejulatu,  ut  ita  dicam,  amarissimo  paganis 
transitum  pro  suo  libitu  indulserunt.  (Quidam  ajunt,  Papam  haec 
demandasse  Regi  Graagogiae  (i.  e.  Cracoviae),  et  quia  sibi  in  hoc 
paruit,  Regem  eum  fecit,  qui  ante  Dux  unus  Poloniae  fuit.  Qui 
venientes  ad  terram  praenominatam  immanissima  scelera  auditu  horri- 
bilia  commiserunt.  Armati  enim  in  multitudine  incredibili  ex  insperato 
ad  terram  memoratam  supervenerunt  bestiali  mente,  indomito  ac  agresti 
more  ipsam  vastantes  :  nee  in  hoc  eis  suffecit,  quin  etiam  niulieres 
certatim  temerarent  coitu  nefario ;  ipsis  quoque  mamillas  absciderunt, 
Ecclesias  diruerunt,  Altaria  destruxerunt,  corpus  Christi  in  scriniis 
super  aris  reconditum  sustulerunt,  et  sibi  lanceas  suas  infixerunt,  blas- 
phemando  dicentes  :  Ecce  Deus  Christianorum  in  nullo  se  defendere 
valens. 

2^  Processus  quintus  of  3.  April  1327  in  Martene  thes.  ii.  671  : — 
declaramus  ipsum  Ludovicum  privatum  feudis  omnibus,  quae  a  Romana 
Ecclesia,  velEcclesiis  aliis, seu  ab  Impei*ioobtinebat,  et  specialiter  Ducatu 
Bavariae, — exponendis  vel  concedendis  catholicis,  si,  prout,  et  quando, 
ac  quibus  vel  de  quibus  sedes  apostolica  duxerit  ordinandum,  principalis 
domini  jure  salvo  : — vasallos  quoque  ipsius  a  juramento  fidelitatis — 
expressius  nuuciantes  eos  absolutos.  Et  quia  excommunicatus  pro 
fautoria  baereticorum  excommunicationis  sententiam  sustinuit  perbien- 
nium  et  ultra  animo  indurato,  idcirco  declaramus  praefatum  Ludovicum 
fore  manifestum  baereticorum  fautorem,  ipsumque  poenas  omnes  a 
canonibus  inflictas  talibus  incurrisse  (see  Part  2.  §  89.  note  22.)  About 
the  same  time  dd.  9.  April  1327  (1.  c,  p.  692)  several  adherents  of 
Lewis  especially  Marsilius  and  Johannes  de  Janduno  were  excommuni- 
cated by  name.  These  two  however  were  expressly  declared  heretics 
and  outlaws  23.  Oct.  1328  (1.  c.  p.  704.) 

27  On  9.  Jan.  1328,  the  secretary  of  the  Bishop  of  Constance  desired 
to  publish  this  Papal  Processus  in  Freiburg  :  "  da  erbaten  ihn  die 
IBiirgere  fruntliche  und  liepliche,  dass  er  dieselben  Brieve  willekliche 
und  gerne  hie  ungekiindet  liess,  und  sie  wieder  hinan  fiihrte."  Frei- 
burger  Rechtsbiichlein,  in  Schreiber's  Urkundenbuch  der  Stadt  Freiburg 
i.  278. 


38  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.  A.D.  1305— 140ii. 

Lewis  overran  Upper  Italy  with  conquest  :^^  and  while  the  Pope 
was  ordering  a  crusade  to  be  preacht  against  him,  he  received 
the  Imperial  crown  at  Rome  (17.  Jan.  1328),^^  pronounced  upon 
John  sentence  of  dethronement,^"  and  appointed  a  Franciscan 
to  be  Pope  under  the  name  of  Nicolas  V.^^ 

^^  Villani  x.  c.  15  ss.  Albert.  Mussati  Ludov.  Bavarus  in  Bohmer's 
fontes  rer.  Germ.  i.  172. 

2^  dd.  21.  Jan.  1328  in  Martene  thes.  ii.  716  :  Omnibus  vere  poeni- 
tentibus  et  confessis,  qui  dictum  Ludovicum  ejusque  complices — 
expugnabunt,  et  super  hoc  per  annum — laborabunt,  Ecclesiae  sequendo 
vexillum,  tarn  clericis  quam  laicis, — illam  concedimus  veniam  pecca- 
torum,  quae  concedi — proficiscentibus  in  terrae  sanctae  subsidium 
consuevit,  et  in  retributione  justorum  salutis  aeternae  pollicemur  aug- 
mentura.  Eos  autem,  qui  non  per  annum  integrum,  sed  per  ipsius 
anni  partem  in  hujusmodi  Dei  servutio  laborabunt,  juxta  qualitatem 
laboris  efc  devotionis  affectum  participes  esse  volumus  indulgentiae 
supradictae. 

30  18.  Apr.  1328.  See  Villani  x.  c.  68.  Ludovici  IV.  Imp.  pro- 
cessus  contra  Jo,  XXII.  in  Baluzii  vitae  PP.  Aven.  ii.  512  : 
Ludovicus  Dei  gratia  Romanorum  Imp.  et  semper  Augustus  ad 
perpetuam  rei  memoriam.  Gloriosus  Deus — nos,  Ludovicum  IV. 
Romanorum  Imperatorem,  — in  Principem  super  baereditatem  suam 
inunxit,  ut  de  raanibus  inimicorum  suum  populum  liberemus.  Eapropter 
ex  imperialis  celsitixdinis  debito  excessus  enormes  Jacobi  de  Caturco, 
qui  nunc  se  Papam  Jobannem  XXII.  licet  mendaciter  asserere  non 
veretur,  dissimulatione  diuturniori  nullatenus  sufferre  valentes — celeri 
cursu  in  Italiam  veniraus  ad  sedem  nostram  praecipuam,  Romam  vide- 
licet, properantes.  Then  the  Pope's  offences  were  enumerated.  Simony, 
instigation  to  rebellion  (Ex  quibus  profecto  evidenter  agnoscimus,  sacrum 
Imperiura — per  hunc  myslicum  Antichristum,  qui  se  Papam  nominat,  si 
quod  absit  effrenis  ejus  rabies  ultra  procederet,  irreparabiliter  exter- 
minari),  the  devastation  of  Brandenburg  by  heathens,  especially 
usurpation  of  the  chief  temporal  power  against  the  doctrine  of  Christ 
(cui  etiam  Deci-etistae  asserunt,  dicentes,  Papam  non  habere  utramque 
jurisdictionem),  non-residence  at  Rome.  Quapropter  cum  hie  praeva- 
ricator  nefarius  divinae  disposltionis  ordinem  sacerdotio  et  imperio 
praestitum  publice  impugnaverit,  statu  sui  vicariatus  abutens  enormiter, 
dum  gladio  sanguinis  uti  praecipit  pro  gladio  spiritus,  quod  est  verbum 
Dei ;  bine  est,  quod  zelo  justitiae  atque  reipublicae, — auctoritate  nobis 
in  hoc  casu  caelitus  ordinata  contra  quoslibet  fidei  et  vei'itatis  sanctae 
matris  Ecclesiae  turbatores,  praedecessorum  nostrorum,  videlicet  Ottonis 
primi,  qui  cum  clero  et  populo  Romano  Johanneni  XII  deposuit  de 
papatu,  et  cum  clero  et  populo  de  alio  pastore  urbi  et  orbi  providit,  et 
aliorum  quamplurium  Imperatorum  vestigiis  inhaerere  volentes,  ipsum 
.Jacobum  in  haeresi  deprehensum,  cum  ex  facti  evidentia,  quia  haeresim 
publice  praedicat,  perfectionem  altissimae  paupertatis  in  Christo 
penitus  denegando, — quam  ex  confessione  propria,  ut  liquet  ex  iniquis 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  99.  JOHN  XXII.     3y 

But  Italy  was  fatal  to  Lewis  also,  as  it  had  been  ere  now  to 
many  German  Emperors.  The  insufficiency  of  his  resources, 
and  the  inconstancy  of  the  Italian  people,  compelled  him  to  with- 
draw from  this  country  (1329  '.y^  The  Pope's  party  regained  so 
strong  an  ascendancy,  that  the  forsaken  Imperial  Pontiff'  was 
quickly  delivered  over  to  his  antagonist.^^  Fresh  anathemas^* 
followed  the  Emperor  on  his  return  to  Germany,  and  now 
that  public  feeling  was  alarmed  by  many  of  the  foregoing 
events,^^  ^l^cy  made  a  stronger  impression  than  before,  even  in 
Germany.^" 

et  temerariis  vocatis  processibus  ab  ipso  contra  sacrum  Imperimn  in 
nostra  persona  factis, — eo  quod  indigne  gerit  et  gessit  vicariatus  offi- 
cium, — a  Christo  privatum  esse — denunciamus,  nustraeque  imperialis 
auctoritatis  sententia  episcopatu  Romano  et  universalis  Ecclesiae  Dei  seu 
Papain  tenore  praesentium  privamus,  et  ab  eodem  deponimus  in  his 
scriptis,  sententia  lata  de  communi  consilio — cleri  et  populi  Romani, 
nostrorumque  Principum  et  Ecclesiae  Praelatorum,  tam  Alamannorum 
quam  Italicorum. — Unde  et  saepedictum  Jacobum  omnis  ecclesiastici 
ordinis  praerogativa  nudatura — subjicimus  saecularis  nostrorum  minis- 
trorum  arbitrio  potestatis, — ubicumque  deprehensus  fuerit,  velut 
haereticum  animadversione  debita  puniendum.  In  a  second  Sententia 
of  the  same  day  (1.  c.  p.  522)  after  a  long  refutation  of  his  idea  of  the 
poverty  of  Christ,  John  was  declared  to  be  haereticus  notorius  et  mani- 
festus  et  excommunicatus. 

31  12.  May  1328  :  Villani  X.  c.  71  ss. 

2-  Villani  X.  c.  96  ss.  At  Pisa  even  in  1328  a  number  of  zealous 
Minorites,  who  had  made  their  escape  from  Avignon,  came  over  to  bim  ; 
among  them  were  some  of  the  most  distinguisbt  of  the  Order.  Michael 
of  Cesena,  the  General,  William  Occam  and  Bonagratia  of  Bergamo, 
who  henceforth  remained  with  Lewis  (Contin.  chron.  Guil.  de  Nangis 
in  d'Achery  spicil.  iii.  88.     Wadding  annales  Minorum  ann.  1328  no. 

^^  Villani  X.  c.  162.  Bernardus  Guido  in  secunda  vita  Joannis 
XXII  ap.  Baluz.  vitae  PP.  Aven.  i.  143. 

3*  Processus  sextus  of  20.  April  1329  (in  Martene  thes.  ii.  771) 
condemns  Lewis  as  a  heretic,  quod  damnatam  haeresim, — quod  Christo 
et  Apostolis  in  rebus,  quas  babuerant,  nullum  jus  conqoetierat,  sed  tan- 
tummodo  in  eis  babuerant  usum  facti,  asserere  praesumserat  temere  et 
publice,  and  because  he,  asserens  errorem, — quod  Imperatori  licebat 
Papam  deponere,  contra  nos  depositionis  de  facto  praesumsit  sententiam 
promulgare.  On  25.  June  he  gave  fresh  orders  to  preach  the  crusade 
against  Lewis  in  Italy  (1.  c.  p.  777.)  On  27.  Jan.  1330  the  command 
not  to  render  allegiance  to  Lewis  was  repeated  (1.  c.  p.  787.) 

^^  Chiefly  by  the  appointment  of  an  anti-Pope,  who  soon  after  was 
obliged  to  abjure  his  error  before  John  xxii.  comp.  Jo.  Vitoduranus  in 
tbes.  hist.  Ilelv.  p.  28.  who  was  by  no  means  well  inclined  towards 


40  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.  D.  1305—1409. 

Wearied  out  with  so  obstinate  a  persecution,  Lewis  tried  fresli 
negotiations  for  peace.  But  tlie  Pope,  so  entangled  with  the 
ambitious  Philip  VI.  of  Valois,  since  1328  King  of  France,  that 
he  was  obliged  to  yield  to  his   most  extravagant   deinands,^^ 

Pope  John  XXII.,  and  recognized  the  mira  sanctitas  of  the  anti-Pope. 
Still  he  pronounced  the  election  an  ei*ror,  Lewis  and  the  Romans 
pi-obably  wislit  to  vindicate  the  antient  right  eligendi  summuni  Ponti- 
ficem  et  sedeui  apostolicani  ordinandi,  granted  by  Hadrian  to  Charle- 
magne :  sed  uon  super  petrani,  sed  potius  super  arenam — aedificassent. 
Quia — successores  Caroli  memorati  praefato  juri  longe  ante  istius 
renunciaverunt  tempora. 

'^'  Jo.  Vitoduranus  1.  c.  p.  29  ;  Ex  tunc  plures  civitates — abstinue- 
runt  se  a  divinis,  et  interim  Clerus  graviter  fuit  angariatus  et  compulsus 
ad  divina  resumenda,  et  plures  anuuL'runt,  non  verentes  latam  senten- 
tiam,  nee  ultionem  divinam.  Multi  etiam  eraut  inobedientes,  et  oh 
hoc  de  locis  suis  expulsi,  et  sic  tandem  facta  fuit  lamentabilis  difformitas 
Ecclesiarum :  quaedam  enim  immunem  se  existimans  ab  interdicti 
censura  in  laudes  divinas  celebrando  imperterrite  ac  secure  laxavit  ora  ; 
quaedam  vero  e  contrario  interdicti  poena  se  plexam  reputans  organa 
Domino  canentia  suspendit.  Et  illae  mutuo  se  sinistre  judicabant,  et 
quod  rairabilius  est,  tacentes  in  divino  cultu  habito  clausis  januis  mutuo 
sibi  non  communicabant,  sed  frequenter  se  excludebant,  cantantes 
etiam  se  alterutrum  vitaverunt — Haec  autem  diversitas  lamentabilis 
causabatur  non  solum  propter  diversitatem  conscientiarum, — sed  etiam 
ex  eo,  quod  Jurisperiti  in  iis  requisiti  diversimode  canones  juris  eccle- 
siastici  interpretabantur.  Jacob  v.  Kianigshoven  Elsass.  Chronicke 
S.  128  :  Hievon  wart  grosse  Irrunge  und  Zweyunge  in  der  Pfaft'heit 
in  des  Riches  Stetten,  und  in  den  frigen  Stetten,  die  disen  Ludwig  fiir 
einem  Keyser  hettent.  Wan  etliche  Pfaffen  und  das  Mereteil  die 
woltent  des  Bobestcs  Briefen  gehorsam  sin,  und  wolteut  niit  singen, 
noch  Gottesdienst  h; ni.  Also  die  Agestyner  und  vil  bi  alle  Orden 
zu  Strosburg  und  anderswo  in  frigen  und  Riclies  Stetten,  die  worene 
XVII  Jor  one  singen.  Aber  die  Brediger  und  Barfussen  zu  Stros- 
burg die  sungent  vil  Jor  an  der  erste  wider  des  Bobestes  Briefe, 
Hiinden  noch  liessent  die  Bi-ediger  abe,  und  woltent  audi  nyme 
singen  :  do  sprochent  die  Herren  von  Strosburg,  sit  das  sii  hettent  vor 
gesungen  do  soltent  sii  ouch  fiirbas  singen,  oder  aber  us  der  Statt 
springen.  Do  zugent  die  Brediger  us  der  Statt,  und  liessent  ir  Closter 
lere  ston  IV  halb  Jor.  Ouch  zweiete  sich  die  Pfafheit  underenander 
so  sere,  das  die  Pfaffen  uf  einre  Stift,  und  die  Mii niche  in  eime  Closter 
ire  etliche  sungent  und  die  Andern  swigent.  Der  Keyser  was  so  gut 
und  tugenthaft,  das  er  keinen  armen  Pfaffen  det  derumb  kestigen  ; 
doch  twang  er  die  Bischove  und  Prelaten,  das  sii  mustent  ir  Lehen 
von  ime  enphohen. 

^'^  He  obtained  the  ascendancy  in  the  College  of  Cardinals,  by  con- 
tinually pressing  on  the  Pope  more  French  Cardinals,  On  25.  May 
1331  John  wrote  to  him  :  Circumspectionem  regiam  volumus  non 
latere,  quod  jam  XX  Cardinales,  de  quibus  XVII  de  regno  Franciae 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1878.-1.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  W.  JUHN  XXll.     41 

liaughtly  rejected  the  proposals  of  submission,  which  were  first 
brouo-ht  before  him  by  the  Emperor's  friends  in  (1330),^®  and 
afterwards  renewed  by  the  Emperor  himself  1331  and  133"2  :^^ 

originem  traxisse  noscuutur,  existant :  nevertheless  immediately  after 
he  was  obliged  to  create  the  Bishop  of  Autun  a  Cardinal,  on  the 
King's  recommendation  (Raynald  ann.  1331  no.  33.  34.) — The  Kings 
of  France  tried  to  enrich  themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  Church, 
especially  upon  the  empty  pretext  of  a  new  crusade.  With  tins  view 
even  Charles  IV.  had  demanded  six  millions  librarum  Turonensium 
from  John  (Raynald.  ann.  1323  no.  10  :  but  he  received  the  answer  : 
summam  praedictam— dividere  inter  omnes — difficile  nimis  nobis. — 
Philip  VI.  offered  again  in  1331  to  undertake  a  crusade,  but  he 
demanded  for  tliis  purpose  from  the  Pope  (Villani  X.  c.  196)  tutto  il 
tesoro  della  Chiesa,  e  le  Decime  di  tutta  Christianita  per  sei  anui, 
pagando  in  tre  anni,  e  in  suo  Rearae  le  investiture  e  promutazione 
d'ogni  benefizio  ecclesiastico  ;  e  adqmandava  titolo  del  Reame  d'Arli  e 
di  Vienna  per  lo  figliuolo,  e  d'ltalia  volea  la  signoria  per  Messer  Car- 
lotto  suo  fratello.  Thereupon  he  was  reminded  indeed,  that  the  Kings 
of  France,  for  40  years  past,  had  drawn  a  tenth  from  the  French 
Church  on  the  pretext  of  a  crusade,  and  had  employed  it  in  other  wars. 
However,  the  Pope  did  his  utmost  to  satisfy  him.  He  appointed  him, 
26.  July  1333,  rector  et  capitaneus  totius  exei'citus  christiani,  qui 
transfretabit,  and  assigned  per  universas  mundi  partes  decimam  eccle- 
siasticorum  redituum  sexennalem — in  utilitatemdicti  passagii  (Raynald. 
ad  b.  a.  no.  3.  cf.  Ughelli  Italia  sacra  iii.  537.)  In  the  Vita  octava 
Bened.  xii.  (in  Baluz.  1,  241)  honourable  mention  was  made  of  this 
pretext,  which  was  afterwards  repeated  :  quod  tamen  eftVctum  non 
habuit,  cum  etiam  propter  delusiones  praeteriias  minirne  fienduvi  com- 
muniter  crederetur.  The  Papal  decree  by  which  Italy  was  separated 
from  the  German  empire,  doubtless  belongs  to  this  time  (in  Baluz.  i. 
704,  publisht  entire  by  Hofler  in  the  Oberbaier.  Archive  f.  vaterland. 
Gesch.  i.  113:)  provinciam  Italiam  ah  eodcm  imperio  et  regno 
Alamaniae,  totaliter  eximentes,  ipsam  a  subjectione,  communitate 
et  jurisdictione  eorumdem  regni  et  imperii  separamus, — decernen- 
tes,  ut  nullo  unquam  tempore  conjungantur  ;  ex  eo  praecipue,  quod 
earundem  provinciarum  longa  diffusaque  protensio — impedit  uuius 
regnantis  jurisdictionis  et  gubernationis  effectum. — Ac  declaramus, 
regnum  praescriptum  Alamaniae  a  regno  Franciae  claris  distingui 
terminis, — per  nos — paterno  amore  provide  distinguendis.  Even  the 
contemporary  Albericus  de  Rosate  diet,  juris  s.  v.  Italia  and  Papa, 
mentions  this  decree,  with  the  words  :  an  potuerit  illud  statuere,  Deus 
novit ;  and  so  Baluzen's  doubts  as  to  its  genuineness  have  no  foun- 
dation. 

^^  Viz.  by  John,  King  of  Bohemia  and  Baldwin,  Archbishop  of 
Treves,  with  whom  afterwards  Otto,  Duke  of  Austria,  united  himself. 
Compare  the  Pope's  two  answers  of  the  31st  July  (in  Raynald.  ann. 
1330  no.  29  ss.,  more  fully  in  Martene  thes.  ii.  800)  and  the  21st 
September  (in  Raynald.  1.  c.  no.  34  ss.)  The  proposals  were  (Ray- 
nald. I.  c.  no,  35.  Martene  1.  c,  p.  801)  :   Prinio  quod  [Bavariis)  cum 


42  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305.-1409. 

SO  that  for  a  short  time  the  persecuted  monarch  was  quite 
resolved  to  resign  the  crown,  which  was  a  no  less  grievous  than 
glorious  biirden.*^  A  second  accusation  of  heresy  with  which 
the  Pope  was  charged,^^  put  new  weapons  into  Lewis'  hands  to 

effectu  deponet  suum  haereticum  antipapam.  Secundo  quod  penitus 
recedet  ab  appellatione.  Tertio  quod  omnia,  quae  fecit  seu  attentavit 
contra  sanctam  personam  domini  nostri  Papae  Ecclesiamque  Romanam, 
revocabit  cum  effectu.  Quarto  quod  recognoscet,  se  excessisse  et  sen- 
tentias  excommunicationis  ipsum  ligasse.  Quinto  quod  gratiae  nostri 
Papae  se  ofteret  ad  misericordiam. — Haec  omnia  sic  intelliguntur,  quod 
Bavarus  in  honore  et  suo  statu  remaneat,  scil.  in  regno  et  imperio. 
The  Pope's  answer  :  Nescitis  quid  petitis  ! — Impossibile  enim  est  ipsum 
remanere  in  honore  imperiali  et  regio  sine  novi  juris  acquisitione,  cum 
honorem  et  dignitatem  non  habeat. — Offei-imus,  si  ad  gremium  Eccle- 
siae  redire  voluerit  idem  Bavarus,  sicut  debet,  ipsum  benigne  recipere 
nos  paratos,  eique  tantam  et  talem  impartiri  gratiam,  quod  tu  et  Prin- 
cipes  supradicti  poteritis  merito  contentari. 

^^  The  Emperor's  petition,  and  the  instructions  for  the  Ambassadors 
of  Oct.  1331  are  in  Gewold  p.  118  ss.  Olenschlager's  Urkundenbuch  S. 
180  ft".  Lewis  declared  himself  prepared  for  everything  on  condition 
that  he  and  the  Roman  empire  shoidd  remain  unimpaired  in  rights  and 
in  honour. — On  the  second  imperial  embassy  of  1322  seethe  contem- 
porary Heinrici  Mon.  in  Rebdorft"  annales  (ed.  Chr.  Gewold.  Ingolst. 
1618.  4.  and  in  Freher-Struve  T.  I.)  ad  h.  a,,  especially  Job.  xxii. 
ep.  ad  Reg.  Franciae  (in  Raynald  ami.  1333  no.  28) :  Ut  quae  nobis- 
cum  egerunt  Bavari  nuncii,  celsitudo  regia  non  ignoret,  ecce  quod  quia 
mandatum  sufiiciens  non  babebant,  oblataque  per  ipsos  erant  insuffi- 
cientia  ad  ea,  quae  idem  commiserat  Bavarus  comperta,  et  quae 
petebant  per  nos  sibi  fieri,  erant  omnino  obvia  rationi,  tractatum  cum 
eis  habere  renuimus  etc. 

*'^  Heinricus  de  Rebdorff  ad  ann.  1334.  Quinta  vita  Job.  XXII.  in 
Baluz.  i.  176.     Raynald.  ann.  1334  no,  20  ss. 

*^  So  early  as  the  first  Sunday  in  Advent  1331  he  had  publicly  preacht 
(Cont.  Guil.  de  Nangis  in  d'Achery  spicileg.  iii.  95),  quod  animae 
decedentium  in  gratia  non  videant  Deum  per  essentiam,  nee  sint  per- 
fecte  beatae,  nisi  post  resumptionem  corporis,  an  opinion,  which  agrees 
indeed  with  the  earliest  fathers  (vol.  i.  Part  1,  §  52,  note  23),  but  had 
been  abandoned  ever  since  the  fifth  century  (Miinscher's  Dogmenge- 
schichte  iv.  414),  and,  together  with  certain  other  opinions,  had  been 
condemned  by  the  University  of  Paris  in  1240  (d'Argentre  collectio 
judiciorum  de  novis  erroribus  i.  186.)  The  greater  part  of  the  Court 
bowed  to  the  Pope's  opinion :  only  the  English  Dominican  Thomas 
Walleis  stood  forth  to  oppose  it  on  the  27th  Dec.  at  Avignon  (see 
Guilelmus  Thorn  chron.  de  gestis  Abbatum  s.  Augustini  Cantuar.  in 
Scriptt.  X  hist.  Anglicanae.  London  1652.  d'Argentre  i.  316),  but 
he  was  thrown  into  prison.  Now  in  1332  the  Pope  wisht  to  vindicate 
his  doctrine  in  Paris  also  by  means  of  two  Dominicans  (Cont.  Guil.  de 
Nangis  1.  c.  p.  96),  here  however  it  encountered  great  resistance  :   the 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  HIST,  g  99.  JOHN  XXII.    43 

be  employed  against  him  :  but  he  escaped  by  death  from  the 

King  desired  the  opinion  of  the  theologians  of  the  University  :  on  the 
2d  Jan,  1333  they  decided  (d'Argentre  1.  c.),  quod  a  tempore  mortis 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  per  quam  pretiura  redemptionis  humani 
generis  extitit  persolutum,  omnes  animae  ss.  Patrum,  quas  idem  salva- 
tor  noster  ad  inferos  descendens  eduxit  de  limbo,  caeterorumque  fidelium 
animae,  quae  de  corporibus  exierant,  nihil  habentes  purgabile,  vel  quae 
jam  in  Purgatorio  sunt  purgatae,  ad  visionem  nudam  et  claram,  beati- 
ficam,  intuitivam  et  immediatam  divinae  essentiae  et  benedictissimae 
Trinitatis,— quam  Apostolus  1  Cor.  xiii.  nomiuat  visionem  facie  ad 
faciem,  erunt  assumptae,  ipsaque  Deitate  beata  perfecte  fruuntur ;  et 
jam  quod  crediderunt  videntes,  quod  speraverunt  tenentes,  non  in  spe 
sed  in  re  sunt  beatae,  Quamquam  dicta  visio,  quam  nunc  habent, 
resumptis  corporibus  minime  evacuabitur,  alia  succedente,  sed  ipsamet 
in  eis,  cum  sit  earum  vita  aetei*na,  perpetuo  remanebit :  At  the  same 
time,  in  order  to  leave  the  Pope  a  way  of  escape,  they  assumed  that  he 
had  propounded  the  contrary  opinion  only  recitando,  not  determinando, 
asserendo  seu  etiam  opinando.  The  King  sent  this  decision  to  the 
Pope  (Cont.  chron.  Guil.  de  Nangis  p.  97),  mandans  sibi  a  latere, 
quatenus  sententiam  Magistrorum  de  Parisius,  qui  melius  sciunt,  quid 
debet  teneri  et  credi  injide,  quam  Juristae  et  alii  Clerici,  qui  parum  aut 
nihil  sciunt  de  theologia,  approbaret,  et  quod  sustinentes  contrarium 
corrigeret.  According  to  the  statement  of  Petrus  de  Alliaco,  in  Concil. 
Eccl.  Gall.  ann.  1406,  the  King  even  caused  an  intimation  to  be  made 
to  the  Pope,  qu'il  se  revoquast,  ou  qu'il  le  feroit  ardre  (Bulaei  hist. 
Univ.  Paris,  iv.  238.  The  Pope's  answer  of  18.  Nov.  1333  is  very 
characteristic  of  the  manners  of  the  age  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  46) : 
He  had  heard  that  the  King  had  instigated  certain  INIagistros  in  theo- 
logia,  ut,  quod  animae  sanctae  ante  suorum  resumptionem  coi-porum 
videbant  clare  divinam  essentiam,  praedicarent ;  some  even  said  quod 
illos  qui  hoc  facere  renuebant,  capitulaveras  satis  dure.  Ab  aliis  vero 
audivimus,  quibus  fidem  prorsus  adhibemus,  quod  praeceptum  tale  seu 
inductio  ab  ore  regio  non  processit ;  sed  ut  princeps  zelator  veritatis — 
aliquibus,  qui  forsan  dicebant  seu  fingebant,  se  propter  metum  aliquem 
non  audere  talia  praedicare,  dixisti,  quod  nietu  cujusquam  personae  non 
sinerent  veritatem — praedicare.  Hoc  profecto  dicere  decebat  et  decet 
regiam  majestatem.  Cum  autem  banc  quaestionem  b.  Augustinus 
interdum  in  scriptis  suis  reputaverit  valde  dubiam,  et  circa  earn  variasse 
dicatur,  et  nedum  ipse,  sed  et  multi  doctores  alii  circa  istam  materiam 
varient ;  propter  hoc,  ut  Veritas  possit  melius  aperiri,  nos  interdum  in 
uostris  sermonibus  mentionem  habuimus,  non  proferendo  verbum  de 
nostro  capite,  sed  dicta  Scripturae  sacrae  et  Sanctorum  : — multique — 
coram  nobis — pro  et  contra  de  ista  materia  sunt  locuti. — Et  quia,  fill 
dilectissime,  forsan  tibi  dicitur,  quod  nos  non  sumus  in  theologia  inagis- 
ter,  audi  quid  unus  sapiens  dicat :  Non  quis,  inquit,  sed  quid  dicat, 
intende.  He  recommends  to  the  King  his  Collection  upon  this  subject 
from  holy  writ  and  the  fathers.  Profecto,  amantissime  fill,  si  quae 
circa  istam  materiam  aliqui  scripserint  et  dixerint,  sciret  tua  magnifi- 
centia,  raerito   miraretur.     Many  had  stated  of  the  King,  that  he  had 


44  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

general  council^^   which   was  being  prepared  for   him  by  the 
imperial  side 


§  100. 

BENEDICT  XII.  (20.  DEC.  1384-25.  APR.  1342.)     CLEMENT  VI.  (7.  MAY 
1342-6.  DEC.  1352.) 

Benedict  XII.  a  well-meaning  monk,  but  bound  with  monastic 
fetters,  and  not  equal  to  his  lofty  place,  now  mounted  the  conse- 
crated chair  of  St  Peter.^     He  had  the  best  intentions  of  shaking 

declared  himself  for  the  contrary  opinion,  niultisque  comminati  sunt 
religiosis  et  saecularibus  sub  umbra  tui  culminis,  si  partem  illam,  quod 
animae  separatae  divinam  essentiam  non  videant  [defenderent], — quod 
illos  capi  facereiit  per  inquisitores  haereticae  pravitatis.  The  Pope  did 
not  believe  tliis :  quia  scimus,  quod  in  his  vel  aliis  ut  elucidetur  Veritas 
intendes,  rogamus  benevolentiam  regiam,  ut — magistris  in  theologia 
Parisiis  legentibus  facias  nunciari,  quod — quilibet  dicere  et  disputare 
et  praedicare  valeat,  quod  sibi  juxta  doctrinam  evangelicam — disputan- 
dum  videbitur  et  etiam  praedicandum,  donee  aliud  ordinatum  per  sedem 
fuerit  apostolicam  : — sic  enim  ad  veritatem  quaestionis  praedictae  poterit 
promptius  perveniri.  The  stubborn  old  man  held  his  ground  without 
regard  to  Philip.  Afterwards  the  recantation,  which  he  was  to  have 
publisht  on  the  day  before  his  death,  3.  Dec.  1334,  but  was  first 
divulged  by  his  successor  17.  March  1335  (Raynald.  ann.  1334,  no. 
35  ss.),  was  held  in  suspicion  even  by  contemporaries.  Cont.  chron. 
Guil.  de  Nangis  1.  c.  Joannes  Papa — errorem  de  beatitudine  animae, 
quam  ipse  diu  tenuerat, — insufficienter  tamen,  ut  aliqui  dicunt,  moriens 
revocavit.  Accordingly  Benedict  XII.  29.  Jan,  1336  was  obliged  to 
issue  an  express  dogmatical  decision  on  the  subject  (in  Raynald.  ad  h. 
a.  no.  3.) — Compare  on  the  whole  question  Bulaeus  hist.  Univ.  Paris, 
iv.  235.     d'Argentre  collectio  judiciorum  de  novis  erroribus  i.  314. 

*'^  The  discontent  of  the  Italian  Cardinals  with  the  French  Pope, 
furthered  the  interests  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  zealous  Minorites  at  his 
court,  one  of  whom,  Bonagratia,  wrote  against  the  Papal  heresy.  Their 
chief.  Cardinal  Neapoleo,  had  almost  completed  his  negotiations  with 
Lewis  on  the  Council  which  was  to  be  summoned,  when  the  Pope  died, 
Raynald.  ann.  1334,  no.  31  ss. 

1  Petrarch,  in  a  confidential  letter  written  immediately  after  Bene- 
dict's death,  passes  an  unfavourable  judgment  upon  him  (Epistt.  sine 
titulo,  ep.  1,  that  this  letter  does  refer  to  Benedict,  may  be  seen  proved  in 
Sade  meraoires  pour  la  vie  de  F.  Petrarque  t.  ii.  notes  p.  13.)  He  is 
here  characterised  as  vino  madidus  (according  to  Vitoduranus  also,  p. 
39,  he  was  potator  vini  permaximus,  according  to  Galvaneus  Flararaa 
in  Muratori  xii.  1009  comestor  maximus  et  potator  egregius,  and 
according  to  the  vita  octava  in  Bahiz.  i.   141,  he  had  given  occasion 


CH.  T.— PAPACY  IN  137S.— I.  POUT.  HIST,  g  100.  BENEDICT  XTI.  45 

off  the  shameful  bondage  of  France  :^  but  Philip  of  Valois 
contrived  still  as  before  to  overpower  him  by  means  of  the 
preponderance  of  French  Cardinals.  Thus  he  frustrated  the 
Pope's  intention  of  returning  to  Italy  :^  thus  also  he  quencht  his 
hearty  desire  to  be  reconciled  with  Lewis.*  With  the  latter  the 
Pope  himself  opened  negotiations  ;  Lewis  met  them  with  ready 
humility  :    but  Philip    always    contrived   to   hinder    an    actual 

to  the  proverbial  saying  :  bibaraus  papaliter.)  Petrarch  says  further  : 
Hue  nos  gubernatoris  nostri  perduxit  inscitia  : — fecit  hoc  furor  et 
rabies,  et  turpis  inertia,  et  procellosi  littoris  fervidus  appetitus,  et  rationis 
imperiuna  fortunae  traditum,  et  hortatu  foedaecupidinis  pondus  infamiae 
susceptum.  Heu  quanto  felicius  patrio  teiTam  sulcasset  aratro,  quam 
scalmura  piscatorium  ascendisset ! — ille  digitis  omnium  ostensus,  om- 
niiun  salibus  aspersus,  omnium  ludibrium,  jocusque  mensarum,  pos- 
tremo  omnibus  hoc  mare  sulcantibus  in  aeternum  fabula. 

2  Albertus  Argent,  (who  in  1338  was  at  Avignon  himself  as  Ambas- 
sador of  the  Bishop  of  Strasburg,  cf,  chron  p.  129)  p.  125  :  Benedictus 
XII. — sic  ut  a  Joanne  Papa  discrepabat  in  statura  (ille  enim  fuit 
pallidus,  statura  et  voce  pusillus,  iste  in  corpore  maximus,  facie  san- 
guineus, et  voce  sonorus),  ita  et  in  moribus  discrepabant.  Ille  ad 
magnificandum  et  ditandum  consangiiineos,  ad  regnandum  nobilibus,  et 
exaudiendis  eorum  petitionibus,  ad  vestiendum  annuatim  plus  quam 
LXX.  comites  et  milites  intendebat  :  iste  de  talibus  non  curavit.  Dixit 
enim  :  absit,  quod  Rex  Franciae  per  consanguineos  meos  super  me 
ditaretur  \_doinmaretu7'  f^,  meque  sicut  praedecessorem  meum  ad  sua 
quaevis  vota  coartaret. — Fuit — tbeologorum  summus,  sed  nullus  in 
jure,  quem  inter  omnes  a  longissimis  temporibus  justissimum  aestima- 
bant. — Huic  Benedicto  in  principle  creationis  suae  Philippus  rex 
Franciae  mittens  legates,  audacter,  quasi  nihil  sibi  denegare  auderet, 
petiit  inaudita  :  inter  alia  scilicet,  ut  filium  suum  primogenitum — 
faceret  Regem  Viennae,  quod  se  faceret  vicarium  Italiae,  quod  sibi  per 
totam  Christianitatera  daret  decimam  decimarum  per  decennium,  ut 
sibi  daret  totum  Eeclesiae  thesaurum  in  subsidium  terrae  sanctae. 
Benedict  did  not  only  I'efuse  the  whole  of  this  demand,  but,  as  John 
XXIL  had  already  granted  the  King  the  tithes  of  his  kingdom  under 
the  pretext  of  a  new  Crusade  (Prima  vita  Bened.  XII.  in  Baluz.  i. 
200),  quia  dictum  passagium  non  habuit  eftectum,  dictus  Benedictus 
Papa  concessionem  decimarum  hujusmodi  revocavit. — Nam  idem  Phi- 
lippus voluit  plus  intendere  ad  diotam  guerram  (against  the  King  of 
England)  prosequendam,  quam  ad  dictum  passagium  faciendum. 

^  Raynald.  ann.  1335  no.  3  ss. 

*  Jac.  V.  Konigshoven  S.  129  :  Benedictus  der  zwelfte  hette  den 
Keyser  gerne  usser  Banne  gelassen  und  sich  mit  ime  versiinet.  Do 
woltent  es  die  Cardinale  u.  der  Kijnig  von  Frangrich  niit  gestatten. 
wan  es  verdros  den  Kiinig  von  Frangrich,  das  der  Keyser  sich  iiberin 
schreip. 


46  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV— A.D.  1305—1409. 

reconciliation.^     Lewis  at  last  resolved  openly  to  combat  his 

®  Albertus  Argent,  p.  126.  The  first  imperial  embassy  (April  1335) 
enquired,  qualiter  et  sub  qua  forma  redire  deberet,  et  sub  quibus  arti- 
culis  absolutionem  et  gratiam  petere,  and  returned  from  the  Emperor 
cum  illis  articulis  et  mandatis  sufficientissimis.  The  Pope  welcomed 
them  with  the  friendly  assurance  (2.  Oct.),  se  et  fratres  suos  de  hoc, 
quod  nobilis  ramus  Ecclesiae,  Alemannia,  qui  se  in  persona  domini 
Ludovici  laedi  per  Ecclesiam  aestimans,  jam  ab  arbore  Ecclesiae  sepa- 
rari  coeperat,  eidem  arbori  cum  tarn  magno  honore  sedis  redintegra- 
retur,  plurimum  gratulari :  multum  commendans  Alemaniam  et  dominum 
Ludovicum,  quern  nobiliorem  mundi  dicebat :  conquerens  regi  Italiam 
per  tyrannos,  ac  regnum  Armeniae  capi  a  paganis, — ac  terram  sanctam 
propter  Imperatoris  carentiam  occupari  :  unde  merito  dixit  absolutionem 
eidem  impertiri  se  debere,  quae  et  dari  crastino  sperabatur.  Verum 
praedictus  Rex  Franciae,  et  Rex  Siciliae — omnes  quasi  Cardinales  a 
proposito  averterant  praeconcepto.  Venerant  enim  ad  impediendum 
factum  ad  curiam  duo  Archiepiscopi,  duo  Episcopi  et  duo  Comites  ex 
parte  Regis  Franciae,  et  totidem  ex  parte  Regis  Roberti,  proponentes 
erroneum  esse,  tantara  haeresiarcham  praeponere  dominis  eorum  Eccle- 
siae fidelissimis  ;  Papamque  cavere  debere,  ne  fautor  haereticorum 
diceretur.  (During  the  troubles  Philip  had  drawn  over  to  himself 
certain  cities  of  the  Empire,  which  he  would  have  had  to  resign,  if  a 
reconciliation  had  been  effected.  Raynald.  ann.  1335  no.  7.  Jo  Vito- 
duranus  below  note  15.)  Papa  vero  dicente  :  quid  volunt  domini 
vestri,  quod  non  sit  Imperium  f  illis  vero  proterve  dicentibus  :  Pater, 
non  impingatis  hoc  dominis  nostris  vel  nobis,  quod  non  dicimus ;  quia 
contra  imperium  non  loquimur,  sed  contra  personam  Ludovici  damna- 
tam :  cumque  dicerent,  Ludovicum  multa  conti'a  Ecclesiam  fecisse, 
Papa  dixit :  immo  nos  fecimus  contra  eum :  ipse  enim  cum  haculo 
venisset  ad  pedes  praedecessoris  nostri,  si  voluisset,  sed  ipse  noluit  eum 
recipere:  et  quicquid  ille  fecit,  quasi provocatus  fecit.  Quantumcunque 
autem  Papa  assereret,  se  meliora  pacta  ab  ipso  Ludovico  pro  praedictis 
Regibus,  eorum  regnis  et  posteris  extracturum,  quani  si  eum  in  turri 
tenerent,  penitus  nil  profecit.  Rex  Franciae  etiam  in  terra  sua  undique 
bona  et  reditus  Cardinalium  iuterdixit  et  occupavit.  Scripserant  etiam 
illis  diebus  ad  Curiam  Joannes  rex  Bohemiae  et  Heinricus  dux  Bava- 
riae,  gener  ejus,  quod  de  auxilio  Hungariae  et  Cracoviae  Regum  et 
aliorum  alium  vellent  constituere  Regem  Romanorum  potenter.  Et  sic 
Cardinales  Papara  pro  tunc  ab  absolutione  Principis,  retraxerunt, 
dicentes,  cum  sui  in  partibus  suis  vellent  eum  destituere,  inconsultum 
esse  Sedi,  si  propter  impotentera  et  inopem  tot  Principes  offensaret.  Sic 
dato  alio  termino  deliberation  is  nuncii  Principis  infecto  negotio  sunt 
reversi.  (Compare  the  Pope's  letter  to  Lewis  delivered  at  the  same 
time,  in  Raynald.  ann.  1336  no.  29.)  When  Lewis  afterwards  gained 
the  victory  over  his  enemies,  the  good  Benedict  rejoiced,  gloriabatur — 
dicens  ad  Cardinales  :  isti  dicunt  eum  esse  destitutum,  sed  quis  adhuc 
ingressus  est  locum  suum  ?  He  himself  resumed  negotiations  :  misit 
autem   Papa  solennem  legatum  ad  Ludovicum,   Episcopum,  Magalo- 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  100.  BENEDICT  XII.  47 

hidden  foe,  and  concluded  an  alliance  with  Edward,  King  of 
England,  against  Philip  fJuly  1337).^  At  the  same  time  the 
sense  of  honoui'  and  justice  of  the  German  nation  declared  more 
eagerly  than  before  for  Lewis/  After  that  the  last  endeavour 
for  reconciliation,  which  the  Bishops  gathered  at  Speyer  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Mayence,  Henry  of  Virneburg,  a  faithful  adherent 


nensein,  qui  mores  et  inotum  Principis  erga  Ecclesiam  indagaret. 
Accordingly  Lewis  sent  a  new  embassy  to  Avignon  in  Oct.  1336,  with 
the  fullest  powers,  to  profess  repentance  for  everything,  and  promise 
everything  that  the  Roman  Court  could  require  (see  in  Raynald,  ann. 
1336  no.  31  ss.),  viz.  ad  deponendum — nomine  nostro  et  pro  nobis 
titulum  imperialem  Romae  per  nos  receptum, — ad  promittendum, — 
quod  super  omnibus  praedictis  excessibus  —  faciemus  confessionem 
plenam,  propria  in  persona  petemus  humiliter  veniam,  ac  offeremus  et 
suscipiemus  emendam. — Item  ad  supplicandum  vice  et  nomine  nostro, 
— pro  absolutione,  et  pro  nostra  assumptione  et  in  integrum  restitutione 
ad  famam,  honorem  et  statum,  et  interdictorum  in  Alemanniae  partibus 
remotione,  et  singularium  personarum  absolutione. —  Item  ad  promit- 
tendum— vice  et  nomine  nostro, — quod  nomine  satisfactionis,  poenae, 
et  emendae,  ac  poenitentiae  per  nos  commissorum  eft'ectualiter  assume- 
mus  passagium  ultramarinum,  prout  vestrae  Sanctitati  videbitur 
expedire,  et  quod  ibi  manebimus,  quantum  vestra  Sanctitas  duxerit 
ordinandum.  —  Item  ad  promittendum,  nos  ecclesias  et  monasteria 
aedificatui'os,  prout  vestra  Sanctitas  ordinabit. — Item  quod  suscipiemus 
et  perficiemus  poenitentias  alias  quascunque  atque  poenas,  quas  vestra 
Sanctitas  pro  dictis  excessibus  nobis  duxerit  injungendas.  At  the  same 
time,  in  order  to  remove  all  hindrances,  Lewis  concluded  a  treaty  with 
Philip  (see  the  deeds  in  Leibnitii  cod.  jur.  gentium  p.  148  ss.)  But, 
nevertheless.  Alb.  Argent,  p.  127  :  Quantumcunque  Benedictus  Papa 
ad  absolutionem  Principis  niteretur,  in  praedictis  tamen  Franciae  et 
Apuliae  Regibus,  et  quasi  omnibus  Cardinalibus,  seductis  per  eos, 
assensum  habere  nequivit.  Unde  tandem  legatis  Principis  saepe  ad 
Curiam  venientibus,  quibus  et  legati  Regis  Franciae  plures  in  Curia 
verecundias  (insults)  inferebant,  in  tantum  quod  nullum  potei-ant 
habere  finem,  respondit,  asserens  sibi  hoc  non  a  homine  sed  a  s.  Spiritu 
inspiratura. 

®  The  deeds  are  in  Rymer. 

^  This  feeling  manifested  itself  when,  after  a  long  dispute  betwixt 
Baldwin,  Archbishop  of  Treves,  and  Henry  of  Virneburg  for  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Ma3'ence,  the  former  in  1337,  induced  by  the  mediation  of 
the  Emperor,  renounced  his  claim  (Albert.  Argent,  p.  127)  :  Capi- 
tulum  vero, — adhaerentes  Imperatori,  praedictum  Henricum  Archiepis- 
copum,  ligantem  se  prime  Principi,  retentis  in  manibus  Capituli  sex 
castris  et  abjuratis  per  eum  ne  variare  posset, — concorditer  receperunt, 
qui  et  postea  ferventer  Ludovico  adhaesit. 


48  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  lY.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

to  the  Emperor,  had  made  by  an  embassy  sent  to  Avignon,^ 
served  only  to  prove  incontestably  the  Pope's  dependent  posi- 
tion :^  the  States  assembled  at  Frankfort  pronounced  the  Papal 
sentence  invalid.^''  The  electoral  Princes  withdrew  to  Kense 
(First  Electoral  League,  15th  July  1338),  in  order  to  make  a 
solemn  declaration,  that  the  Roman  King  receives  his  rank  and 

8  Their  letter  to  the  Pope  of  27.  March  1338  is  in  Olenschlager 
Urkundenbuch  S    186. 

3  As  the  Archbishop  of  Mayeuce  was  under  sentence  of  Papal 
excommunication,  the  Pope  gave  the  Ambassadors  only  a  verbal  answer, 
which  he  afterwards  communicated  to  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne  (in 
Raynald.  ann.  1338  no.  3),  viz.  that  the  absolution  of  Lewis  was  only 
hindered  by  the  fact,  that  his  Ambassadors,  impatientes  adhibeudae  in 
tanto  negotio  debitae  gravitatis,  had  suddenly  taken  their  departure ; 
that  the  Emperor  himself  must  send  ambassadors  again,  but  chiefly, 
quod  ilia,  per  quae  praecipue  reconciliatio  sua  poterat  impediri,  erat 
assumptio  guerrae  —  contra  Regem  Franciae, — quod  nos  —  eundem 
Regem  dimittere  non  possemus, — cum  Reges  Franciae  nunquam  dimi- 
serint  Ecclesiam.  On  the  other  hand  Albertus  Argent,  p.  127  •  Cum 
Papa  Benedictus  nuncios  recepisset  benigne,  in  aurem  nunciis  quasi 
flens  conquerebatur,  quod  ad  Principem  esset  inclinatus,  et  quod  rex 
Franciae  sibi  scripserit  certis  literis,  si  Bavarum  sine  ejus  voluntate 
absolveret,  pejora  sibi  fierent,  quara  Papae  Bonifticio  a  suis  praedeces- 
soribus  essent  facta. 

^^  Jo.  Vitoduramus  p.  49  :  Qui  discutientes  causas  et  motiva  singula 
tam  Papae  quam  Imperatoris,  diligenterque  examinantes,  et  acumine 
intellectus  luce  clarius  omnia  specalantes  et  perscrutantes  per  se, 
principaliter  vero  per  Imperatoris  Legistas  et  Canonistas  valentissimos, 
principalissime  autem  per  fratrem  Bonamgratiam,  almarium  seu  scri- 
nium  totius  juris,  consequenterque  per  cunctos  Praelatos,  caeterumque 
Clerura  ibidem  congregatum,  repei'crunt,  Imperatorem  cuncta,  quae 
debuit,  sufficienter  peregisse,  et  sibi  aditum  et  accessum  omnis  gratiae 
et  justitiae  interclusum,  et  obstructum,  et  indiscrete  temereque  penitus 
denegatum.  Sententia  ergo  matura  et  unanimi  Principes  etiam  jure- 
jurando  praestito  determinaverunt,  omnes  processus,  a  Domino  Papa 
contra  Dominum  Imperatorem  latos,  indebitos,  et  prorsus  nullius  fore 
roboris  vel  momenti,  sed  eos  irritos  et  inanes,  et  ab  aequitatis  lance 
penitus  alienos.  Adstruxeruntque  eodem  jurejurando  sententia  diflfi- 
nitiva,  per  totam  terram  Imperii — divinum  cultum,  diu  indebite — 
interdictum  et  suspensum,  legitime  liciteque  omni  scrupulo  conscientiae 
deposito  debere  resumi.  Decreverunt  nihilominus,  totum  Clerum 
ubilibet  in  regno  seu  imperio  Imperatoris  constitutum,  qui  adhuc  non 
resumpsisset  divina,  compellendum  ad  resumendum  cultum  divinum  diu 
intermissum,  et  si  renueret,  et  contumaciter  parere  despiceret,  tauquam 
hostis  Reipublicae  esset  acriter  puniendus. 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  IILST.  §  100.  BENKUICT  XII.  49 

power  solely  from  the  choice  of  the  Electoral  Princes. ^^  This 
declaration  was  immediately  afterwards  establisht  as  the  law  of 
the  land.^^  Now  again  learned  men,  such  as  William  Occam 
and  Leopold  of  Bebenburg,  came  forward  with  heightened  cou- 

"  The  first  Churvereiu  (Electoral  League)  (in  Gewold  p.  146.  Olen- 
schlager's  Urkundenbuch  S.  188)  :  Wir — ban  uns  des  vereint,  das  wir 
dats   egenant   Rich,    mid  unser   furstlich   Er,    die  wir  von  Im    haben, 
nemlicben   an    der   Kur   des    Kicbs,    an   sinen    und   iiusern  Reebten, 
Friheiten,  und  Gewonbeiten,  als  von  Alter  an  uns,  und  an  des  Ricbs 
Kurfiirsten  berkomen  und  bracht  ist,  bandbabcn,  bcscburn,  und  bes- 
chirmen  wollen,  nacb  aller  unser  Macbt  und  Craft  an  Geverde,  wider 
aller  meniglicben,  nieman  aussgenomraen,  wan  es  unser  Er  und  Aid  anget, 
und  wellen  das  nit  lassen,  durcb  dbeinei'ley  Gebot,  von  wem  oder  wie 
es  chom,— und  geloben  an  disen  gegenwertigen  Brief  bi  unsern  fiirstli- 
cben  Eren,  vmd  haben  es  auch  gesworen  zu  den  Heiligen,  fiir  uns  und 
unser  Naebkomen,  stet  und  vest  zebalten. — Und  geloben, — das  wir — 
uns  dawider  nit  bebelffen  mit  dbeiner  dispensation,  absolution,  relax- 
ation, abolition,  in  integrum  restitution,  deheinei'leie  beneficio,  wie  das 
genant  sie,  wann  es  chum,  oder  wie  es  chum, — und  solten  Got  und  der 
Werlt  erlos,  trewloss  und  maineidig  sin  und  beissen,  wo  oder  wie  wir 
darwider  teten  etc. — The  Electoral  Princes  showed  this  to  the  Pope 
(see  the  letters  in  Her  wart  p.  744.     Olenscblager,  Urkundenbuch  S. 
190),  and  announced  to  him  at  the  same  time  that  in  contravention  of 
the  sententias  et  processus,  quos  Joannes  P.  xxii.  de  facto  contra  Deum 
et  justitiam  et  juris  ordinem  fulminavit,  they  had  determined,  quod 
vacante  Romano  Imperio  is,  qui  eligitur  concorditer,  vel  a  majori  parte 
Principum  Electorum,  pro  Rege  Romanorum  ab  omnibus  est  babendus. 
Et  quod  nee  nominatione,   approbatione,   confii-matione,  consensu,  vel 
auctoritate  sedis  apostolicae  super  administratione  bonorum  et  jurium 
Imperii  indiget,  sive  titulo   Regis  assumendo,  quodque  jura  et  bona 
Imperii  administrare  et  gubernare  poterit,  et  de  jure  et  consuetudine, 
nulla  sedis  apostolicae  super  hoc  licentia  habita  vel  obtenta.     AVith 
regard  to  this  meeting  of  the  Electoral  Princes  compare   Pfeffingeri 
Vitriarius  illustratus  i.  667. 

1-  The  Emperor  promulgated  two  laws  on  8.  Aug.  1338.  In  the 
first  Licet  jura  utriusque  (in  Leibnitii  cod.  jur.  gent.  i.  148.  Olen- 
schlager's  Urkundenbuch  S.  189)  he  confirmed  this  declaration  of  the 
Electoral  Princes  :  in  the  second  (in  Freberi  scriptt.  rer.  Germ, 
i.  655.  Olenschlager's  S.  193),  a  more  lengthy  document  drawn  up 
by  Bonagratia,  he  pronounced  the  Papal  sentences  invalid,  and  forbade 
them  to  be  observed.  These  imperial  decrees  were  sanctioned  at  the 
diet  of  Frankfort  in  March  1339  (Goldast.  constitt.  Imper.  iii.  411.) 
The  allegationes  per  varios  magistros  et  sacram  paginam  approbatae 
which  are  mentioned  in  Grotefend's  Verzeichniss  d.  Handschriften  u. 
Incunabeln  der  Stadtbibliothek  zu  Hannover  (Hanu.  1844)  S.  5.  no. 
17c.,  appear  to  be  a  work  written  in  defence  of  Lewis  and  belonging 
to  this  period, 
D 


50  THITwD  PERIOD.— DIV.   IV.— A.D.   1305—1400. 

rage  to  defend  the  Imperial  cause. ^^  Public  opinion  was  general 
in  behalf  of  Lewis  ;  and  the  clergy  who  wisht  to  maintain  the 
interdict  were  banisht.^'* 


^^  There  appeared  in  particular  Guil.  Occam  compend.  errorura  Jo- 
annis  P.  xxii.  (in  Goldasti  monarchia  T.  ii.  p.  957  sg.)  and  Lupoid! 
de  Bebenburg  (now  Beraberg  on  the  Brettach,  of  the  noble  family  of 
the  Kiichenmeister  v.  Kotenbnrg  and  Nortenberg,  see  Bensen's  Unter- 
suchungen  iiber  Koteuburg  S.  441,  Doctor  decretorum  and  Archdeacon 
at  Wurtzburg,  after  1352  Bishop  of  Bamberg  -{-  1362)  tract,  dejm-ibus 
Regni  et  Imperii  ad  Balduinum  Archiep.  Trevir.  (in  Schardii  syn- 
tagma tractatuum  de  jurisdictione  imperiali  p.  167),  compare  his  lib.  de 
zelo  christianae  religionis  vett.  Principum  German,  ibid.  208  and 
Rhythmicum  querulosum  dictamen  de  modernis  cursibus  Imperii 
Romanorum  in  Bohmer's  fontes  rerum  Germ.  i.  479. 

^*  Jo.  Vitoduranus  p.  49  :  Exiit  ergo  edictum  a  Caesare  Augusto 
Ludovico,   ut  universa  pars  orbis   sibi   subjecta  vel   subjicienda  sub 
obtentu  gratiae  suae  divinum  cultum  i*esumeret  incunctanter  ;  quod  sui 
officiales,  praesides,  advocati  sibi  seriosius  comraendatum  ad  terras  suas 
in  literis  Imperatoris  secum  deportantes,  fideli  executioni  mandarunt, 
praecipientes    singulis    civitatibus    et   aliis   locis  advocatiae  suae  vel 
jurisdictioni  subjectis  per  minas  et  terrores,  jussionem  Regis  urgeutem 
per  omnia  observari.     Quod  cum  clerus  aliquarum  civitatum  una  cum 
civibus  effectui  mancipare  aliquot  dierum  spatio  minime  curasset  vel 
sprevisset,  tandem  cives  habito  consilio  super  hoc,  ad  cor  redeuntes  vel 
recognoscentes  durum  fore  contra  stimulum  calcitrare,  valenter  jubebant 
per    civitates    proclamari  :    quicunque    clericus    tam    religiosus   quam 
saecularis  divinum  cultum  apertis  januis,  pulsatis  cainpanis  habere  vel 
resumere  contenmeret,  extra  civitatem  in   perpetuum  vel   ad  tempus 
fieret,  vel  si  quis  animo  fugiendi   divina  civitatem  exiret,  usque  post 
decennium    se    sciret   irremediabiliter   exterminatum    ab  ilia   civitate, 
oppido,  villa,  coenobio  vel  loco  quocunque ;  relinquentes  tamen  et  in- 
dulgentes  clericis   octo  dierum,  vel  citra  manendi  vel  recedendi,  deli- 
berandi spatium.     Multi  igitur  diversorum  ordiiium  clerici  et  pauci 
saeculares,  aliis  cantantibus,  de  locis  suis  discedebant,  hinc  inde  vagantes, 
et  in  locis  aliorum  dominorum  ad  divina  resumenda  non  coactis  se 
recipiebant,  et  ibi  nomen  psallentium  in  tantum  maculaverunt,  ut  more 
stercoris  vel  luti  foetidi  abjicerentur,  et  ipsorum  communio,  familiaritas, 
conversatio,   missa,  oratio,  praedicatio,  absolutio  et  quaeque  clavium 
auctoritas  execrabilis  haberetur.     E  contrario  remanentes,  et  Domino 
praecinentes,  tacentes  et  recedentes,  tanquam  vecordes,  erroneos,  perti- 
naces,  fatuos  et   rebelles  occulte  et  manifeste  persequebantur,  et  eos 
coram   hominibus    vitandos   et   detestandos    tanquam    perversores    et 
dilaniatores  latere,  nihilominus  tanquam  venenatos  et  contagiosos,  et 
adinstar  canis  rabidi  fugiendos   afifirmarunt.      Utraque  pars  alteram 
desipientem,  vel  una  alteram  scismaticam,  rumpentem  et  scindentera 
tunicam  Christi  integram  et  inconsutilem  judicabant.     Multi  vero  de 
nuraero  exeuntium  ducti  post  medium  annum  poenitentia  locum  suum 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  100.  BENEDICT  Xll.  51 

But  the  posture  of  affairs  was  quickly  changed  by  Lewis' 
inconstancy.^^  First,  he  allowed  himself  to  be  induced  by  the 
intrigues  of  the  French  King,  who  now  seemed  to  have  the 
power  of  command  over  the  keys  of  Peter,  to  forsake  his  ally, 
and  seek  afresh  the  Pope's  absolution  (1341.)'^  When,  however, 
he  saw  himself  once  more  deceived,  he   seemed  to  wish  to  cut 


ardenti  desiderio  repetebant,  sed  indultum  els  non  erat,  quia  fere  tota 
universitas  juraraenta  in  eorum  exitu  in  contrarium  emiserunt,  videlicet 
ut  nuUus  eorum  facultatem  vel  possibilitatera  regrediendi  haberet  ante 
finem  termini  eis  super  hoc  praefixi  :  unde  factum  est,  ut  inviti  cum 
amaritudine  maxima  mentis  extra  remanerent,  qui  voluntarie  ac  im- 
provide  exierunt. — Muta  diu  labia  in  vocem  cantus  et  laetitiae  cultus 
divini  svmt  resoluta,  et  organa  per  multa  annorum  curricula  suspensa 
relaxata  sunt  in  melodiae  ac  psalmodiae  harmoniam. 

^^  How  little  support  he  gave  to  the  English  may  be  seen  in  Olen- 
schlager  S.  300.  Jo.  Vitoduranus  ad  ami.  1339  et  1340  p.  55  :  si 
Imperator  promissum  suum  exhibitum  Regi  Angliae  servasset, — contra 
Regem  Franciae  proeliaturus  procedendo,  et  regnum  ejus  intrando, 
procul  dubio,  ut  verisimile  est,  regnum  Franciae  cum  Rege  suo  penitus 
debellasset,  et  civitates  imperiales  Imperio  recuperasset,  et  consequenter 
Papam  Benedictum  XII.  tunc  Ecclesiae  praesidentem  benevolum  et 
propitium  ad  perficiendum  omne  voluntatis  suae  desideriiim  invenisset. 
Nam  Rex  Franciae — Papam  sibi  subactum,  quam  diu  in  Avenione 
demoratur,  cohibet  et  refrenat,  ne  Imperatori  aliqualiter  condescendat, 
ne  bona  Imperii  surrepta  et  sibi  usurpata  (see  above  note  5)  eum 
amittere  contingat.  Cum  autem  Ludwicus,  ut  supra  dixi,  remissus  et 
negligens,  pavidusque  existat  ad  proeliandum  contra  suum  adversarium, 
— bonum  taliter  suum  et  Imperii  consequenter  neglexit :  maluit  enim 
in  Alemania  sibi  valde  subdita  confessor  esse,  quam  in  Francia,  ut 
timuit,  martyr  fieri.  Fortunatus  enim  valde  erat,  et  multa  bona  sine 
proelii  certamine  adeptus  erat  etc. 

1*5  Alb.  Argentin.  p.  128  :  Post  haec  misit  Francus  nuncium  et 
literas  Imperatrici,  filiae  sororis  suae,  quam  dominara  Alemanniae 
scripsit,  ut  inter  ipsum  et  Principem  concordiam,  si  posset,  ordinaret,  et 
sibi  nuncium,  de  quo  Princeps  confideret,  de  concordia  attentanda  desti- 
naret.  Et  missis  hinc  inde  pluries  nunciis  et  Iheris  inter  Principem 
et  Francum,  interpositis  juramentis  et  confectis  literis  liga  perpetua  est 
firmata,  in  qua  ipse  Francus  Principem  cum  sede  apostolica  reforraare 
juravit.  Et  sic  Princeps  per  Francum  et  in  tota  Francia  post  haec  et 
Parisiis  scriptus  est  et  norainatus  Imperator. — Missis  saepius  nunciis 
Imperatoris  una  cum  legatis  et  literis  Franci  ad  Papam  pro  refoi'ma- 
tione  Principis,  Papa  Benedictus  nunquam  Ludovicum  Principem  ad 
arbitrium  Franci  nunc  haereticum,  nunc  christianissimum  haberi  debere, 
respondit.  Et  protracto  variis  occasionibus  negotio  Francus,  ut  crede- 
batur,  quod  noluisset,  simulavit  se  velle ;  Benedictus  'vero,  quod 
voluisset,  simulavit  se  nolle. 

i>2 


52  THIllD  PERIOD.— DIV.   IV.— A.I).   I.m5— UOy. 

away  from  himself  every  hope  of  future  reconciHation,  by  en- 
croaching upon  the  Pope's  unquestioned  rights  ;  in  order  to  win 
the  Tyrol  for  his  family  he  dissolved  the  marriage  of  Margaret 
Maultasch  by  his  Imperial  powers  ;^^  and  upon  her  second 
marriage  with  his  son,  Lewis  Margrave  of  Brandenburg  (Feb. 
1342),  he  granted  the  dispensations  necessary  because  of  their 
beino;  too  near  akin.^^ 

Notwithstanding  the  support  of  all  his  learned  men,^^  Le-wis 
lost  for  his  cause  the  confidence  of  the  people  by  this  encroach- 
ment upon  ecclesiastical  privileges,^^  as  much  as  he  awakened  the 
discontent  and  jealousy  of  many  of  the  nobles,  by  this  fresli 
aggrandizement  of  the  power  of  his  house.^^  Thus  he  put  new 
weapons    to  be  turned  against  himself  into  the  hands  of  the 


^^  See  the  documents  in  Goldasti  monarchia  ii.  1383,  Freheri  scriptt. 
rer.  Germ.  i.  620. 

^^  The  documents  are  in  Goldast.  1.  c.  p.  1385,  in  Freher  1.  c.  p,  621. 
E.  g.  Papa  Romanus  super  impedimento  affinitatis  sanguinis  per  dis- 
pensationem  tollendo — ad  suam  auctoritatem  asserit  pertinere  :  ac  in 
talibus  raatrimoniis  pluries  dispensaverunt  de  facto  praeteriti  quidam 
Pontifices  Romanorum.  Quod  si  talis  gradus  affinitatis  sanguinis  ma- 
trimonium  legitimum  impediret  legis  divinae  seu  christianae  praecepto, 
non  posset  aliquis  hominura,  quiuimo  neque  angelus  de  caelo,  dictum 
impedimentum  per  dispensationem  aliquo  modo  amovere. — Ex  quibus 
quidem  manifeste  apparet,  ac  fateri  cogitur  Romanus  Episcopus, — 
quod  si  gradus  affinitatis  sanguinis,  quanquam  licitum  matrimonium, 
impediat  fieri,  hoc  tantum  factum  esse  praecepto  sive  statute  legis 
humanae,  de  cujus  siquidem  legis  praeceptis  sive  statutis  dispensare 
8olummodo  pertinet  ad  auctoritatem  Imperatoris  seu  Principis  Ro- 
manorum. 

^'■^  Guil.  Occam  tract,  de  jurisdictione  Imperatoris  in  causis  matri- 
monialibus  in  Goldasti  monarchia  i.  21,  and  Marsilii  Patavini  tract,  de 
jurisdict.  Imp.  in  causis  raatrimon.     Ibid.  ii.  1383. 

2"  Alb.  Argent,  p.  129  :  Sicque  Ludovicus  Princeps  filium  Joannis 
Regis  Bohemiae  uxore  et  dominio  spoliavit,  mconsiietum  et  horrihile 
/acinus  attentando.  Filium  namque  ad  hoc  maleficii  genus  induxit 
invitum,  quod  videlicet  uxorem  sui  consanguine!  in  tertio  gradu,  non 
separatam  ab  uUo  judice  Ecclesiae,  ipsamque  suam  consanguineam  non 
uxorein,  sed  nioecham  traduxit. — 0  idolorum  servitus  avaritia,  quae 
tantos  Principes  confudisti,  ex  quibus  iterum  inter  Bohemos  et  Prin- 
cipem  et  filios  suos  non  immerito  livor  edax  et  odia  suscitantur.  Jo. 
Vitoduranus  p.  58  :  tota  terra  illud  matrimonium  multifariam  multisque 
modis  diris  vocibus  inculpavit. 

21  Olenscldager  S.  318  ff. 


CH.  r.--PAPACY  IN  137H.— I.  VOIAT.  Klt^T.  §  100.  CLK!\?ENT  YI.    53 

worldly  minded  Clement  VI.,--  who  took  tlie  place  of  the  pious 
Benedict  (7.  May  1342)  full  of  inveterate  hatred  against  Lewis." 
The  first  attempt  to  resume  negotiations  with  him  ended  in  a 
fresh  Bull  of  excommunication  (12.  April  1342.)^*  As  this  Bull 
now  made  an  impression  in  Germany,  Lewis  resolved  to  yield 
all  the  conditions  which  the  Pope  prescribed  to  him  :  still, 
however,  in  answer  he  received  fresh  demands.^'  The  German 
States  acknowledged  indeed  at  the  Diet  at  Frankfort  (Sept. 

'-^2  Matteo  Villani  iii.  c.  43  (Muratori  scriptt.  Ital.  xiv.  186)  :  Costui 
fu  natio  di  Francia,  e  Arcivescovo  di  Ruem  (Rouen),  e  grande  amico 
e  protettore  del  Re  Filippo  di  Francia,  e  i^er  lui,  innanzi  al  Papato 
e  poi  die  fu  Papa,  assai  cose  fece. — Huomo  fu  di  convenevole  scienzia, 
molto  cavalleresco,  poco  religioso.  Delle  femmine,  essendo  Arci- 
vescovo,  non  si  guardo,  ma  trapasso  il  modo  de'  saeculari  giovani 
Baroni :  e  nel  I'apato  non  se  ne  seppe  contenere,  ne  occultare : 
ma  alle  sue  caraere  andavano  le  grandi  Dame,  come  i  Prelati,  e 
fra  I'altre  una  Contessa  di  Torenna  fu  tanto  in  suo  piacero,  che  per 
lei  faceva  gran  parte  delle  grazie  sue.  Albertus  Argentin.  p.  133  : 
Hie  ab  antecessoris  sui  moribus  multum  distans,  mulieruni,  honorum 
et  potentiae  cupidus, — ipse  Francus  Franco  ferventer  adhaesit.  Jacob 
v.  Konigshovcn  S.  129  :  Clemens  der  sechste.  der  was  gar  ein  gritiger 
hochfertiger  Bobest.  er  meinde  iiber  den  Keyser  und  iiber  alle  Welt 
Herre  zesinde. 

'^'^  Albert.  Argent,  p.  133  :  Qui  cum  adhuc  esset  Rotomagensis, 
Parisiis  in  praesentia  Franci  et  Bohemi  publicum  serraonem  faciens, 
ipsos  contra  Principem,  quem  nominavit  Baurian,  animavit,  interpre- 
tans  nomen  baurits  u  e.  nesciens  tergere  barbaui,  quia  tantam  dixit 
esse  foeditatem  oris  sui,  quod  ipsam  abjicere  non  valeret.  (Instead  of 
Baurus  Bavarus  should  be  read,  which  he  derives  from  bava,  the 
French  bave  spittle,  as  bavara,  a  bib. 

^*  The  pi'evious  Collatio  Papae  is  in  Schunk's  Beitr.  zur  Mainzer 
Gesch.  ii.  469,  the  Bull  of  excommunication  is  in  Raynald.  ann.  1343. 
no.  43  ss. 

-'  Albert.  Argent,  p.  133  :  Missisque  iterum  per  Principem  Uteris  et 
nunciis  ad  Curiam  et  ad  Francum  ad  sciscitandum  causam  impedimenti 
reformationis,  cum  ipse  paratus  esset  omnia  facere,  quae  sibi  injunge- 
rentur  a  Papa  :  datoque  responso  per  Francum,  quod  diceretur  per 
Papam,  quod  non  peteret  eo  modo  gratiam,  quo  deberet ;  nunciisque 
(pi'out  in  maudatis  habebant)  dicentibus,  quod  daretur  eis  forma  procu- 
ratorii  Papae  placens,  secundum  quam,  qualiscunque  esset,  se  petituros 
dicebant :  conceptura  est  procuratorium  turpissimum  et  rigidissimum 
(see  the  same  in  Gewold.  p.  181.  Olenschlager's  Urkundenbuch  S. 
226),  quod  non  credebant  Ludovicum  sigillaturum,  etiamsi  captus 
fuisset.  Dabatur  enim  in  eo  potestas  Humberto  Delphino,  avunculo 
Principis,  item  Augustensis  et  Babenbergensis  Ecclesiarum  pi'aepositis, 
item  M.  Ulrlco,  cancellario  suo,  in  solidum  confitendi  omnes  errores  et 


54  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.     A.D.  1305—1409. 

1344)  that  these  demands  violated  the  rights  of  the  Empire  :^* 
but  instead  of  readiness  to  make  the  Emperor's  cause  their  own, 
a  strong  dishke  now  rose  in  the  minds  of  many  against  him,  whose 
personal  advantage  alone  interrupted  the  peace  of  the  Empire.^^ 

haereses  ;  item  resignandi  Imperiura,  nee  resumendi,  nisi  hoc  fieret  de 
gratia  Papae,  et  se  ac  filios  suos,  ac  bona  ac  statuni  suum  in  manus  et 
voluntatem  Papae  ponendi,  et  niulta  insolita  faciendi.  Verum  Princeps 
mandatum  hujusmodi  non  solum  sigillavit  (see  the  records  of  18.  Sept. 
1343  in  Gewold  p.  173.  Olenschlager  S.  234),  sed  etiam  coram 
tabellione,  misso  per  Papam,  se  servaturum  nee  revocaturum  jura- 
vit.  De  quo  Papa  ipse  et  Collegium  mirabantur,  dicentes  intra 
se  :  iste  homo  dlffidentia  est  perplexus.  Illisque  quatuor  procu- 
ratoribus  juxta  formam  mandati  jurantibus,  ac  pro  articulis  injunctionis 
et  poenitentiae  denuo  instantibus,  nee  sine  articulis  abire  volentibus, 
tandem  Papa  de  consilio  CoUegii  articulos,  quos  Principem  facero 
voluit,  qui  nou  tangebant  personam  ejus,  sed  statum  Imperii,  asssigna- 
vit.  In  these  articles  the  following  occurs  among  others  (see  in 
Gewold  p.  195.  Olenschlager  S.  241)  :  Concedit  suis  Procuratoribus 
potestatem  pronunciandi,  confitendi,  nulla  et  falsa — omnia  dicta  et  gesta 
sub  imperatorio  aut  regio  titulo ; — item  ejusmodi  facta  et  negotia 
omnia,  et  unumquodlibet  horum,  tanquam  injuste  facta  et  gesta,  revo- 
candi,  annuUandi ; — item  promittendi  sua  vice,  et  nomine  ejus  et  pro 
se,  quod  nihil  faciet,  ordinabit,  aut  mandabit  sub  imperatorio  titulo  aut 
regali,  aut  quivis  alius  illius  vice,  absque  special!  concessione  sedis 
Romanae  ; — item  promittendi  sua  vice, — quod  non  veniet,  nee  intra- 
bit  in  terras  Italiae,  nee  quidquam  in  illis  mandabit  nee  ordinabit — 
sine  speciali  concessione  sedis  Romanae  ; — item  dicendi  ac  promittendi, 
quod  si  in  praescriptis  articulis — aliquid  esset  dubium  aut  incertum, — 
quod  tunc  V.  S.  et  successorum  vestrorum  interpretationem  admittet, 
et  sicut  V.  S.  intellexerit  et  pronunciabit,  quomodo  intelligi  debeat, 
huic  inviolabiliter  et  cum  effectu  stabit. 

'^^  Albert.  Argent,  p.  134  :  illos  articulos  in  perniciem  et  destruc- 
tionem  Imperii  esse  conceptos. 

27  Immediately  after  the  diet  at  Frankfort,  the  nobles  assembled  at 
Reuse  to  concert  further  measures  (Albert.  Argent.  1.  c)  :  there,  how- 
ever, some  voices  were  raised  against  Lewis.  Jo.  Vitoduranus  p.  75  : 
Alii  famant,  quod  Principes  magnara  displicentiam  propter  nimiam  sui 
(Ludovici)  humiliationem  erga  Papam  conceperunt,  quia  culmini  regalis 
imperialisque  celsitudinis  derogaret :  et  ideo  expresse  sibi  in  faciem 
restiterunt  non  assentiendo  sed  contradicendo  aperte  suae  excessivae  ac 
indebitae  erga  Papam  humiliationi.  Fertur  quoque,  quod  iidem 
Principes  aegre  ferentes,  et  amaro  animo  sustinentes  remissionem  et 
negligentiam  Imperatoris,  tanquam  causara  destruclionis  Imperii,  ab 
eo  seriose  postulabant,  ut  filium  Regis  Boemiae  [Carolum  Marchgra- 
vium  MoraviaeJ  sibi  subrogaret  in  Regem  Alemaniae.  Quem  recusans, 
filium,  Marchgravium  Brandenburgensem,  pro  Rege  praesentavit : 
quem  ipsi  similiter  abjicientes  ab  eo  indignanter  discesserunt.  Regnum 
tan  turn  periit  et  debilitatum  est  sub  te  Bavaro,  dixerunt  ad  invicem, 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  100.  CLEMENT  VI.     ,55 

So  Clement  could  count  upon  support  even  in  Germany,  when 
the  Emperor,  in  conjunction  with  Lewis  of  Hungary,  who 
wisht  to  avenge  the  murder  of  his  brother,  Andrew  of  Naples, 
(t  1345)  upon  his  widow,  Joanna,  aimed  at  the  restoration  of 
his  imperial  rights  in  Italy.  While  the  Pope  took  the  murderess 
Joanna  under  his  protection, ^^  he  launcht  against  the  Emperor 
the  most  terrible  curses  (13.  April  1346) ;  he  summoned  the 
electoral  Princes  to  a  new  election  ;-^  but  at  the  same  time  nomi- 

quare  summopere  praecavendum  est,  ne  deinceps  ad  Bavaros  transfe- 
ratur.  Tamen,  antequam  ab  invicem  divellerentur,  queiuadmodum 
fama  communis  me  instruxit,  decreverunt  concorditer  cum  Imperatore, 
quod  ultra  a  Papa  gratiam  quaerere  uon  attemptaret,  quam  totiens 
irrationabi liter  sibi  senserat  denegatam. 

'^  General  opinion  laid  upon  Joanna  the  guilt  of  the  murder,  or  at  least 
a  share  in  it, compare  the  contemporaries  DominicusdeGravinade  rebus 
in  Apulia  gestis  (in  Muratorii  scriptt.rer.  It.  T.  xii.)  Jo.  Villani  lib.  xii. 
c.  50.  Heinr.  de  Rebdorff  ad  ann.  1345.  See  de  Sade  memoires  pour 
la  vie  de  Fr.  Petrarque  T.  ii.  (Amsterdam  1764.  4.)  Notes  p.  21. — 
Albert.  Argent,  p.  130  even  states  :  De  quo  crimine  non  solum 
uxor  et  Princeps  Taranti,  sed  et  Papa  et  aliqui  Cardinalium  tene- 
bantur  suspecti ;  and  Martinus  Minorita  (in  Eccard  corpus  hist,  medii 
aevi  i.  1635)  :  Hoc  flagitium  multi  aemuli  Papae  et  IV.  Cardinalibus 
suis  impingunt ;  Papa  vero  in  die  sanctae  Coenae  publice  in  Consistorio 
se  de  hoc  crimine  expurgavit  etc.  The  Pope  liad  drawn  this  suspicion 
upon  himself  by  bis  own  behaviour.  During  the  enquiry  enjoined  by 
him,  Joanna  had  taken  some  of  the  accused  under  her  zealous  protection, 
and  the  Pope  himself  complained,  praetermissum  aliquorum  sontium 
supphcium  (Raynald.  ann.  1346  no.  51  ;)  Clement  promised  the  King 
of  Hungary  to  set  on  foot  a  strict  investigation  about  Joanna,  as  being 
her  feudal  lord.  But  when  a  Papal  Legate  made  his  appearance 
with  this  view,  he  was  sent  back  by  Joanna  (no.  58),  yet  Clement 
did  not  launch  against  her  the  ready  thunder- bolt  of  his  excommunica- 
tion. On  the  contrary,  he  threatened  the  King  of  Hungary  with  the 
Ban,  when  be  wisht  to  invade  Naples  (no.  56.) 

^^  The  Bull  of  excommunication  of  Maundy- Thursday  April  13  is  in 
Raynald.  ann.  1346.  no.  3,  and  in  Schunk's  Britragen  zur  Mainzer 
Gesch.  ii.  474  (the  previous  Collatio,  the  Pope's  speech  in  consistory, 
is  in  Schunk  ii.  341.)  The  penalties  were  here  first  enumerated, 
which  Lewis  had  incurred  as  a  condemned  heretic.  Siquidem  secun- 
dum condemnationem — praedecessoris  praefatus  Ludovicus  infaniis 
existit,  nee  ad  publica  ofticia,  vel  ad  eligendos  aliquos  ad  ea,  aut  ad 
testimonium  perhibendum,  vel  ad  haereditatem  seu  successionem  alicu- 
jus  est  admittendus,  nee  testaraenti  habet  liberam  factionem  ;  nulhisque 
ipsi  super  quocunque  negotio,  sed  ipse  aliis  est  respondere  cogendus  : 
nuUae  causae  ad  ipsius  sunt  audientiam  deferendae :  sententiae 
quoque  per  eum  latae  nullam  obtinent  firmitatem  :  nullus  advo- 
eatus  in  causis   ejus   patrocinium    praestarc,   nullusque    notarius   pro 


56  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIY.  IV.— A. D.  1305— 140'J. 

nated  a  partizan  of  liis  own,  tlie  son  of  John,  King  of  Bohemia, 
to  be  Roman  Emperor,  under  the  name  of  Charles  IV.  (22. 
April.)^'^    In  order  to  win  the  majority  of  voices  at  the  approach- 


factis  sive  causis  ipsius  publica  debet  conficere  instrumenta.  Omnis 
audientia  est  ipsi  in  quocunqne  negotio  deneganda,  omnisque  proclama- 
tionis  et  appellationis  beneficium  ei  est  specialiter  interdictum  :  universa 
ejus  bona  sunt  perpetuo  confiscata,  ejusque  filii  et  nepotes  ad  nullum 
sunt  unquani  beneficium  ecclesiasticura,  nullunique  publicum  officium 
admittendi.  Cunctis  fidelibuscum  dicto  Ludovico,  nisi  pro  ipsius  con- 
versions et  animarum  salute,  est  communio  intei'dicta ;  ipseque  moriens 
carere  debet  ecclesiastica  sepultura.  Omnes  saeculares  potestates 
ipsum  Ludovicum  de  terris  eorum  jurisdictioni  subjectis  pro  viribus 
exterminare  jubentur.  Then  follows  the  ghastly  imprecation  itself ; 
divinam  suppliciter  imploramus  potentiam,  ut  Ludovici  praefati  confutet 
insaniam,  deprimat  et  elidat  superbiam,  et  eum  dexterae  suae  virtute 
prosteruat,  ipsumque  in  manibus  inimicorum  suorum  et  eum  perse- 
quentiuin  concludat,  et  tradat  corruentem  ante  ipsos.  Veniat  ei  laqueus 
quem  ignorat,  et  cadat  in  ipsum.  Sit  maledictus  ingrediens,  sit  male- 
dictus  egrediens.  Percutiat  eum  Dominus  amentia,  et  caecitate,  ac 
mentis  furore.  Caelum  super  eum  fulgura  mittat.  Omnipotentis  Dei 
ira  et  beatorum  Petri  et  Pauli,  quorum  Ecclesiam  praesumpsit  et  prae- 
sumit  suo  posse  confundere,  in  hoc  et  futuro  saeculo  exardescat  in 
ipsum.  Orbis  terrarum  pugnet  contra  eum  :  aperiatur  terra,  et  ipsum 
absorbeat  vivum.  In  generatione  una  deleatur  nomen  ejus,  et  dispereat 
de  terra  memoria  ejus.  Cuncta  elementa  sint  ei  contraria.  Habitatio 
ejus  fiat  deserta,  et  omnia  Sanctorum  quiescentium  merita  ilium  con- 
fundant,  et  in  hac  vita  super  eum  apertam  vindictam  ostendant,  filiique 
ipsius  ejiciantur  de  habitationibus  suis,  et  videntibus  ejus  oculis  in 
manibus  hostium  eos  pei'dentium  concludantur.  Porro  quia  Romanum 
Imperium — jam  per  longa  tempora  dignoscitur  vacavisse  ; — nos  hoc 
ulterius  tolerare  nolentes, — omnes  et  singulos  Principes  ecclesiasticos 
et  saeculares,  ad  quos  Regem  in  Imperatorem  postmodum  promovendum 
jus  pertinet  eligendi,  praesentium  tenore  apostolica  auctoritate  mone- 
mus,  districtius  injungentes  eisdem,  quatenus  sine  morae  dispendio  pro 
electione  Regis  in  Imperatorem  postmodum  promovendi  de  persona 
idonea  facienda  conveniant,  et  ad  electionem  ipsam  procedei'e  non 
postponant.  Alloquin  sedes  apostolica,  a  qua  jus  et  potestas  electionis 
praedictae  ad  Principes  pervenit  eosdem,  super  hoc  de  opportuno  reme- 
dlo  pi'ovidehit.  There  is  an  especial  call  upon  the  electoral  Princes 
dd.  28.  April  1346  ibid.  no.  9.  ss.  In  this  he  declared  Lewis  Mar- 
grave of  Brandenburg  incapable  of  taking  part  in  the  election  :  but  as 
to  the  rest  of  the  electors  :  illi  ex  vobis,  qui  propter  favorem — Ludo- 
vici essent  forsitan  praedictis  excommunicationum  sententiis  innodati, 
dummodo  ab  illis  desistant,— ne  dictum  negotium  (electionis)  impediri 
valeat  propter  hoc,  absolventur  juxta  forniam  Ecclesiae  consuetam. 

^^  Before  this  time,  during  a  stay  of  t\\  o  years  at  Paris,  in  his  youth, 
(Jharles  had  been  united  in  close  friendship  with  Clement,  at  that  time 


CH.  I.— rAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  TULIT.  HIST,  g  JUU  CLEMENT  VI.     57 

ing  election,  he  deposed  Ilenrj  of  Virneburg,  Archbishop  of 
Mayence  (7.  April),  and  appointed  in  his  place  Count  Gerlach 
of  Nassau.^^  Measures  of  all  kinds  were  tried  to  gain  the  rest 
of  the  electors  :^^  and  so  Charles  was  actually  appointed  by  the 

Petrus  Abbas  Fiscanensis,  and  Councillor  to  King  Philip :  He  records 
himself  in  the  Cominentarius  de  vita  sua  in  Bohnier's  fontes  rerum 
Germ.  i.  235  :  me  multum  caritative  ac  paterne  confovebat,  de  sacra 
iScriptura  me  saepius  intbrmando.  When  Charles  was  afterwards  on 
one  occasion  at  Avignon,  he  lodged  with  him,  then  created  Cardinal 
and  Archbishop  of  Uouen  (ibid.  p.  261)  :  dixitque  una  hora  mecum 
existens  in  domo  sua  :  tu  eins  adhuc  rex  Romanorum.  Cui  respond! : 
tu  eris  ante  Papa.  Quod  utrumque  secutum  est,  prout  infra  descri- 
betur.  The  conditions  to  which  Charles  had  to  pledge  himself 
as  future  King  of  Rome  at  Avignon  22.  April,  may  be  seen  in  Ray- 
nald.  ami.  1346  no.  19  ss.  E.  g.  promitto  et  juro,  quod  omnes  processus 
factos, — et  quaecunque  alia — gesta  per  Ludovicum  de  Bavaria,  per 
Ecclesiam  de  haeresi  et  schismate  justo  judicio  condemnatum — nulla 
esse  ac  cassa  et  irrita  pronunciabo  et  declarabo.  Then  he  guarantees 
all  the  possessions  of  the  Church,  also  regna  Siciliae,  ISardiniae  et  Cor- 
sicae,  quae  de  directo  dominio,  jure  et  feudo  ejusdem  Romanae  Ecclesiae 
esse  noscuntur  : — nee  aliquod  dominium,  jurisdictionem,  superioritatem, 
servitutem,  potestariam,  capitaneattim,  vel  aliud  officium,  quocunque 
nomine  censeatur,  accipiam  vel  vindicabo — in  praedictis  Roma,  regnis, 
provinciis,  ducatibus,  comitatibus — et  territoriis  siqjradictis. — Promitto 
ut  supra,  quod  ante  diem,  luihi  pro  coronatione  imperiali  praefigendam, 
non  ingrediar  urbem  Romanam,  quodque — ipsa  die,  qua  coronam 
hujusmodi  recepero — dictam  urbem— exibo  cum  tota — gente  mea,  et — 
extra  totam  terram  Romanae  Ecclesiae  me  recto  gressu  transferam 
versus  terras  imperio  subjectas,  nunquam  postmodum  ad  urbem,  regna 
praedicta  Siciliae,  Sardiniae,  Corsicae, — vel  alias  terras  Romanae 
Ecclesiae,  nisi  de  speciali  licentia  sedis  apostolicae  accessurus. — Item 
si  per  Henricum  Imp.  avum  meum,  vel  per  jam  dictum  Ludovicum, 
seu  per  quemcunque  alium — fuerint  aliqua  ad  jurisdictionem  pertinen- 
tia  attentata  in  Roma,  regnis  etc.,  promitto  et  juro,  quod  ilia  omnia 
decei'nam  et  pronunciabo  nulla  :  quodque  si  aliquae  lidelitates,  homagia, 
— donationes, — seu  concessiones  qualescunque  a  praedictis  domino 
Henrico  et  Ludovico — factae  fuerint  vel  receptae  pro  Roma,  regnis 
etc.,  ilia  omnia  nulla  fore  pronunciabo,  et  quatenus  processerunt  de 
facto,  totaliter  revocabo. — Promitto  etiam  bona  fide,  quod  intrusos  in 
Ecclesiis  infra — imperium  consistentibus,  si — super  hoc  per  vos  domi- 
num  nostrum  Papam — fuero  requisitus,  expellam  ac  pro  posse  faciam 
expelli  de  illis  :  et  provisos  per  sedem  apostolicam  juvabo  et  faciam 
juvari,  ut  ad  Ecclesias,  quibus  de  eis  per  sedem  apostolicam  provisum 
est  vel  fuit,  in  futurura  realiter  admittantur,  F.  M.  Pelzel's  Kaiser 
Karl  IV.  (2  Th.  Prag.  1780.  81)  i.  141. 

^^  The  Pope's  Collatio  in  Schunk's  Beitragen  zur  Mainzer  Gesch.  ii. 
352,     The  Bull  of  dethronement  in  Raynald.  ann.  1346.  no.  12  ss. 

^'-  Alb.  Argent,  p.  135  :   pro  quo  facto  praedicti  Coloniensis  et  dux 


58  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

voices  of  five  electors  at  Reuse  (11.  July.)^^  This  unworthy 
transaction  could  not  fail  to  react  upon  the  rest  of  the  states  of 
the  realm  purely  in  favour  of  Lewis.^*  He  gained  so  strong  an 
ascendancy  in  the  Empire,  that  the  priests'  Emperor^^  was  obliged 
to  fly  into  France.^^  Even  after  the  death  of  this  active  Empe- 
ror (11.  Oct.  1347),^'^  Charles  did  not  at  once  reach  the  end  he 

Saxoniae  magna  pecunia  sunt  corrupti.  Cf.  Schaten  ann.  Paderborn. 
p.  310.  That  this  is  not  a  slander  as  Raynald.  ann.  1346.  no.  31 
states,  is  now  proved  by  two  records  of  John  of  Bohemia  of  June  1346. 
In  the  one  he  promises  the  Elector  of  Cologne  in  return  for  his  vote  a 
great  number  of  imperial  grants,  viz.  100,0U0  marks  of  silver,  and  in 
mortgage  for  them  the  city  and  province  of  Dortmund,  and  the  warden- 
ship  of  Essen,  in  Bodmann  codex  epist.  Rodolfi  I.  Lips.  180G.  8.  p. 
339  :  in  the  second  he  promises  to  pay  shortly  40,000  reals  (ibid.  p. 
383). — Besides  the  electors  received  the  Pope's  absolution.  Raynald. 
ann.  1346  no.  31.  For  the  rest  Jo.  Vitoduranus  records  so  early 
as  the  year  1345  :  Tunc  temporis  religiosi  saeculares  et  Clerici,  qui 
divinum  cultum  in  locis  imperialibus  vel  aliis  interdicto  suppositis 
resumpserant,  absolutionem  ab  hoc  a  Romana  Curia  impetrarunt,  aliis 
Clericis  in  eisdem  locis  libere  et  absque  pavore  in  celebratione  persis- 
tentibus.  Hujusmodi  autem  absolutio  pro  uno  floreno  facilime  obtine- 
batur.  0  quam  lamentabilis  et  execrabilis  scissura  et  difFormitas 
Ecclesiae  illis  in  teraporibus  facta  est !  Hoc  verbum  Evangelii :  gratis 
accepistis,  gratis  date,  irritum  visum  est. 

^3  The  new  Archbishop  of  Mayence  had  issued  the  summons  for  the 
election  from  Metz  on  the  20th  May,  see  the  records  in  Bodmann 
p.  382.     As  regards  the  election  itself  see  Alb.  Argent,  p.  135. 

3^  Alb.  Argent,  p.  139.  Detmar's  Chronik  i.  260  :  De  Reiser 
unde  de  Biscop  van  Megence,  beyde  olde  wyse  Heren,  droghen  wol 
overen  ;  se  leten  den  Paves  bannen,  so  vele  he  wolde,  se  droghen 
Kronen  al  like  sachte,  se  helden  guden  Brede.  By  deme  Ryne  weren 
de  groten  Stede  alle  willich,  unde  bereden  sik  to  deme  Keisere,  umme 
dat  he  was  bequerae  unde  vredesara.  In  deme  Brede  ging  eme  to  grot 
Rikedom ;  des  vruchteden  eme  sine  Viande.  Jac.  v.  Konigshoven  S. 
180:  Donocli  besamete  Keyser  Ludwig  alle  Stette  und  Herren  von 
dem  Ryne  und  Swoben  und  Franken  zu  Spire,  und  frogete  sii,  ob  sii 
in  woltent  haben  fiir  einen  Keyser,  oder  Karlen,  den  die  Kurfiirsten 
erwelet  hettent.  Do  entwurtent  die  Stette  und  Herren  alle,  sii  woltent 
in  fiir  einen  rehten  Keyser  haben,  und  woltent  sich  an  des  Karlens 
Erwelung  noch  an  des  Bobestes  Briefe  niitschet  keren.  Zirngibl. 
S.  513. 

^^  Jo.  Villani  xii.  c.  59  :  per  dispetto  della  detta  elezione  per  li  piu 
si  chiama  lo'mperadure  de'  preti. 

"^  Jo.  Vitoduranus  p.  80  :  perterritus  a  coepto  itinere  et  opere 
resiliens,  ad  Regem  Franciae  protinus  refuglebat. 

•^^  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  several  Popes  of  later  times,  e.g.  Eugene 


CH.  1.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  lUU.  CLEMENT  VI.      59 

had  in  view.  The  Pope's  absohition  which  he  brought  with  him 
into  Germany,  to  win  the  people's  favour,  only  made  him  con- 
temptible in  their  eyes.^^  The  most  pious  men  considered  the 
Pope's  conduct  towards  Lewis  unrighteous,  and  the  Interdict 

IV.,  Innocent  VIII.,  Alexander  VI.,  also  the  Council  of  Basle,  speak 
of  him  with  honour  as  Divae  memoriae  Ludov.  Rom.  Imperatorem 
see  Herwart.  praef.  p.  viii.  He  is  worst  abused  by  Bzovius  ann.  eccl. 
I.  i.  412  ss.,  who  provoked  the  refutations  of  Herwart  and  Gewold, 
and  was  forced  to  recant  by  Maximilian  Duke  of  Bavaria  (see  Bayle 
diet.  art.  Bzovius.)  But  also  Kaynald.  and  even  Muratori  Annali 
d'ltalia  T.  viii.  designate  the  years  from  1314 — 1346  as  vacante 
Imperio. 

^^  Albert.  Argent,  p.  142  :  Venit  autem  Bex  Basileam  in  vigilia 
Thomae  anno  Dom.  1348,  ubi  interdictum  papale  diu  servatum  fuit, 
nee  Basilienses  eum  recipere  intenderant,  nisi  divina  rehaberent.  Et 
ecce  in  sero  venit  Marquai'dus  de  Randecke  Fraepositus  Babenbergensis 
de  Curia  Avinionensi,  ferens  commissionem  factam  Babenbergensi 
Episcopo,  et  absolutionibus  et  relaxationibus  impendendis. — Summa 
autem  commissionis  Babenbergensi  Episcopo  factae  talis  erat :  Cum 
multi,  qui  sententias,  processus  et  pnenas  Joannis  Papae^  inflictas  adhae- 
rentibus  quondam  Ludovico  de  Bavaria  haeretico  et  de  haeresi  damnato, 
\^incurrerunt\  redire  cupiant ad Ecclesiae  unitatem;  committimus  tibi,  ut, 
qui  confess  if uerint  encores  suos  confessatos,  et  nan  confessatos,  etpoenas, 
quas  inciderunt  expUcite  vel  impUcite,  etjuraverint,  deinceps fidem  catho- 
licam  habere.,  etfideles  fare  sedi  apostolicae,  et  7iuUi  deinceps  haeretico  vel 
schismatico  favere^  et  credere^  quod  non  spectat  ad  Imperatorem.,  Papam 
deponere,  et  alium  creare^  sed  hoc  haereslm  esse  damnatam :  et  quod 
nullum  pro  Imperatore  habebunt,  nisi  per  sedem  apostoUcam  probatum, 
nee  relictae  (the  widow)  et  liberis  ijysius  Ludovici  favebimt,  nisi  cwn 
Ecclesia  reformentur^  et  Carolo  Romanorum  Reg i  per  sedem  approbato 
parebunt ;  ab  hujusmodi  sententiis  et  jioenis  absolvas  etc.  (Cf.  Kavnald. 
ann.  1349  no.  15.)  Visa  autem  forma  hujusmodi  dura  omnibus  dis- 
plicente,  aliqui  consuluerunt,  earn  non  accept andam  esse  per  Regem, 
sed  occultandam,  et  pro  alia  forma  Papae  scribendum.  Sed  quia  timer 
erat,  Basilienses  non  juraturos  Regi,  nisi  reformarentur  divina,  rescrip- 
tum  oportuit  exhiberi.  Cum  autem  cives  nee  errores  vellent  fateri, 
nee  secundum  formam  jurare ;  clerus  autem,  quasi  poenitens  quod 
cessavit  etsi  non  tam  [leg.  etiamtum^  occasionem  quaereret  celebrandi, 
animo  nunquam  mandata  similia  receptandi :  ecce  comparuerunt  Magis- 
tri  et  Consules  Basilienses  coram  Rege,  et  praedictis  Episcopis  ; — coram 
quibus  Chunradus  de  Berenvels,  magister  civitatis,  nomine  universitatis 
vulgariter  coram  tabellione  proposuit  in  haec  verba :  Domine  Bamber- 
gensis,  sciatis,  quod  nee  fateri  nee  credere  volumus,  quod  quondam 
dominus  noster  Ludovicus  Rom.  Imp.  unquam  fuerit  haereticus.  Quem- 
cunque  etiam  nobis  dederint  Principes  Electores,  vel  major  pars  ex  eis, 
pro  Romanorum  Rege  vel  Imperatore,  ilium  pro  tali  habebimus,  etiamsi 
nunquam  Papam  requireret :  nee  quicquam  aliud  faciemus,  quod  sit 
contra  jura  Imperii  quovis  modo.     Sed  si  habetis  potestatem  a  domino 


60  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305—1409. 

laid  upon  Germany  invalid.^^  They  wanted  no  Emperor,  to 
serve  the  Priests,  but  one  to  drive  them  back  within  their  original 

Papa,  quod  vultis  nobis  remittere  omnia  peccata  nostra,  placet.  Et 
convertens  se  ad  populum,  dixit :  datis  mihi  et  Chunrado  Monacho 
potestatem  petendi,  ut  absolvamini  a  peccatis  vestris  ?  Qui  dicebant : 
placet  nobis.  Nee  aliud  pvocuratoriuin  habuerunt.  Qui  duo  milites 
seorsum  coram  Secretario  Papae,  Joanne  de  Pistorio  praesente,  jui*a- 
verunt  secundum  mandati  formam,  sicque  relaxatis  processibus  divina 
publice  sunt  reassumpta,  civesque  Regi  solitum  praestiterunt  jurauien- 
tum.  —  Civitates  autem,  praesertim  Argentina,  exasperatae  fuerunt 
propter  formam  hujusmodi. — Wben  Charles  came  to  Worms  where 
the  Interdict  had  not  been  hitherto  observed,  the  clergy  received 
absolution,  and  now  refused  to  celebrate  Divine  service  for  the  people  : 
but  factus  est  tumultus,  clausisque  portis  omnibus  populus  ad  hospitium 
Regis,  ad  quod  Bambergensis  confugerat,  armatus  accessit,  ipsequeBam- 
bergensis  mandante  Rege  territo  omnem  clerum  et  populum  Worma- 
tiensem  sine  omni  conditione  et  juramento  absolvit. — Post  haec  Rex 
ivit  Moguntiam,  ubi  sub  pacto,  ne  introduceret  Gerlacum  provisum 
Papae,  vel  aliquas  legi  literas  permitteret,  honorifice  est  receptus. 

^'•^  Daniel  Specklin,  civic-architect  at  Strasburg  (f  1589),  relates  in 
his  CoUectaneis  in  usum  Chronici  Argent.  MS.  on  the  year  1350 
(Job,  Tauler  by  Dr  C.  Schmidt,  Hamburg  1841,  S.  53),  that  Tauler 
and  his  two  friends  the  Augustine  monk  Thomas  of.  Strasburg,  and  the 
Carthusian  Ludolph  of  Saxony,  were  dragged  before  the  Emperor 
Charles  IV.,  when  he  came  to  Strasburg  accompanied  by  several 
Bishops,  to  answer  for  two  works.  During  the  Interdict  they  had 
required  all  priests  in  a  letter,  to  comfort  the  sick  by  directing  their 
thoughts  to  the  death  of  Christ,  which  makes  atonement  for  us  all  with 
God.  "  Und  kunte  der  Papst  den  Himmel  vor  armen  Siindern,  so 
unschuldig  im  Bann  waren,  nit  zuschliessen.  Wer  dann  seine  Siiud 
beicht,  die  Absolution  und  das  heilig  Sacrament  begerte,  sollten  sie  ihra 
solches  reichen  und  ihn  trosten,  und  war  mehr  uf  Christi  und  seiner 
Apostel  Wort  zu  gan,  denn  uf  den  bann,  welcher  allein  aus  Neid  und 
weltlichem  Ehrgeiz  geschehe."  In  another  pamphlet  directed  to  the 
clergy  they  had  said,  "  dass  zweierlei  Schworter  waren,  ein  geistliches, 
welches  ware  Gottes  Wort,  das  ander  die  weltliche  Oberkeit,  und  hatte 
keins  mit  dem  andern  zu  thun  ;  diewil  sie  alle  bede  von  Gott  waren, 
konnen  sie  nit  wider  einander  sein. — Warum  sollte  den  die  Oberkeit 
von  Geistlichen  verdammt  werden,  dan  also  wiirde  Gott  sein  Werk 
selbs  verdammen.  Wo  aber  ein  weltlich  Haupt  siindigt,  gebiirt  dera 
Geistlichen  den  Siinder  auf  den  rechten  Weg  zu  weisen  mit  grosser 
Demuth,  und  Gott  Dag  u.  Nacht  mit  Zahren  anliegen,  dass  der  Sunder 
wiederum  von  seinem  Weg  uinkehre,  zu  wahrer  Erkanntnuss  seiner 
Siinden  komme  :  dan  Gott  nit  den  Dot  des  Siinders  begert,  sunder  dass 
er  sich  bekehr  u.  lebe. —  Noch  vil  weniger  gebiirte  einem  christllchen 
Hirten,  wan  Einer  des  Bann  schuldig,  dass  man  unschuldige  arme 
Leut,  die  etwan  den  Schuldigen  nit  kennen  noch  gesehen  haben,  ja 
ganze  Lander,  Stadt,  Diirfer,  alles  ohn  Unterscheid  verbanne  und  ver- 


CH.  1.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 1.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  100.  CLEMENT  VI.  Gl 
limits.'*^    The  Bavarian  party  raised  up  Giinther  of  Schwarzburg 

damme. — Dass  aber  alle  die  dem  Papst  miissten  Ketser  sein,  die  ihme 
die  Fiiss  nit  vvoUten  kiissen,  oder  dass  solchs  ein  Artikel  des  Glauben, 
und  ein  Abtriinuiger  von  der  Kirclicn,  welcher  dui'ch  ordentliche  Wahl 
der  Churfiirsten  sich  ein  Konig  oder  Keisser  nennt  u.  sein  Amt  versehe, 
auch  alle  die,  als  ihme  von  Gott  verordneter  Oberkeit  Gehorsam  leisten, 
wider  die  Kirch  siindigten  u.  Ketser  waren,  kunnte  mit  gbttlicher 
Geschrift  nit  bcibrocht  werden.  Oberkeit  ist  ein  Stand  von  Gott, 
dem  man  in  weltlichen  Sachen  solle  gehorsamen,  auch  die  Geistlicben, 
es  sey  wer  es  wolle.  Der  Keiser  ist  die  hoste  Oberkeit,  darum  ist 
man  ihme  Gehorsam  schuldig ;  regiert  er  nit  recht,  muss  er  Gott 
Rechenschaft  darum  geben,  un  nit  der  arme  Underthane.  So  wenig 
als  Gott  von  den — Underthane — wird  Rechenschaft  fordern,  also  wenig 
kann  man  arme  unschuldige^  Underthanen  von  wegen  ihrer  Oberkeit 
bannen  noch  verdammen.  Derhalben  alle  die  den  wahren  christlichen 
Glauben  halten,  u.  allein  an  der  Personen  des  Papst  siindigen,  sind 
keine  Ketser. — Daraus  ist  schliesslichen,  dass  alle,  die  in  unrechtem 
u,  unschuldigen  Bann  sind,  frey  vor  Gott  sind,  dann  ilir  Vermaledeiung 
kehrt  sich  zur  Benedeiung  !"  The  Bishops  condemned  these  doctrines, 
and  Tauler  betook  himself  to  Cologne.  AVhen  however  in  March  1350 
Strasburg  sent  deputies  to  the  Papal  Court,  to  request  entire  release 
from  the  Interdict,  they  were  charged  to  promise  nothing  (Wencker 
collecta  archivi  et  cancellariae  jura  p.  155),  "  das  wider  das  rbmische 
Rich  oder  sine  Recht  oder  sine  Ehre,  oder  wider  gemeinen  Nuts,  oder 
wider  unser  oder  unsere  Stadte  Recht,  Freiheit  oder  Ehre  in  deheinen 
Weg  si." 

^0  This  feeling  found  its  chief  expression  in  the  hope  of  the  return  of 
Frederick  II.,  which  was  now  once  more  awakened  with  renewed 
vigour  (see  Part  2.  §  90.  note  40)  as  Jo.  Vitoduranus  represents  it, 
p.  85,  on  the  year  1348,  his  concluding  year,  and  so  from  his  own 
immediate  observation  :  In  his  temporibus  apud  homines  diversi  gene- 
ris, immo  cuncti  generis  multos  valde  assertissime  vulgabatur,  Impe- 
ratorem  Fridericum  secundum  hujus  nominis  ad  reformandum  statum 
omnino  depravatum  Ecclesiae  venturum  in  robore  maximo  potentatus. 
Adjiciunt  quoque  homines  praedicta  sentientes,  quod  necesse  sit  eum 
venire,  si  in  niille  partes  secatus  esset,  immo  si  in  pulverem  per  com- 
bustionem  redactus  foret,  eo  quod  divinitus  sit  decretum  ita  debere  fieri, 
quod  immutari  impossibile  est.  Secundum  igitur  istam  assertionem 
cum  resuscitatus  ad  Impei-ii  sui  culmen  reversus  fuerit,  puellae  vel 
feminae  pauperi  in  matrimonio  junget  virum  divitem,  et  e  converse ; 
moniales  et  sorores  in  saccule  degentes  maritabit,  monachos  uxorabit ; 
pupillis,  orphanis,  viduis  omnibus  et  singulis  spoliatis  res  ablatas  resti- 
tuet,  cunctisque  faciet  justitiae  complementum.  Clericos  persequetur 
adee  atrocitei*,  quod  coronas  et  tonsuras  suas  stercore  bevino,  si  aliud 
tegumentum  non  habuerint,  obducent,  ne  appareant  tonsorati  :  reli- 
giosos,  qui  denunciande  processus  papales  contra  eum,  praecipue  fratres 
minores,  ipsum  de  Imperio  repulerant,  de  terra  fugabit.  Post  resump- 
tum    Imperiura  justius    et    gloriesius    gubernatum    quam    ante,   cum 


62  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

to  dispute  the  throne  with  him.*^  Charles  was  obliged  to  win 
over  his  adversaries  by  concessions  of  every  kind  ;*^  he  was  even 

exercitu  copioso  transfretabit,  et  in  monte  Oliveti,  vel  apud  arborem 
aridara  (Mattb,  xxi.  19)  Imperium  resignabit.  The  narrator  indeed 
calls  this  hope  dementia  magna  et  fatuitas  :  but  that  to  him — a  Fran- 
ciscan— and  so  probably  to  a  large  part  of  the  nation,  the  very  thoughts 
from  which  this  expectation  rose  at  that  time,  were  far  from  strange  is 
clear  from  his  poetical  effusion  p.  69  : 

Ecclesiae  capita  nimis  extant  obtenebrata, 

Delirant  penitus  Sathana  delusa  patenter, 

Disceptant  pariter,  quod  vigeat  latius, 

Primum  Romanus  Caesar,  sed  Papa  secundum. — 

Dimissis  rebus  caelestibus  atque  beatis 

Contendunt  regnis  pro  terrenis  capiendis, 

Schisniata  quod  dederat  perniciosa  satis. 

Alter  in  alterius  messem  falcem  male  mittit : 

Neuter  jure  suo  contentari  bene  sentit : 

Hinc  pereant  animae,  vivere  quae  poterant. — 

Rex  Constantinus  cum  successoribus  ejus 

Si  Papae  regna  tam  pinguia  non  tribuisset, 

Tunc  humilis  staret,  simplicitate  pia. 

Hinc  non  immerito  vox  caelestis  resonabat  : 

Nunc  est  in  mundum  virus  miserabile  fusum, 

Unde  perit  concors  Ecclesiae  bonitas. 

Sed  quia  dotavit  Caesar  nimis  atque  ditavit 

Fertilibus  terris  Papas,  ideo  tumuerunt, 

Et  cupidi  certant  carpere  plura  bona. 

Rex  gliscit  terras  sibi  cunctas  suppeditari, 

Multo  plus  Papa  cupit  ipsis  praedominari. 

Haec  pestis  saeva  causata  avaritia. 

Ecclesiam  nummus  vilem  fecit  meretricera. 

Nam  pi'o  mercede  scortum  dat  se  cupienti : 

Nummus  cuncta  facit,  nil  bene  justitia. 

*i  Alb.  Argent,  p.  145  —  152. 

*2  Among  tliese  at  this  time  were  included  also  (Jo,  Vitodur.  p.  48) 
relaxatio  interdicti,  dispensationes,  absolutiones  ab  excommunicationi- 
bus,  suspensionibus,  irregularitatibus  conti'actis  et  ab  aliis  censuris 
ecclesiasticis.  Haec  beneficia  administrabant  hominibus  Praelati  plures 
in  diversis  partibus  teri'ae  Teutoniae,  quibus  Papa  ea  commisit.  Hae 
autem  gratiae  tantum  impertiebantur  hominibus  Regi  juratis  a  Prae- 
latis.  The  sons  of  Lewis  remained  longest  in  excommunication :  for 
although  the  Emperor  Charles  so  early  as  1349  had  concluded  a  treaty 
with  them  (Buchholtz  Gesch.  d.  Churmark  Brandenburg  ii.  430),  still 
the  sentence  rested  upon  them  because  of  the  injuries  of  the  Bishopric 
of  Lebus,  see  Wohlbriich's  Gesch.  des  ehemal.  Bisthuras  Lebus  (Berlin 
1829.  3  Th.)  i.  444.     Still,  bow  little  the  interdict  was  regarded  in 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  i:]78.— I.  POLIT.  HIST.  §  100.  CLEMENT  VI.    (^3 

yielding  enough  to  allow  himself  to  be  elected  and  crowned  a 
second  time  (July  1349.)^^ 

Meanwhile  Joanna  of  Naples  had  sold  the  province  of  Avignon 
to  Clement  (1348)  to  raise  money  for  her  war  against  Lewis  of 
Hungary.'**  The  Pope  at  last  contrived  that  both  parties  should 
recognise  him  as  arbitrator  :  he  decided  in  favour  of  Joanna,  and 
she  mounted  again  her  blood-stained  throne  (1351.)'*^ 

the  March  by  clergy  and  laity  one  may  see  from  the  renewed  Bull  of 
Excommunication  of  14.  May  1350  (in  Buchholtz  Bd.  5.  Anhang  S. 
82.)  Lewis  the  Koman,  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  was  absolved  in 
1354  (Wohlbriick  i.  490),  the  elder  brother,  Lewis,  Duke  of  Bavaria, 
in  1359  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  7.) 

*2  This  was  the  case  according  to  Heinricus  de  Rebdorf  ad  ann.  1349. 
Olenschlager's  Staatsgesch.  S.  411,  on  the  other  side  Pelzel  in  his 
Kaiser  Karl  iv.  1,  266,  denies  this  second  coronation. 

^*  Joanna,  unchaste  in  the  highest  degree,  without  waiting  for  the 
Papal  dispensation,  so  soon  as  20.  Aug.  1347  was  married  again  to  her 
kinsman  Lewis  of  Tarentum  (see  Jo.  Villani  xii.  c.  98  in  Muratori  xiii. 
976.  Matth.  Palmerius  de  vita  Nicol.  AcciajoH.  Ibid.  p.  1207);  and 
now,  being  driven  from  Naples  by  Lewis  of  Hungary,  she  came  to 
Avignon  in  search  of  help.  Although  she  here  persisted  in  declining 
all  examination  as  to  the  murder  of  her  husband  (Raynald.  ann.  1348 
no.  11)  :  nevertheless  the  necessary  dispensation  for  her  marriage  was 
included  in  that  bargain  :  Tertia  vita  Clementis  VL  (Baluz.  i.  292) : 
Regina  autem  cum  filio  Principis  Tarentini  matrimonium  propria  aucto- 
ritate  contraxit,  qui  se  secundo  gradu  consanguinitatis  attingebant. 
Tandem  ad  Romanam  curiam  venientes  pro  dispensatione  obtinenda, 
obtinuerunt.  Ipsi  veromultum  gravati  super  expensis,  non  inveniebant 
consilium  de  quo  possent  ad  locum  proprium  [redire.]  Quod  dictus 
Pontifex  circumspectus  et  providus  velut  Argus  advertens,  tanquam 
ille  quem  zelus  domus  Domini  comedebat,  opportunis  exquisitis  tracta- 
tibus  et  cautis  intermediis  viis,  civitatem  Avenionensem — omni  modo 
juris  meliori  quo  potuit  emit  a  Regina  praedicta  pro  pretio  invicem 
concordato.  Et  sic  Regina  et  ejus  socius  per  venditionem  hujusmodi 
pecunia  redundanles  simul  in  regnum  redierunt.  Matth.  Palmerius  p. 
1208  :  jura  dominatus,  quae  Regina  in  civitatem  populumque  Avenio- 
nensem habebat,  Romano  Pontifici  vendidit,  et  ah  eodem  tunc  primum 
Pontifice  Ludovicus  titulos  Regies  accepit.  The  purchase  money  was 
80,000  gold-florins,  the  documents  of  9.  June  1348  are  in  Bzovii  ann. 
eccl.  ad  h.  a.  no.  10.     Leibnitii  cod.  jur.  gent,  i,  200. 

*5  Matth.  Villani  ii.  c.  24.  c.  41.  c.  65.     Raynald.  ann.  1350  no.  27. 
1351  no.  32.  1352  no.  1. 


04  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV. -A.D.  ir>or)— 1409. 


§101. 

INNOCRNT  VI.  fl8.  DEC.  1352—12.  SEPT.  1362.)     URBAN  V.  (28  OCT.  1362 
—19.  DEC.  1370.)     GEEGORy  XI.  (30.  DEC.  1370- 27.  .M.\RCH  1378) 

Much  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  Church  and  Papal  See 
was  indeed  furthered  and  spread  abroad  by  the  Pope's  contest 
with  LeAvis  the  Bavarian  :^  but  internally  it  was  wanting  in 
harmony  and  chiefly  in  firm  ground  work,  externally  in  concen- 
tration and  the  sense  of  power  and  security.  Accordingly  during 
this  struiTii'lo  men's  higher  convictions  were  not  seldom  disavowed 
from  political  reasons,  and  the  issue  of  this  contest  apparently 
fulfilling  the  Pope's  utmost  expectations,  taught  the  princes  once 
more,  that  the  time  was  not  yet  come  for  a  decisive  struggle  with 
the  Papal  See.  But  on  the  other  side  the  Popes  also  felt  that 
public  opinion,  the  strongest  support  of  their  power,  began  to  fall 
away  from  them.  Thus  instead  of  that  stubborn  implacability 
which  Lewis  the  Bavarian  underwent,  we  now  find  a  mild 
forbearance  towards  powerful  offenders,  such  for  instance  as 
Peter  the  Cruel,  King  of  Castile,^  which,  content  with  a  shadow 
of  satisfaction,  was  ever  ready  for  reconciliation. 

^  Particularly  in  France.  That  the  Pope  had  no  power  over  princes 
in  secular  affairs,  was  a  maxim  generally  acknowledged  in  this  country 
since  the  time  of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  about  1370  at  the  command  of 
King  Charles  V.  was  proved  at  length  by  Raoul  de  Praelles,  Conseiller 
et  Maistre  de  Requestes  in  the  Tract,  de  potestate  pontificali  et  impe- 
riali  seu  regia  (in  Goldasti  mouarchia  i.  39.)  Yet  more  remarkable  is 
the  Somnium  Viridarii  de  jurisdictione  regia  et  sacerdotali  (translated 
into  Latin  in  Goldasti  monarchia  i.  58,  the  French  original  is  in  the 
Traitez  des  droits  et  libertez  de  I'eglise  Gallicane  ii.  1),  dedicated 
about  the  same  time  by  an  unknown  author  to  King  Charles  V.,  in 
which  the  encroachments  of  the  clergy  and  the  Pope  are  defended  by  a 
Clericus  and  attackt  by  a  Miles.  The  views  of  the  latter,  who  even 
(p.  79)  represents  the  original  equality  of  all  Bishops,  and  the  gradual 
rise  of  the  Papal  power,  quite  in  the  style  of  Marsilius  Patavinus  (see 
above  §  99,  note  15)  are  evidently  those  of  the  author,  and  are  main- 
tained with  overwhelming  proofs.  The  dreamer  indeed  at  the  end 
leaves  all  to  the  decision  of  the  Roman  Church  :  illud  credo,  teneo  et 
firmiter  profiteor,  quod  ipsa  sacrosancta  Eccl.  Romana  credit,  tenet 
atque  profitetur  :  necnon  et  illud  teneo  et  credo  verum,  quod  ipsa  duxit 
statuendum  in  Extravaganti  quae  incipit  Unam  sanctam :  but  the 
mention  of  the  Bull  Unam  sanctam  to  a  King  of  France  seems  almost 
to  indicate  irony. 

*  Who   indeed  transgresst  the  law  of  God  more  than   the   Papal 


CH.  1.— PAPA(JY  IN   1378.— 1.  I'OLIT.  HJST.  §   lUl.   INNOCENT  \  I.  Of) 

In  the  States  of  the  Church  the  Popes  lost  their  influence, 
partly  because  they  were  far  away,  partly  because  they  were 
foreigners,  and  the  nobles  seized  on  the  highest  power  In  Rome 
for  a  short  time  they  were  brought  under  by  the  adventurous 
Cola  di  Rienzi  (1347)  f  a  host  of  petty  principalities  grew  up  in 
the  provinces.'^  Innocent  VI.  sent  thither  at  last  the  warlike 
Cardinal  Aegidius  Albornoz,  1353,  to  reconquer  the  States  of 
the  Church.^  Charles  IV.,  who  undertook  his  progress  to  Rome 
in  1354,  true  to  his  former  promises,  contented   himself  with 

interest.  This  monster,  whose  whole  reign  was  a  chain  of  shameful 
deeds,  soon  after  his  marriage  put  away  his  wife  Blanche,  for  the  sake 
of  a  courtezan  Maria  de  Padilla(1353),  then  he  had  himself  divorced  from 
her  by  two  Bishops  of  the  country,  and  married  a  third  time  (Ray nald. 
1354  no.  21.)  Now  at  last  the  Ban  followed  (ibid.  1355  no.  29) :  as  at 
the  same  time  some  dangerous  riots  arose,  Peter  took  Blanche  back 
again,  but  only  to  divorce  her  once  more  soon  after  (ibid.  no.  31.)  The 
tyrant  now  heapt  murder  upon  murder.  The  Pope  only  interceded  in 
behalf  of  Blanche  with  prayers  and  remonstrances  (l^ayn.  1356  no.  38, 
1357  no.  TO),  he  threatened  indeed  more  in  earnest,  when  Peter  con- 
fiscated the  property  of  certain  Cardinals  in  his  kingdom  (ib.  1356  no. 
40),  but  his  chief  effort  was  to  rescue  his  vassal  Peter  of  Aragon  from 
the  overpowering  might  of  Castile.  A  Legate  negotiated  a  truce : 
when  Peter  of  Castile  broke  it,  he  was  excommunicated  (ibid.  1357  no. 
9) :  still  the  Pope  continued  to  invite  him  as  carissimum  in  Christo,  to 
peace  with  Aragon  by  a  new  Legate  (ibid.  1359  no.  2.)  Peter  yielded, 
that  he  might  make  war  upon  the  Moors.  He  answered  the  Pope's 
request  that  he  would  take  his  wife  again,  by  saying  that  he  had  had 
her  poisoned  (ibid.  1361  no.  6.)  He  soon  broke  the  peace  with  Aragon, 
and  butchered  the  inhabitants  of  Calatajuba,  a  city  of  Aragon  which 
did  not  at  once  surrender.  The  excommunication  pronounced  by  the 
Legate  on  this  account  (ibid.  1362  no.  18)  was  quickly  forgotten  :  and 
Urban  V.  overwhelmed  the  tyrant  with  fulsome  praise,  when  he  offered 
him  his  help  against  the  mercenary  robber-bands  which  threatened 
Avignon  (ib.  1365  no.  7),  though  all  the  Pope's  endeavours  to  nego- 
tiate peace  between  him  and  Aragon  (ib.  1364.  no.  18.  1366  no.  30) 
remained  fruitless 

3  Cola  di  Rienzo  u.  s.  Zeit,  chiefly  compiled  from  unprinted  sources, 
by  Dr  F.  Papencordt,  Hamburg  and  Gotha  1841, 

*  Compare  Clement's  VI.  Bull  of  16th  July  1346  Etsi  solertem 
(Bullarium  Rom.  i.  302)  against  the  civitates  and  singulares  personae, 
which  civitates,  castra  et  villas  patrimonii  b.  Petri  in  Tuscia,  eorum- 
que  dominium,  superioritatem,  advocationem,  capitaneatum  et  jurisdic- 
tionem  non  verentur  diversis  exquisitis  coloribus  occupare. 

5  With  regard  to  his  enterprises  see  especially  Matteo  Villani  from 
lib-  iii.  c,  84  onwards.  Schlosser's  Weltgesch.  iv.  i.  408.  618.  Papen- 
cordt. S.  277. 

VOL.  IV.  E 


CC)  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.   1305— 14()<i. 

receiving  in  Italy  the  empty  honour  of  two  crowns,  without 
availing  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  restore  their  rights.''  So 
that  ecclesiastical  general  was  able  to  brino;  back  the  whole  states 
of  the  Ch  arch  to  obedience  without  resistance.  When,  however,  he 
finisht  his  work  (13(30)  by  wresting  Bologna  from  the  powerful 
Bernarbo  Visconti,  ruler  of  Milan  ;^  then  he  met  with  a  foe,  to 
whom  all  fear  of  the  Church  and  Papal  see  was  as  unknown^  as 
to  the  mercenary  bands,  which  at  that  time,  by  turns,  served 
the  nobles  in  their  wars,  and  pillaged  on  their  own  account.^ 
Urban   V.,   indeed,  moved    by  the   most  grievous    complaints, 

6  How  the  hopes  of  the  Italians  were  disappointed  in  him  see 
Petrarchae  epistt.  3 — 5  (in  Goldast  monarchia  ii.  1350  ss.)  Ep.  III.  : 
Ergo  tu  Caesar,  quod  avus  tuus  innumerique  alii  tanto  sanguine  quae- 
sierunt  tantisque  laboribus,  sine  labore  adeptus  complanatam  apertam- 
que  Italiam,  patens  limen  urbis  Komae,  sceptrum  facile,  iraperturbatuni 
ac  pacificum  Imperium,  inci'uenta  diadeinata, — haec  linquis,  et — ad 
barbarica  rursum  regna  revolveris  ?  Non  audeo  clare  tibi  dicere,  quod 
mens  resque  exigunt,  ne  te  verbo  contristera,  qui  me  et  mundum  facto 
contristas  tuo. — 0  si  in  ipsis  Alpium  jugis  avus  tibi  nunc  paterque  fiant 
obvii,  quid  dicturos  putas  ? — Profecisti  eximie,  ingens  Caesar,  hoc  tuo 
per  tot  annos  dilate  in  Italiam  adventu,  et  festinato  abitu  refers  demum 
istud  ferreum,  illud  aureum  diadema,  simul  ac  sterile  nonien  Imperii. 
Ep.  IV  :  vereor  ne — jam  Pontifex  Romanus  Principem  Romae  esse 
vetuerit,  quod  et  fama  loquitur^  et  fuga  Caesaris  indicio  est,  qui  non 
cupidius  Italiam  petiit,  quam  reliquit. 

7  Clement  VI.  in  1352  had  been  obliged  to  deliver  over  Bologna  to 
John  Visconti,  Archbishop  and  Lord  of  Milan,  and  his  family  for  twelve 
years  (Raynald.  ann.  1352  no.  7  ss.)  The  Legate  wrested  the  town 
by  craft  from  Bernarbo  before  the  expiration  of  this  time  (Matteo 
Villani  ix.  74  ss.     Raynald.  ann,  1360  no.  6  ss.) 

8  Jacob.  V.  Konigshoven  s.  203  represents  Urban  V.  as  complaining 
to  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.  "  das  er  vor  e  er  Bobest  wart,  eines  moles 
wert  gesant  zu  den  Herren  von  Meyelon  und  brohte  den  Briefe  von 
des  Bobestes  wegen.  Dise  Briefe  gevielent  den  Herren  von  Meyelon 
niit  vvol.  dovon  hiessent  sii  disen  Urbanum  die  Briefe  essen,  und  dotent 
ime  ouch  vile  andere  Smocheit,  mid  hiessent  in  balde  enweg  varn. 
Dis  muste  Urbanus  alles  tun." 

**  Des  grandes  Compagnies  au  XI  Vieme  siecle  par  M.  E.  de  Freville 
in.  his  Bibliotheque  de  I'ecole  des  Chartes  T.  iti.  (Paris  184 L  42)  p. 
258.  Andre  hist,  politique  de  la  monarchic  pontificale  au  XlVieme 
siecle  p.  402.  Schlosser's  Weltgesch.  IV.  i.  392.  594.  Urban  V. 
summoned  aid  against  these  bands  which  devastated  the  south  of 
France  (Raynald.  1364  no.  15),  but  he  was  soon  after  obliged  to  buy  off 
one  of  them,  which  threatened  Avignon,  at  a  great  price  (Raynald. 
1365  no.  7.) 


cn.  i.-PArAcv  IX  kith.— i.  polit.  hist.  ^  loi.  innocent  vi.  ^7 

launclit  his  Ban,  and  had  a  crusade  preaclit  against  him  (13(58)  :^° 
but  soon  after  he  found  it  advisable  to  make  peace  Avith  the 
desperate  Italian  on  equal  terms  (1364.)^^    Soon  after  the  Papal 

^"  The  Bull  of  30.  Nov.  1362,  in  which  Bernarbo  was  cited,  is  full 
of  the  most  grievous  charges  (Raynahl.  ad  h.  a.  no.  12),  e.g.  Robertum 
Archiepiscopum  Mediolanensem,  pro  eo  quod  queiidam  inonachum — 
noluerat — ad  ordinein  promovere,  ad  suam  praesentiam  accedere  com- 
pulerat,  oranique  I'everentia  Dei  et  officii  pontificalis  abjecta,  eidem 
Archiepiscopo  serinonibus  contumeliosis,  multis  ibidem  praesentibus, 
dixerat :  Gcnuflecte  ribalde  (good  for  nothing  fellow)  ;  et  cum  sic  genu- 
flexus  existei'et,  adjecerat :  Nescis,  puUrone  (poltroon),  quod  ego  sum 
Papa  et  Imperator  ac  dominus  in  omnibus  terris  meis,  et  quod  nee 
Imperator,  immo  nee  Deus  jyosset  in  terris  meis  facere^  nisi  quod  vellem  f 
— ipsumque  Archiepiscopum  deinde  post  multa  ignominiosa  opprobria 
sibi  dicta  in  quadara  camera  recludi  ausu  sacrilege  fecerat. — Per 
civitates,  castra,  villas  et  loca,  quae  tenebat,  fecerat  etiam  publics 
proclamari,  quod  nullus — sub  poena  concremationis  ad  dicti  praedeces- 
soris  (Innocentii  VI.),  seu  etiam — apostolicae  sedis  legati  curias 
praesumeret  accedere,  aut  inibi  gratiam  vel  aliud  impetrare,  seu  eidem 
praedecessori,  aut  dicto  legato  de  aliquibus — respondere,  aut  dare  con- 
silium, auxilium  vel  favorem;  quodque  absque  ejus  vel  cnjusdam  sui 
familiaris  Gerardoli  nomine, .  quem  vulgus  Papam  nominat,  licentia 
nulla  electio — seu  provisio  fieret  in  Ecclesiis  ae  Monasteriis  : — aposto- 
licas  et  legatorum  apostolicae  sedis  ac  inquisitorum  haereticae  pravitatis 
literas  et  processus,  ac  etiam  literas  clausas,  quae  jam  dicto  praedeces- 
sori et  eisdem  Cardinalibus — de  diversis  mundi  partibus  mittebantur, 
aperirl,  legi,  et  saepissime  laeerari,  eorumque  latores  capi  et  carceribus 
raancipari.  Besides  according  to  Raynald's  account  the  Pope  com- 
plains :  varia  crudelitatis  genera  a  Bernabone  in  sacerdotes  et  viros 
religiosos  injuste  exercita,  alios  in  cavea  ferrea  flammis  exustos,  alios  in 
equuleo  discruciatos,  alios  amputates  capite  etc. — eo  etiam  prorupisse, 
ut  Parmensem  sacerdotem  turrim  conscendere,  atque  ex  ea  Innocentium 
VI.  et  Cardinales  anathemate  defixos  proclamare  cogeret :  ad  suam 
vero  ac  suorum  satellitum  avaritiam  satiandam  in  bona  ecclesiastica 
adeo  grassatum,  ut  plures  sacerdotum  vectigalibus  exuti  divina  minis- 
teria  abjecerint  etc.  As  Bernarbo  disregarded  the  summons,  he  was 
condemned  5.  March  1363,  Raynald.  ann.  1363  no.  2: — velut  haereti- 
cum  condemnamus,  decernentes, — -eundem  Bernabonem  militari  cingulo, 
ac  omnibus  honoribus, — bonis  et  juribus  suis  universis  et  singulis  fore 
privatum,  ac  universis  poenis — promulgatis  adversus  haereticos  subja- 
cere,  et  eum  velut  haereticum,  et  ab  Ecclesia  Dei  praecisum  ab  omnibus 
Christifidelibus  evitandum.  Cf.  Matteo  Villani  xi.  c.  41.  The  Bull 
for  the  crusade  appeared  in  July  (Eaynald.  1.  c.  no.  4.) 

'^  Raynald.  ann.  1364  no.  3.  Compare  only  the  preamble  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  :  In  nomine  Domini  Amen.  Suborta  dudum  inter 
reverendissimum  in  Christo  patrem  et  dominum,  dominum  Aegidium 
Eplscopum  Sabinensem  A.  S.  L.  nomine  Romanae  Ecclesiae  occasione 
vicariatus  civitatis  Bononiensis  ejusque  districtus  et  ex  aliis  causis,  et 

e2 


08  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  lY.— A.D.  1305— liOO. 

Sec  had  to  rue  its  dependence  upon  France  for  another  reason, 
England,  out  of  hostility  to  this  country,  released  herself  from 
her  former  tribute.^^  So  Urban  V.  had  reason  enough  to  take 
up  his  abode  at  Rome  once  more  (1367.)  But  five  French 
Cardinals  remained  at  Avignon,^''  and  Urban  was  induced  soon 
after  to  return  thither  again  in  person  (1370.)^'*  Bernarbo  Vis- 
conti  was  thus  again  encouraged  to  invade  the  Papal  territoiy. 
Gregory    XL   indeed  pronounced    the   anathema  against  both 

magnificum  dominum  Bernabonem  de  Vicecomitibus  Mediolan.  gravis 
et  nociva  dissensio,  et  deinde  inter  eandem  Ecclesiam — et  praefatum 
dominum  Bernabonem — guerva  pestifera  inde  secuta  quasi  totam  pro- 
vinciam  Lombardiae  ac  partes  vicinas  in  discrimine  posuerunt.  Et 
tandem  pro  bujusmodi  guerra  sedanda — intervenientibus  invictissinio 
domino,  domino  Carolo  IV. — Imp. — ac  serenirtsimis,  dominis  Joanne 
Franciae,  Ludovico  Ungariae,  ac  Petro  Jerusalem  et  Cypri  illustribus 
Regibus — partes  ipsae  super  coneordia  et  pace  bujusmodi  eonvenerunt. 
Among  the  conditions,  according  to  Raynald's  account,  was,  remissae 
Inprimis  acceptae  illataeve  injuriae  ;  thus  all  censures  against  Bernarbo 
were  revoked,  and  he  was  recognised  in  all  his  former  honours.  Ber- 
narbo had  indeed  to  resign  to  his  powerful  mediator,  Modena  aiid  Ra- 
mandiola  in  return  for  bis  possessions  in  the  territory  of  Bologna  :  but 
the  Pope  was  obliged  to  promise  500,000  gold  florins  in  compensation. 

^2  In  1365  Urban  made  application  for  this  tax,  w-hicb  had  been  in 
arrears  ever  since  1332  (Raynald.  13G5  no.  13.)  Edward  III.  in 
answer  obtained  a  decision  from  his  Parliament  in  1366  (Kotuli  Par- 
liamentorum  tempore  Edwardi  R.  III.  p.  290)  :  qe  le  dit  Roi  Johan 
ne  nul  autre  purra  mettre  lui  ne  son  Roialme  ne  son  Poeple  en  tide 
subjection  saunz  [sans)  Assent  de  eux,  et  come  piert  par  plusours  Evi- 
dences, qe  si  ce  feust  fait  ce  feust  fait  saunz  lour  Assent,  et  encontre 
son  Serment  en  sa  Coronation.  Et  outre  ce,  les  Dues,  Countes, 
Barons,  Grantz  et  Communes-  accorderent  et  garanterent  qe  en  cas  qe 
le  Pape  se  afforceroit  ou  rien  attempteroit  par  Proces  ou  en  autre  manere 
de  fait,  de  constreindre  le  Roi  ou  ses  Subgitz  de  perfaire  ce  qe  est  dit 
q'il  voet  clamer  celle  partie,  q'ils  resistront  et  contreesterront  ove 
toute  leur  peussance. 

^^  As  the  fleet  put  to  sea  from  Marseilles,  the  Cardinals  who  accom- 
panied him  called  out  in  grief  (Petrarchae  rer,  senil.  lib.  ix.  ep.  2  to 
Brunus,  a  Papal  Secretary)  :  0  malum  Papam,  o  patrevi  impium, 
quonam  terraruni  viiseros  filios  rapit?  non  quasi  ad  Christian! tatis 
unicam  ac  supremam  arcem,  urbem  Romam,  sed  quasi  Ctesiphontem  aut 
Mempbim   Saracennrum  in  carceres  traberentur. 

^*  As  bedeclared  to  the  Romans  (Raynald  1370no.  19),excertiscausi3 
non  solum  utilibus  pro  universal!  Kcclesia,  sed  etiam  urgentibus :  but  Pe- 
trarch (rer.  senil.  lib.  xiii.  ep.  13)  clearly  points  out  the  urgency  of  the 
French  Cardinals  as  the  cause.  Petrarch  had  written  to  the  Pope  soon 
after  hia  arrival  in  Rome  a  letter  of  congratulation,  in  which  Rome  was 
extolled  far  above  Avignon  (rer.  senil.  lib.  ix.  ep.  1).     Now  upon  the 


CU    1.— PAPACY  IN  137S.— 1.  POLIT.  IlLST.  g  JOl.  GKEGUKY  Xi.     (j'J 

brothers  Galeazzo  and  Bernarbo  (1372).^^  But  as  at  the  same  time 
he  closed  the  long  struggle  against  the  Aragonian  rulers  of  Sicily, 
by  the  recognition  of  Frederick  III.  as  king  of  Trinacria,^^  he 
gave  his  adversaries  a  fresh  proof,  that  spiritual  weapons  were 
not  invincible  in  Italy.  The  cities  of  the  Ecclesiastical  States 
also  dissatisfied  with  the  Pope,  and  opprest  by  their  governors, 
quickly  asserted  their  independence  again,  and  entered  into  an 
aUiance  with  the  Florentines  and  the  Visconti  (1375.)"  Whilst 
Charles  IV.  humbly  recognized  the  rights  lately  usurpt  by  the 
Popes  over  the  empire,^®  Gregory  XI.  was  unable  to  re-establish 

Pope's  return,  there  appeared  an  Invectiva  in  F.  Petrarcham  (0pp.  ii- 
1060)  written  in  praise  of  Avignon  by  an  anonymous  Frenchman, 
which  Petrarch  answered  in  1372  withan  Apologia  contra  anonymi  Galli 
calumnias  (1.  c.  p.  1068). 

^5  Raynald  1372  no.  1  ss.  With  regard  to  the  frightful  cruelties 
which  Bernarbo  practised  in  return  upon  the  clergy  of  the  Pope's  obe- 
dience, see  the  narration  in  another  Bull  in  Raynald.  1373  no.  10.  He 
often  said,  quod  ipse  in  terris,  quas  detinet,  intendit  esse  Papa  et  etiam 
Iniperator. 

^^  Boniface  VIII.  in  1303  had  granted  the  island  to  Frederick  II. 
only  for  his  lifetime  (See  Part  2.  §  59  note  30)  :  nevertheless  Fre- 
derick had  his  son  Peter  crowned  as  his  successor  (Raynald.  ann.  1321 
no.  40).  Even  Frederick  was  laid  under  Ban  and  Interdict  as  an  ally 
of  Lewis  of  Bavaria  (1.  c.  1329  no.  88)  :  and  these  censures  continued 
under  Peter  II.  (1337-42),  Lewis  (1355)  and  Frederick  III.  as  reign- 
ing in  defiance  of  right,  without  accomplishing  the  end  in  view.  Joanna 
of  Naples  now  concluded  a  treaty  with  Lewis  (Raynald.  ann.  1372 
no.  5),  and  the  Pope  sanctioned  it  with  certain  alterations  and  addi- 
tions (ibid.  no.  7  ss.)  Frederick  and  his  issue  male,  was  to  hold  the 
island  in  fee  with  the  title  of  King  of  Trinacria  immediately  from 
Joanna,  but  secondarily  from  the  Roman  See  as  the  superior  et  di- 
rectus  dominus  ;  both  took  the  oath  of  fealty,  to  respect  the  freedom  of 
the  Church,  &c. 

1^  Prima  vita  Gregor.  XI.  in  Baluz.  i.  434 :  Eodem  tempore  coni- 
raunitas  Florentina  contra  dictum  Gregorium  Papam  et  Romanam 
Ecclesiam  insurrexit,  doloseque  et  malitiose  operata  est,  quod  fere  omnes 
civitates  et  loca  alia,  quae  ad  dictam  Ecclesiam  in  Italia  pertinebant, 
ei  se  confoederaverunt  et  coliigaverunt,  in  unumque  convenerunt,  ut 
amodo  excusso  a  se  quocunque  alio  superior!  vel  domino,  in  sua  liber- 
tate  viverent  et  permanerent ;  factoque  vexillo,  in  quo  solum  magnis 
Uteris  erat  descripta  Libertas,  ordinaverunt  magnam  gentem  armigeram, 
quae  cum  vexillo  hujusmodi  dictae  ligae  adhaerere  volentes  confoveret, 
resistentes  vero  vi  et  potentia  ad  eam  sectandam  comprimeret  et  arcta- 
ret.     Schlosser's  Weltgesch.  IV.  ii.  358. 

^^  He  prayed  the  Pope's  permission  6.  March  137G,  to  have  his  son 
"Wenceslaus  chosen  King  of  Rome,  cum  ad  hujusmodi  electionis  cele- 
brationem  nobis  viventibus  procedi  non  valeat  sine  vestris  beneplacito 


70  THIRD  PEKIOD.— DIV    IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

the  unquestioned  claims  of  the  See  in  Italy,  either  by  the 
severest  imprecations^''    or  by  his  return  in  person  to  Eome  in 

assensu  et  gratia  ac  favore  :  and  Gregory  answered  on  3.  May  :  ut 
electio  praedicta  modo  praemisso  hac  vice  dumtaxat  valeat  celebrari, 
nostrum  bencplacitum,  assensum  ac  favorem  et  gratiani  auctoritate 
apostolica  tenore  praesentiuni  impertiraur.  See  Raynald  1376  no.  13. 
Leibnitii  cod.  jur.  gent,  mantissae  P.  ii.  p.  260  ss. 

^^  The  Bull  of  Excommunication  issued  against  the  Florentines  31. 
March  1376  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  1  ss.)  gives  fresh  examples  of 
the  measures  which  the  Italians  allowed  themselves  to  take  at  that 
time  against  the  Church  and  the  Pope.  E.g.  Inquisitoruni  haereticae 
pravitatis  ofiicium  in  ipsius  libei'a  executione  impedientes,  statuerunt, 
quod  non  possit  in  eorum  civitate — et  districtu  contra  haereticos  nisi 
certo  modo  procedi ;  nee  dicti  inquisitoris  familiares,  nisi  ad  certum 
numerum  et  habita  licentia  eorundera  officialiinn  temporalium  arma 
deferre  valeant,  ordinarunt. — Ipsius  quoque  inquisitoris  carcerem,  in 
quo  haeretici  ponebantur,  concitato  tumultu  populi  totaliter  destruxe- 
runt,  et  inquisitorem  qui  tunc  erat  expulerunt : — ac  etiam  ordinarunt, 
quod  auctoritate  literarum  apostolicae  sedis  possessionem  alicujus  bene- 
ficii  ecclesiastici — nullus  recipere  audeat,  nisi  prius  literae  ipsae  prioribus 
et  vexillifero  dictae  civitatis  praesententur,  et  licentiam  obtineant  ab 
eisdem  ;  ct  quod  quando  clericus  accusatur  coram  judice  teraporali,  vel 
ab  eo  aliquid  civiliter  petitur,  et  allegat  privilegium  clericale,  quod  ex 
hoc  sit  extra  custodiam  dictae  civitatis,  ita  quod  quilibet  possit  eum 
impune  oftendere  et  occidere  :  omnesque  allegantes  hujusmodi  privile- 
gium clericale  in  quodam  libro  seu  chartulario  describuntur,  ut  pateat 
omnibus  libera  licentia  ofitendendi  eos  et  etiam  occidendi.  Et  iusuper 
dudum  priores  et  vexillifer  dictae  civitatis  Florentinae,  qui  tunc  erant, 
ac  populus  et  commune  supradicti,  spiritu  furoris  accensi,  quendam 
Nicolaura  monacbum  in  sacerdotio  constitutum  quibusdam  sceleratis 
viris,  cum  nullus  officialis  justitiae  partium  earundem  de  hoc  se  intro- 
mittere  vellet,  torquendum  dederunt,  qui  monachum  ipsum,  in  suae 
religionis  et  ordiuis  clericalis  vituperium,  ad  ostendendum  eum  fore 
sacerdotem  de  novo  radi  feceruut,  et  eum  in  quodam  curru  posuerunt, 
et  cum  tenaculis  (hooks)  igneis  ipsius  carnes  evellentes,  eas  canibus 
projecerunt :  et  sic  eum  per  civitatem  Florentinam  praedictam,  trans- 
eundo  etiam  prope  Ecclesiam  cathedralera  ad  majus  ordinis  clericalis 
vituperium,  usque  ad  locum,  vibi  fures  suspenduntur,  deduxerunt  : 
ipsumque  coram  populo  claraantem,  quod  a  sibi  impositis  innocens  erat 
penitus  et  immunis,  vivum  sepeliri  fecerunt  atque  mori.  Afterwai'ds 
it  gives  examples  of  the  instigation  of  the  Papal  territories  to  rebellion. 
Et  a  clero  civitatis  et  dioecesis  Florentinae  et  aliarum  terrarum,  quas 
tenent,  diversas  pecuniarum  summas  importabiles,  etiam  omni  hiimani- 
tate  prorsus  abjecta,  extorserunt :  ac  octo  viros  sceleratos, — quos  publice 
octo  Sanctos  appellant,  ad  rapiendum  bona  ecclesiastica  deputarunt, 
qui  ecclesias,  monasteria,  et  alia  pia  loca,  eorumque  personas  bonis  suis 
spoliaut,  et  hujusmodi  bona  mobilia  et  immobilia  vendunt  et  distrahunt 
pro  libito  voluntatis.     Et  insuper  dilectum  filium  Lucam  de  Florentia, 


L'il.  I.— PAPACY  IN  l;378.— !.  POLPr.  HIST,  g  lUl.  CJPKGOKY    XI.    Jj 

1377.^**  He  was  obliged  to  forego  his  Papal  sovereignty,  and 
open  negotiations  with  his  enemies  f^  tliey  were  interrupted  by 

Ordinis  fratrum  Humiliatorum  professorem,  saci*ae  theologiae  magis- 
trum,  ad  revelandum  et  declarandum  quendam  hominem,  qui  eidem 
peccata  sua,  et  inter  caetera  quaedam  furta  per  eum  comniissa  confcssus 
t'uerat,  sigiUum  confessionis  frangere  coegerunt  :  ac  delude  praefatum 
hominem,  cujus  peccata  fuerant  revelata,  suspend!  et  mori  fecerunt. 
Ad  haec  pi-iores  artiura  et  vexillifer, — ac  populus  et  commune  civitatis 
Florentinae  venerabilem  fratrem  nostrum  Lucam  Episc.  Narniensem, 
apost,  sedis  Nuncium,  quern  specialiter  ad  partes  dicti  patrimonii 
destinabamus, — injuiiosis,  violentis  et  sacrilegis  ausibus  capere,  et 
captum  aliquamdiu  crudelissirao  carcere  detinere  miserabihter  prae- 
sumpserunt  etc.  For  these  reasons,  besides  excommunication  and 
interdict,  the  following  penalties  were  pronounced  against  the  Floren- 
tines :  Et  ne  ipsorum  temeritas  transiret  praesumptoribus  in  exemplum, 
bona — quorumcunque  Florentinorum,  ubicunque  consistentium,  immo- 
bilia — confiscavimus  :  et  personas  ipsorum  omnium  et  singulorum, 
absque  tamen  morte  seu  membri  mutilatione,  exponimus  fidelibus,  ut 
capientium  fiant  servi,  et  bona  eoruni  niobilia  quibuscunque  fidelibus 
occupanda.  Then  the  remaining  penalties  of  heretics  were  pronounced 
against  them,  infamy,  forfeiture  of  civil  rights,  disqualification  of  their 
successors  for  honours  and  rank.  On  the  result  of  this  Bull  see  Prima 
vita  Greg.  XI.  in  Baluz.  i.  435 :  Quorum  occasione  multi  tarn  in 
Avinione  quam  aliis  partibus  collocati  cum  damnis  et  detrimentis 
innumeris  ad  propria  redire  sunt  compulsi.  (According  to  Thomas 
Walsingham  de  rebus  Angl.  the  Florentine  merchants  in  England  were 
reduced  to  slavery,  and  their  property  confiscated.)  Ex  quibus  eorura 
communitas  ad  cor  minime  reversa  est,  immo  fortius  in  sua  malitia 
extitit  indurata,  continue  pejora  prioribus  contra  dictam  Ecclesiam 
procurando  et  machinando,  libellos  etiam  diffamatorios,  falsa  tamen  et 
erronea  continentes,  contra  statum  ipsius  Ecclesiae  et  personam  dicti 
Papae  ubique  transmittendo. 

2''  St  Birgitta  (f  1373)  had  long  before  earnestly  implored  the  Pope 
to  take  this  step  (Kevelationum  lib.  iv.  c.  139 — 143)  :  the  same  course 
was  now  pursued  by  St  Catharine  of  Siena  (her  letters  to  the  Pope  are 
in  the  Lettere  devolissime  della  b.  vergine  santa  Catei'ina  da  Siena,  in 
Venetia  1562.  4.  f.  1)  ;  she  however  strove  in  vain  to  mediate  between 
the  Florentines  and  the  Pope,  because  of  the  obstinacy  of  the  former 
(vita  s.  Catharinae  written  by  Raimundus  Capuanus  her  father  confes- 
sor, P.  iii.  c.  8  in  Act.  SS.  April  iii.,  956.) 

-^  The  first  unfortunate  attempt  was  made  in  Florence  by  St 
Catharine,  who  riskt  her  life  on  this  occasion,  vita  S.  Cathar.  1.  c.  p. 
957.  However,  she  gave  out  p.  958,  se  non  posse  a  territorio  illo 
recedere,  quousque  pax  esset  praeconizata  inter  patrem  et  filios,  sicque 
dixit  se  habere  a  Domino  in  mandatis.  The  Guelph  party  prevailed 
in  the  end,  and  peace  was  concluded  soon  aftor  Urban's  VI.  accession. 
Peace  was  ah-eady  made  with  Galeazzo  Visconti,  and  soon  after 
restored  with  Bernarbo. 


72  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305—1400. 

his  death  in   1378,  but  nevertheless  soon    afterwards  restored 
peace.^' 


11.  HISTORY  OF  THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  COXSTITUTON  OF  THE 
PAPACY  AT  AVIGNON. 

§  102. 

COMPLETION  OF  THE   PAPAL  CODE.     COMP.  PART  II.  §  60. 

Clement  V.  caused  the  V.  Libri  Clementinarum,  the  last 
authentic  collection  of  Decretals,  to  be  composed  in  1313  from 
the  canons  of  the  Council  at  Vienne,  and  his  Decretals  issued  at 
other  times. ^       The    constitutions    which    afterwards    appeared 

22  Gerson  relates  that  Gregory  XI.  on  his  death  bed  warned  the 
bystanders  (tract,  de  examinatione  doctrinarum  P.  ii.  consider.  3.  0pp. 
i.  16),  ut  caverent  ab  hominibus,  sive  viris,  sive  mulieribus,  sub  specie 
religionis  loquentibus  visiones  sui  capitis,  quia  per  tales  ipse  seductus 
(see  note  20),  dimisso  suorum  rationabili  consilio,  se  traxerat  et 
Ecclesiam  ad  discrimen  schismatis  imminentis,  nisi  misericors  provideret 
sponsus  Jesus.  This  was  the  view  taken  in  France;  the  Romans  on 
the  other  hand  pronounced  the  fact  that  Gregory  had  come  to  Rome 
and  died  there,  a  miraculous  dispensation  to  bring  back  the  Papal  See 
to  this  place  again  (Baluzii  notae  ad  vit.  Pap.  Avenion,  i.  1224.) 

1  Sexta  vita  Clementis  V.  (in  Baluz.  PP.  Aven.  i.  1 10)  :  Anno  1313, 
12  Kal.  April. — dictus  Papa — in  consistorio  publico  suas  constitutiones 
decretales,  quas  in  Concilio  Viennensi  ordinaverat,  publicari  fecit,  quae 
hodie  Clementinae  vocantur  :  sed  postea  infirraitatepraeventus  ad  studia 
generalia  per  eum  transmissae  non  fuerunt,  donee  per  suum  successo- 
rem  executioni  demandatae  fuerunt.  Clement  indeed  sent  them  to  the 
University  of  Orleans  founded  by  himself  (see  Boehmer  de  Clementinis 
§  ix..)  But  the  fact  that  he  did  not  send  them  to  the  other  more 
renowned  universities  is  certainly  surprizing,  and,  moreover,  significant, 
considering  that  he  lived  a  whole  year  after  their  publication, 
see  Aventinus  ann.  Bojorum  lib.  vii.  c.  15  §  18  :  quod  multa,  quae 
simplicitati  christianae,  libertati  religionis  imponerent  (comp.  above  § 
98  note  18),  ibi  continerentur,  (Clemens)  publicare  supersederat,  atque 
animam  agens  aboleri  jusserat. — Haec  a  Wilhdmo  Occomensi  accept. 
In  the  year  1317  John  XXII.  first  sent  this  collection  to  the 
University  of  Bologna,  which  was  held  at  that  time  to  be  the 
principal  guardian  of  Canon  Law,  see  the  Bull  prefixt  to  the  Clemen- 
tines. The  Clementines  were  soon  plentifully  commented  on  (see  Lang 
Gesch.  und  Institutionen  des  Kirchenrechts  i.  264)  ;  their  glossa 
ordinaria  is  by  John.  Andreae  (see  Part  ii.  §  60.  note  13.)      Cf  G. 


C'H.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— II.  ECCL.  CONST,  g  103.  USURP.         73 

(Extravagantes)^  were  kept  quite  distinct.  The  selection  and 
collection  of  these  in  use  in  the  editions  of  the  corpus  juris  canon, 
consisting  of  20  extravagg.  Joannis  XXII.  in  14  chapters,^ 
and  of  74  Extravagg.  Communes  in  5  books,^  derives  its  origin 
from  the  edition  of  John  Chapuis,  Paris  1500. 


§103. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  USURPATIONS  OF  THE   POPES  AT  AVIGNON. 

The  idea  of  the  Papal  See,  which  had  grown  up  in  the  period 
previous  to  this,  was  indeed  incapable  of  further  extension  (Part 
II.  §  61.)  ;  but  now  it  was  developed  without  remorse  into  all 
its  most  obnoxious  results,  particularly  by  the  Mendicant  Friars,^ 
whose  privileges,  so  often  attackt,  were  only  founded  upon  the 
Papal  supremacy.^     Their  pitiful  flattery  did  not  even  blush  to 

L.  Boehmer  diatr.  de  Clementinis  in  his  Observatt.  juris  canon.     Goett. 
1791.  no.  i. 

2  T.  W.  Bickell  iJber  die  Entstehung  u.  d.  heut.  Gebrauch  der 
beiden  Extravagantensammlungen  des  Corp,  juris  canon.  Marburg 
1825. 

3  This  is  only  a  selection  from  this  Pope's  Decretals,  which,  however, 
so  early  as  1325  was  commented  upon  by  Zenzelinus  de  Cassanis, 
canonist  at  Toulouse,  see  Bickell  S.  7  ft". 

*  In  the  earlier  editions  before  Chapuis  only  a  few  Extravagantes 
are  found,  with  indefinite  numbering  and  arrangement,  Bickell  S.  14. 
ff.  Chapuis  collected  them  all  from  the  better  known  editions  extant 
(communes  i.  e.  tritae)  Bickell  S.  34,  The  earliest  among  them  is  a 
constitution  of  Urban  IV.  in  1262,  the  latest,  one  of  Sixtus  IV.  in 
1483,  the  greater  number  are  by  John  XXII.  They  are  not  all  com- 
mented upon  ;  the  most  distinguisht  of  the  commentators  belonging  to 
this  period  ai-e,  Joannes  Monachus,  afterwards  Cardinal,  Guilelmus  de 
Monte  Lauduno,  Abbot  at  Poictiei-s,  and  Zenzelinus  de  Cassanis,  canon 
lawyer  at  Toulouse. 

^  Compare  the  Augustine  Augustini  Triumphi  Summa  de  potest, 
eccl.  above  §  99  note  17,  the  Franciscan  Alvari  Pelagii  de  planctu 
Ecclesiae  libb.  ii.  ibid,  note  18,  the  Dominican  Petri  Paludani  (about 
1330  Pati-iarch  of  Jerusalem  -j-  1342)  tract,  de  causa  immediata  eccle- 
siasticae  potestatis  (publisht  at  Paris  1506),  the  Franciscan  Rogeri 
Connovii  (or  de  Conway  commonly  called  Chonoe,  at  Oxford)  defensio 
religionis  mendicantium,  immediately  after  1357  (in  Goldasti  monarchia 
ii.   1410.) 

^  E.  g.  Augustini  Triumphi  Summa  qu.  6  art.  1  :  Utrum  a  Papa 
possit  appellari  ad  Deum? — Solus  Papa  dicitin-  esse  vicarius  Dei,  quia 


74  THIRD  I'EKIOD.— DIY.  IV.— A. D.   1305—1409. 

solum  quod  ligatur  vel  solvitur  per  eum,  liabetur  solutum  et  ligakun 
per  ipsum  Doum.  Sententia  igitur  Papae  et  sententia  Dei  una 
sententia  est,  sicut  una  sententia  est  Papae  et  adjutoris  ejus.  Cum 
igitur  appellatio  semper  fiat  a  minori  judice  ad  superiorem,  sicut 
nullus  est  major  seipso,  ita  nulla  appellatio  tenet,  facta  a  Papa  ad  Deum, 
quia  unum  Consistorium  est  ipsius  Papae  et  ipsius  Dei,  cujus  Consis- 
torli  claviger  et  ostiurius  est  ipse  Papa.  Nullus  ergo  potest  appellare 
a  Papa  ad  Deura. — Qu.  19  art.  1  :  Utrum  solus  Papa  sit  sponsus 
Ecclesiae  ? — Papa,  qui  oblinet  vicein  Christi  in  tota  Ecclesia,  univer- 
salis Ecclesiae  sponsus  dicitur.  Episcopus  vero  dicitur  sponsus  suae 
dioect'sis,  presbyter  autem  suae  parochiae.  Nee  tamen  propter  boo 
sequitur,  quod  sint  plures  sponsi  unius  Ecclesiae  :  quia  sacerdos  sicut 
minister  cooperatur  Episcopo  tanquam  principali,  et  simul  omnes 
Episcopi  cooperantur  Papa,  et  Papae  Christo.  Unde  Christus,  Papa, 
Episcopus  et  sacerdos  non  dicuntur  nisi  unus  sponsus  Ecclesiae.  Art. 
4  :  Papa  succedit  Cbristo  in  officio  et  universali  jurisdictione,  quia 
Petrus  in  persona  omnium  summorum  Pontificum  recepit  universalem 
jurisdictionem  a  Christi. — Quantum  ad  officium  et  universalem  juris- 
dictionem  Papa  est  Episcopus  universalis  Ecclesiae,  sed  quantum 
ad  personalemadministrationem  singulariter  est  Episcopus  urbis  Romae. 
Art.  5  :  Utrum  Papa  possit  immediate  in  qualibet  dioecesi  et  parochia, 
quod  potest  Episcopus  vel  sacerdos '? — Papa  tenet  locum  Petri  in 
Ecclesia,  Episcopi  vero  locum  Apostolorum,  Presbyteri  vero  locum 
LXXII  discipulorum.  Absurdum  autem  videtur,  quod  Petrus  non 
potuisset  solvere  et  ligare  sine  auctoritate  Apostolorum  vel  discipulo- 
rum, etiam  in  provinciis  et  parochiis  eis  deputatis,  cum  singulariter 
Petro  fuit  dictum  :  dabo  tivi  claves,  et  ipsi  non  nisi  per  usum  clavium 
potestatem  ligandi  et  solvendi  haberent.  Eodem  modo  absurdum  est 
dicere,  quod  Papa  non  possit  solvere  et  ligare  in  dioecesi  cujuslibet 
Episcopi  et  parochia  cujuslibet  Presbyteri,  vel  absolutionem  et  liga- 
tionem  conimittere  quibus  placet.  Potest  etiam  in  provinciis  et  paro- 
chiis eis  deputatis  omnia  facere  per  seipsum,  vel  per  commissionem, 
quae  ipsi  Episcopi  vel  Presbyteri  facere  possunt,  et  adhuc  amplius. — 
Qu.  20  art.  3 :  Utrum  solus  Papa  habeat  potestatem  clavium  ? — 
Singulariter  solus  Petrus  dicitur  habere  claves  per  immediatam  com- 
missionem, per  immediatam  derivationem,  per  universalem  administra- 
tionem.  Per  immediatam  quidem  commissionem,  quia  soli  Petro,  cujus 
successor  Papa  existit,  claves  sunt  commissae. — Per  immediatam  vero 
derivationem,  quia  potestas  clavium  ab  eo  tanquam  a  capite  in  omnes 
Praelatos  Ecclesiae  derivari  debet. — Per  vmiversalem  autem  adminis- 
trationem,  quia  solus  ips3  in  tota  Ecclesia  universaliter  Christi 
Vicarius  existit. — Qu.  64  art.  2  :  sicut  Apostoli  missi  sunt  ad  praedi- 
candum  non  nisi  praesupposita  auctoritate  Petri  : — sic  Episcopi 
admittuntur  et  assmnuntur  in  partem  sollicitudinis  non  nisi  jjrae- 
supposita  auctoritate  Papae,  qui  sicut  dat  eis  auctoritatem  exequendi 
officium  receptum  sup  r  tanfa  vel  tali  materia,  si  bene  utantur, 
ita  culpa  exigente,  si  commisso  officio  abutuntur,  potest  eos  dicta 
executione  privare. — Qu.  65  art.  5  :  non  minoris  auctoritatis  est 
Papa  in  tota  Ecclesia,  quam  quilibet  Episcopus  in  sua  dioecesi, 
itnmo  majoris,  cum  in   propria  dioecesi    Episcopus  jurisdictionem  non 


ClI.  1.— rAl'ACY  L\   1378.— 11.  ECCL.  CON8T.  g   103.  USLKr.        75 

exerceat  nisi  auctoritate  Papae.  Sed  qnilibet  Episcopus  in  propria 
dioecesi  potest  et  debet  religiosos  et  alios  idoneos  viros  ad  sanctae  prae- 
dicationis  ofScium  assumere,  qui  vice  ipsorum  plebes  Cliristi  eis 
coniniissas  aedificent  vcrbo  ct  exeuiplo,  absque  omni  requisitione  Pres- 
byterorum,  in  quorum  parochiis  praedicant. —  Ergo  similiter  Papa 
potest  et  debet  in  tota  Ecclesia  aliqnos  religiosos  et  idoneos  viros  ad 
sanctae  praedicationis  officium  ordinare, — qui  in  qualibet  dioecesi  et  in 
qualibet  parochia — absque  omni  requisitione  Episcoporuni  et  Presby- 
terorum  possunt  praedicai'e,  et  alia  spiritualia  per  sedem  apostolicam 
eis  coinmissa  administrare. — Alvari  Pelagii  de  planctu  Ecclesiae  lib.  i. 
c.  6  :  Papa  super  omnia,  etiam  generalia,  concilia  est,  et  ab  ipso  ipsa 
recipiunt  jurisdictionem  et  auctoritatem,  et  licentiam  congregandi  se. 
c.  14  :  Oinnis  creatura  per  eum  valet  judicari,  et  ipse  a  nulla  in 
terris,  etiam  universali  concilio.  c.  17  :  Plus  potest  Papa  solus  in  iis, 
quae  non  sunt  contra  capitulos  fidei,  et  adjacentia  eis,  et  sacramenta, 
quam  tota  Ecclesia  catholica,  et  concilia  seorsum.  c.  29  :  ununi  est 
consistorium  et  tribunal  Christi  et  Papae  in  terris.  c.  58  :  Sciendum 
est,  quod  potentia  summi  Pontificis  et  Christi  vicarii  plena  dicitur, 
Primo  quia  ab  hac  potentia  nuUus  ad  Ecclesiam  militantem  qualitercun- 
que  pertinens  excipitur. — Secundo  quia  omnis  potestas  ad  guberna- 
tionem  fidelium  a  Deo  ordinata  et  bominibus  data,  sive  sj^iritualis,  sive 
temporalis,  in  hac  potestate  comprehenditur. —  Tertio  quia  omnis 
potestas  in  Ecclesia  ab  hac  potestate,  derivatur,  et  ad  eam  ordina- 
tur, — quia  ipsa  principium  est  et  finis  cujuslibet  potestatis,  et  ideo 
quaelibet  potestas  hmnana  ei  jure  subditur.  Quarto  quia  a  nulla 
potestate  humana  exceditur,  vel  supcratur. — Quinto  quia  nulla  alia 
potestate  puri  hominis  limitatur,  aut  ordinatur,  aut  judicatur :  sed 
ipsa  alias  limitat,  ordinat,  et  judicat. — Sexto  quia  ordine  potes- 
tatum,  aut  legibus  ab  ipso  positis  non  coarctatur :  potest  enim 
agere  et  mediantibus  aliis  potestatibus,  et  non  mediantibus,  quando 
viderit  expedire,  quia  ordinarius  omnium  est. — Potest  etiam  agere  et 
secundum  leges  quas  ponit,  et  praeter  illas,  ubi  opportunum  esse  judi- 
caverit. — Merito  ergo  in  summo  Pontifice  plenitudo  dicitur  existere 
potestatis  :  unde  et  propter  hoc  dicitur  potestas  ejus  esse  sine  nuraero, 
pondere  et  mensura. — Est  enim  sine  numero,  quantum  ad  eos,  qui  ejus 
potestati  subduntur,  qui  quoad  nostram  notitiam  sunt  innumerabiles. 
Est  autem  sine  pondere,  quantum  ad  locum  :  pondus  enim  est  inclinatio 
rei  ad  locum  proprium  et  determinatum  :  haec  autem  potestas  non 
determinatur  ad  unum  locum,  vel  ad  unam  Ecclesiam,  sed  ad  oranes 
prorsus  Ecclesias  in  quibuslibet  locis  positis  extenditur.  Est  sine 
mensura,  quantum  ad  actum  et  modum  agendi,  quia  quodammodo 
immensa  est  in  agendo  et  in  modo  agendi.  Unde  sicut  hornini  Christo 
datus  est  spiritus  non  ad  mensuram  Jo.  iii.  34,  caeteris  autem  datur 
secundum  aliquam  mensuram  donationis  Christi  Eph.  iv.  7.  Rom.  xii.  : 
sic  vicario  Christi  Pontifici  summo  data  est  potestas  non  ad  mensuram 
sed  in  quadam  hamensitate  ;  aliis  autem  datur  potestas  secundum  men- 
suram aliquam  participationis  hujus  immensae  potestatis,  Et  cum  sit 
ipsa  potestas  vicarii  Christi  sine  numero,  pondere  et  mensura,  imponit 
tamen  et  determinat  aliis  potestatibus  pondus,  numerum  et  mensiiram. 


76  THIKD  PERIOD.— DIV,  IV.— A. D.   1305— UUl*. 

claim  for  the   Popes  almost  divine  honours.^     The   dissenting 

3  Augustini  Triumphi  qu.  9  ait,  1.  Utrum  Papae  debeatur  honor, 
qui  debetur  Christo  secundum  quod  Deus?  Videtur :■— quia,  honor 
debetur  potestati,  sed  una  est  potestas  Christi  secundum  quod  Deus  et 
Papae  :  quod  probatur,  quia  potestas  Christi  secundum  quod  Deus  est 
peccata  dimittere  juxta  illud  Marc.  2  quis  potest  peccata  dimittere  nisi 
solus  Deus?  istud  autem  convenit  Papae,  quia  quodcunque  Hgat  vel 
solvit  super  terram,  est  ligatum  vel  solutura  in  caelis. — Porro  latria  est 
servitus  soli  Deo  debita : — sed  omnis  servitus  debetur  Papae,  ergo 
honor,  qui  debetur  Deo  debetur  sibi. — In  contrarium  est,  quod  honor, 
qui  debetur  creatori,  sine  peccato  idololatriae  non  debetur  purae 
creaturae. — R.  Dicendum, — quod  honor  potest  exhiberi  Deo  dupliciter. 
Primo  ratione  communis  potestatis,  cum  qua  convenit  cum  creaturis 
convenientia  cujusdam  analogicae  univocationis.  Convenit  ergo  creatori 
et  creaturae  potestas  et  dominatio,  et  multa  alia,  ut  bonitas,  scientia  et 
justitia,  quae  attribuuntur  Deo,  tamen  conveniunt  creaturae,  Deo  quidem 
essentialiter,  creaturae  vero  participative  et  ministerialiter  vel  instru- 
mentaliter :  et  ratione  istorum  quidam  honor,  et  quaedam  servitus 
impenditur  Deo,  quae  sine  peccato  potest  exhiberi  creaturae,  ut  thurifi- 
catio  et  genuflexio  et  alia  servitus,  quae  graeco  nomine  dulia  appellatur. 
Quaedam  vero  servitus  Deo  impenditur  ratione  ejus  singularis  majes- 
tatis, — ratione  cujus  singulare  genus  servitii  sibi  exhibetur,  quod  latria 
appellatur, — Sacrificium  est  ille  singularis  honor  et  ilia  singularis 
servitus,  quae  sic  debetur  Christo  secundum  quod  Duus,  non  debetur 
Papae,  nee  alicui  purae  creaturae, — Ad primum  ergo  est  dicendum: — 
in  Christo  secundum  quod  Deus  invenitur  dominatio,  quae  est  summa 
potestas,  et  ideo  servitus  summa  sibi  debetur,  quae  latria  appellatur : 
in  Papa  autem  non  invenitur  nisi  participative  et  ministerialiter  etc, — 
In  Art.  3.  it  is  proved  that  the  same  honour  is  due  to  the  Pope  as  to 
the  Saints  (honor  Papae  exhibetur  ratione  potestatis  et  auctoritatis  : 
verum  quia  potestas  talis  est  ordinata  potissime,  quia  est  a  Deo  sibi 
tributa,  et  quae  a  Deo  sunt,  ordinata  sunt,  sic  dicit  Apost.  ad  Rom,  13: 
ideo  includit  talis  potestas  vitae  sanctitatem  et  doctrinae  veritatem. — 
Propter  quod  licet  honor  sit  sibi  exhibendus  ratione  potestatis,  non  est 
sibi  subtrahendus  honor,  qui  debetur  Sanctis  ratione  sanctitatis  et  doc- 
trinae veritatis.)  And  in  Art,  4,  the  honour  rendered  to  angels  is 
shown  to  be  due  to  him  (exhibebatur  honor  Angelis  per  Patres  veteris 
Testamenti,  quia  in  eis  repraesentabatur  Deus  per  subjectfim  creaturam 
de  aere  vel  undecunque  visibiliter  ab  eis  assumptam  :  sed  longe  melius 
Deus  repraesentatur  per  Papam,  et  quantum  ad  naturae  conformitatem, 
quia  Dei  filius  nunquam  Angelos  apprehendit,  sed  semen  Abrahae  in 
unitatem  personae,  et  quantum  ad  officii  potestatem,  quia  nulli  Ange- 
lorum  concessit  clavis  ligandi  et  solvendi  in  caelo  et  in  terra,  sicut 
concessit  Petro  et  successoribus  ejus). — Zenzelinus  (1325)  adds  plainly 
in  his  gloss  to  Extravag,  Jo,  xxii.  tit,  xiv,  c.  4  in  fine :  Credere  autem 
dominura  Deum  nostrum  Papain,  conditorem  dictae  decretalis,  sic  non 
potuisse  statuere,  prout  statuit,  haereticum  censeretur.  Thus  the  pas- 
rage  stands  in  the  Lyonese  editions  of  1584  and  1606,  and  in  the 


en.  I.— PAPACY  IN  137H.— II.  ECCL.  CONST.  §  103.   USURP.       77 

voices  raised  on  the  side  of  Lewis  the  Bavarian  made  no  general 
impression,  and  died  away  altogether  when  after  Lewis'  death, 
the  victory  of  the  Papal  "See  was  complete  and  decisive.  In 
France  indeed  under  PhiHp  the  Fair,  a  sounder  system  had  won 
almost  universal  acceptation  among  learned  men  :^  however  since 
the  Kings  of  France  gladly  allowed  this  extension  of  the  Papal 
power,  now  that  it  was  always  at  their  service,  no  resistance 
found  utterance  amono;  them. 

In  the  new  ecclesiastical  usurpations  with  which  the  Popes  of 
Avignon  struggled  for  the  complete  realization  of  their  idea  of 
the  Papacy,  mean  selfishness  and  low  avarice  together  with  open 
disregard  of  the  Church's  wants  were  most  odiously  conspicuous. 
There  began  in  the  Papal  Court  at  Avignon  a  more  prodigal  and 
voluptuous  mode  of  life,^  whilst  the  rich  revenues  of  the  Popes 

Paris  editions  of  1585,  1601,  and  1612  :  the  word  Deum  is  left  out  in 
the  later  editions. 

■*  See  part  2.  §  62,  note  27  compare  above  §  101.  note  1.  This  was 
chiefly  displayed  in  the  disputes  between  the  University  of  Paris  and 
the  Mendicant  Fi-iars,  see  below  §  112.  note  3. 

^  Francesco  Petrarca  (-}-  1374)  who  lived  a  long  time  at  the  Papal 
Court  in  Avignon,  gives  a  hideous  description  of  its  corruption  in  his 
confidential  letters  to  his  friends  (Epistolae  sine  titulo.)  In  Ep.  8 
(0pp.  ii.  719)  he  calls  Avignon  the  third  Babylon  and  the  fifth  Laby- 
rinth :  quam  juste  autem,  qui  noscere  cupit,  hue  properet.  Non  hie 
career  borrendus,  non  tenebrosae  donius  error,  non  fatahs  urna  huniani 
generis  fata  permiscens,  denique  non  imperiosus  Minos,  non  Minotaurus 
vorax,  non  damnatae  Veneris  monimenta  defuerint :  sed  remedia,  sed 
amor,  sed  caritas,  sed  promissorum  fides,  sed  aniica  consiHa,  sed  fila 
perplexum  iter  tacita  ope  signantia,  sed  Ariadna,  sed  Daedalus.  Una 
salutis  spes  in  auro  est,  auro  placatur  rex  ferus,  auro  ininiane  monstrum 
vincitur,  auro  salutare  lorum  texitur,  auro  durum  limen  ostenditur, 
auro  vectes  et  saxa  franguntur,  auro  tristis  janitor  mollitur,  auro  caelum 
panditur,  quid  raulta  ?  auro  Christus  venditur.  Comp,  Epist.  14  and 
15,  especially  Epist,  16  :  Omne  bonum  ibi  perditur,  sed  primum 
omnium  libertas,  mox  ex  ordine  quies,  gaudium,  spes,  fides,  caritas, 
animae  jacturae  ingentes,  Sed  in  regno  avaritiae  nihil  damno  adscri- 
bitur,  modo  pecunia  salva  sit.  Futurae  tibi  vitae  spes  inanis  quaedam 
fabula,  et  quae  de  inferis  narrantur  fabulosa  omnia,  et  resurrectio  carnis 
et  mundi  finis  et  Christus  ad  judicium  venturus  inter  naenias  habentur. 
Veritas  ibi  dementia  est,  abstinentia  vero  rusticitas,  pudicitia  probrum 
ingens  :  denique  peccandi  licentia  magnanimitas  et  libertas  eximia,  et 
quo  pollutior  eo  clarior  vita,  quo  plus  scelerum  eo  plus  gloriae,  bonum 
nomen  coeno  vilius,  atque  ultima  raercium  fama  est. — Taceo  haeredi- 
tatem  Simonis,  et  illam  haeresis  speciem,  non  ultimara,  Spiritus  sancti 
dona  mercantium,     Taceo  mali  illius  avaritiam  matrem,  quae  idolorum 


78  TflIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.  D.  i;;05— 1409. 

andtheii' curia  drawn  from  the  States  of  the  Cliurch,  were  partly 
uncertain,  partly  in  abeyance.  Thus  the  Popes  of  Avignon  were 
obliged  to  discover  for  themselves  and  their  courtiers  fresh 
resources  elsewhere.  The  want  was  quickly  supplied,  but  now 
follow^ed  insatiable  avarice,  and  the  most  intolerable  oppressions 
were  set  on  foot  in  the  Church  :  The  proceeds  were  sometimes 
treasured  up  at  Avignon,  sometimes  misspent  on  the  political 
aims  of  the  Pope,  sometimes  squandered. 

servitus  ab  Apostolo  dicta  est.  Taceo  utriusque  pestis  artifice.s,  et 
concursantes  Pontificum  thalanns  proxenetas.  Taceo  crudelitatem 
huinanitatis  immemorem,  et  sui  ipsius  obb'tam  insolentiam,  atque  illos 
vanis  flatibus  tensos  utres.  Taceo  denique  ilia  prodigia, — quorum 
moesta  nimis  et  severa  narratio  :  ad  ridicula  simul  atque  odiosa  festino. 
Quis  enim  oro  non  irascatur  et  rideat  illos  senes  pueros  coma  camlida, 
togis  amplissimis,  adeoque  lascivientibus  animis,  ut  nihil  illuc  falsius 
videatur,  quam  quod  ait  Maro  :  Fr'igidus  in  Venerem  senior  f  Tarn 
calidi,  tamque  praecipites  in  Venerem  senes  sunt,  tanta  eos  aetatis 
et  status  et  viriura  cepit  oblivio,  sic  in  libldines  inardescunt,  sic 
in  omne  ruunt  dedecus,  quasi  omnis  eorum  gloria  non  in  cruce 
Christi  sit,  sed  in  comessationibus,  et  ebrietatibus,  et,  quae  has  sequuntur 
in  cubilibus,  impudicitiis  :  sic  fugientem  manu  retrahunt  iuventam, 
atque  hoc  unum  senectutis  idtimae  lucrum  putant,  ea  facere,  quae 
juvenes  non  auderent. — Mitto  stupra,  raptus,  incestus,  adulteria,  qui 
jam  pontificalis  lasciviae  ludi  sunt :  mitto  raptarum  viros,  ne  mutire 
audeant,  non  tantum  avitis  laribus,  sed  finibus  patriis  exturbatos, 
quaeque  contumeliarum  gravissima  est,  et  violatas  conjuges  et  externo 
semine  gravidas  rursus  accipere,  et  post  partum  reddere  ad  alternam 
satietatem  abutentium  coactos.  Quae  omnia  non  unus  ego,  sed  vulgus 
novit,  etsi  taceat,  quamvis  ne  id  ipsum  taceat  jam  major  est  indignatio 
quam  metus  etc.  Several  of  Petrarch's  eclogues  are  satires  on  the 
Papal  Court  (Ginguene  hist,  liter,  d'ltalie  T.  2,  Paris  1811,  p.  477). 
Thus  in  the  sixth  Pamphilus  (i  e.  St.  Peter)  sternly  rebukes  Mition 
(Clement  VI.)  for  his  course  of  life  :  in  the  Seventh  Mition  converses 
with  the  nymph  Epy  (Epicurea,  i.e.  Avignon),  she  represents  the 
Cardinals  one  after  another  in  dark  colours. — cf.  De  ruina  Ecclesiae 
(with  the  title  de  corrupto  Eccl.  statu  in  the  earlier  editions,  written  in 
1401,  but  not  as  is  commonly  believed  by  Nic.  de  Clemangis,  see  Nic. 
de  Clemanges,  these  par  A.  Miintz,  Strasbourg  et  Paris  1846,  p.  66) 
c.  42,  in  V.  d.  Hardt  Concil.  Constant.  1.  iii.  45  :  Ex  illo  plane  suam 
cladem  imminere  praenosse  debuit  (Ecclesia),  ex  quo  propter  suas  forni- 
cationes  odibiles  Romuli  urbe  relicta  Avinionem  confugit.  Ubi  quanto 
liberius,  tanto  apei'tius  et  impudentius  vias  suae  simoniae  et  prostitu- 
tiones  exposuit,  peregrinosque  et  perversos  mores,  calamitatum  induc- 
tdres,  in  nostrara  Galliam  invexit,  rectisque  usque  ad  ilia  tempera 
moribus  frugalibus  disciplina  instante,  nunc  vero  luxu  prodigioso 
usque  adeo  solutam,  ut  merito  ambigere  possis,  utrum  res  ipsa  audita 
mirabilior  sit,  an  visa  miserabilior. 


('II.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— II.  EVVJ.  CONST.  ^  10:',.  I'llOVISIONS.    79 

Amongst  the  new  Papal  usurpations  the  most  disgraceful  were 
the  extended  reservations  of  ecclesiastical  offices,  in  consequence 
of  which  even  bishoprics  and  parishes  were  now  granted  in  com- 
mendam,  or  bestowed  upon  unfit  persons.  Clement  V.  had 
already  reserved  to  himself  several  churches,  to  which  indeed  in 
France  he  was  obliged  to  appoint  according  to  the  King's  plea- 
sure,^ granted  many  benefices  in  commendam,^  and  ch'ew  upon 


«  Thus  writes  Clement  in  130G  to  Philip  (Baluz.  PP.  Aven.  ii.  65)  : 
De  Ecclesiis  vero,  de  quibus  nobis  tua  Serenitas  scripsit,  scire  te  volu- 
mus,  quod  nos  earura  provisiones  hac  vice  nobis  duximus  reservandas. 
Quibus  Ecclesiis  de  personis  Deo,  nobis  ac  tibi  gratis  et  Ecclesiis  ipsis 
utilibus  curabirnus — providere  :  and  accordingly  Philip  thanks  him,  p. 
87,  for  the  promotio  per  uberem  gratiam  clenientiae  vestrae  facta  de 
dilectis  et  fidelibus  clericis  nostris.  The  Pope  at  length  wearied  of 
acting  only  as  the  King's  instrument,  and  when  Philip  required  him  in 
1309  to  grant  the  Archbishopric  of  Sens  to  the  Bishop  of  Cambray,  he 
wrote  to  him,  p.  14.5  :  considcrantes  attentius,  quod  super  translatione 
hujusmodi  per  alium  modum  non  poteramus  decenter  satisfacere  votis 
tuis,  provisionem  ipsius  Ecclesiae  Senonensis,  quamvis  reservationes 
hujusmodi  menti  nostrae  displiceant,  prout  nosti,  hac  vice  dispositioni 
nostrae — duxinuis  reservandam  : — tuam  Celsitudinem  exhortantes,  ut 
nos  super  similibus  reservationibus  faoiendis,  quae  nostrae  voluntati 
redduntur  contrariae,  saltern  absque  magna  causa  non  infestes. 

^  On  20th  Febr.  1307  Clement  Issued  a  constitution  (Extrav.  comm. 
lib.  iii.  tit.  ii.  c.  2.  Raynald.  1307  no.  28),  in  which  he  states  that  in 
the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  had  granted  benefices  in  Commcndam  out 
of  deference  to  secular  and  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  :  ad  eorum  impor- 
tunas  et  multiplicatas  precum  instantias  nonnuUis  clericis — patriar- 
chales,  archiepiscopales  et  episcopales  Ecclesias  ac  monasteria — sub 
comraendae  vel  custodiae,  seu  curae,  vel  guardiae,  aut  administrationis 
titulo — duximus— committenda.  Super  iis  autem,  an  tales  videlicet  et 
tantas  gratias  per  nos  fieri  decuisset,  variorum  et  arduorum  negotiorum 
multiplicitate  distracti  usque  ad  tempus,  quo  infirmitate  satis  periculosa 
nos  iis  diebus  Deus,  visitavit  omnipotens,  nequivimus  plenarie  cogitare. 
Verum  in  debilitate  ipsius  aegritudinis  constituti,  et  a  negotiorum 
utcumque  discussione  semoti,  ad  haec  sub  diligenti  examine  direximus 
aciem  nostrae  mentis,  demumque  prospeximus  evidenter,  quod  Eccle- 
siarum  et  monasteriorum  eorundem  cura  negligitur,  bona  et  jura  dissi- 
pantur  ipsorum,ac  subjectis  eis  personis  et  populis  spiritviallter  plurimum 
et  temporaliter  derogatur. — Volentes  opportunum  et  debitum  in  hac 
parte  remedium  adhibere,  omnes  et  singulas  commissiones  hujusmodi 
per  nos  —  factas  quibuscunque  cujusvis  ordinis,  dignitatis,  aut  sta- 
tus, si  etiam  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  Cardinalibus — factae  noscantur, 
auctoritate  apostolica — cassamus  et  annullamus.  But  how  little  this 
constitution  came  into  operation  was  manifested  at  the  Council  of 
Vienna  1311.     Guil.  Durantis  complains  in  his  work  written  at  that 


80  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— 1409. 

himself  the  charge  of  simony.^  But  his  successor  John  XXII. 
proceeded  in  a  still  more  shameful  manner.  While  he  found  it 
unnecessary  to  announce  his  will  otherwise  than  by  a  verbal 
declaration  to  his  Chancery,^  he  extended  the  former  reservation 

time  de  modo  celebrandi  generalis  concilii  (comp.  Part  2,  §.  62  note 
28)  P.  ii.  tit.  21  :  domini  Cardinales  in  grave  animorum  ipsorum  peri- 
culum  et  universalis  Ecclesiae  dispendium  raulta  millia  florenorum — 
sibi  et  multis  pestifera  adinventione  super  Ecclesias  etiam  parocbiales 
et  curatas  faciunt  cuniulari,  et  Ecclesias  etiam  cathredrales  et  ultrama- 
rinas  sub  diversis  coloribus  commendari,  et  certas  sibi  solvi  ab  illis,  qui 
eorum  promoventur  auxilio,  pensiones,  quae  numquam  in  Romana. 
Ecclesia  moriuntur,  sed  ab  uno  Cardinali  in  aliura  vel  in  ejus  vel  domini 
Papae  propinquum  vel  nepotem  detinentur.  Ex  quibus  sequitur,  cum 
sibi  vindicent  universa,  infelix  quod  Clericus,  qui  dc  praedictis  bene- 
ficiis  sustentari  et  eis  personaliter  deservire  debuerat,  mendicat  in 
plateis. — Ex  hac  peste  etiam  noviter  introductum  est  contra  jura,  quod 
Prioratus  Conventuales,  et  alia  beneficia  ecclesiastica,  consueta  regi 
per  Monachos  et  alios  Regulares,  domini  Cardinales — sibi  et  suis 
faciunt  assignari,  quanquam  non  efficiantur  Monachi.  —  Ex  quibus 
in  dictis  Prioratibus  et  beneficiis  Regularium  periit  in  totum  regu- 
laris  observantiae  disciplina,  cum  non  sit  inter  eos,  qui  corrigat  etc. 
A  Bishop  brougbt  similar  complaints  before  the  Coixncil  (Raynald  1311 
no.  59) :  Quia  multi  vita  et  moribus  detestabiles  de  diversis  mundi 
partibus  ad  sedem  apostolicam  concurrentes — beneficia  cum  cura,  vel 
sine  cura  quotidie  impetrare  noscuntur, — et  a  Praelatis  veneranter 
instituti  vel  admissi  ita  detestabilem  vel  deformem  vitam  ducunt,  quod 
ob  hoc  Ecclesiae  destruuntur; — Praelati  non  possunt  hodie  bonis  per- 
sonis  de  beneficiis — obstante  numerosa  multitudine  clericorum  impetran- 
tium  providere. — -lieu  mittuntur  ad  Ecclesias  vel  personae  inutiles, 
peregrinae  linguae,  barbarae  nationis  ;  vel  si  sunt  bonae  personae  et 
utiles,  nunquam  in  eisdem  resident  Ecclesiis,  sed  in  Romana  curia,  aut 
Regis  aut  Principum  curiis  commorantes  per  privilegia  fructus  benefi- 
ciorum  percipiunt,  qui  eisdem  Ecclesiis  de  nihilo  serviunt. — Cum  tarn 
secundum  jura  divina  quam  humana  singula  ecclesiastici  juris  officia 
sint  singillatim  singulis  committenda  peraonis  ; — hodie — una  persona, 
aliquando  minus  idonea,  quatuor  vel  quinque  in  diversis  Ecclesiis 
obtinet  beneficia, — quinimmo  decern  vel  duodecim — et  aliquando  plures, 
sicut  vidi,  Heu  aliquando  una  persona  tot  obtinet  dignitates,  persona- 
tus  vel  officia,  quod  ex  eis  posset  quinquaginta  vel  sexagintaexercitatis 
et  literatis  personis  sufficientissime  provider!. — Quid  autem  de  pueris, 
qui  omni  discretione  carentes — tot  obtinent  dignitates  et  beneficia,  re- 
feram,  nescio  etc. 

®  Jo.  Villani  ix.  c  58  :  quc?ti  fu  huomo  molto  cupido  di  moneta  e 
simoniaco,  che  ogni  beneficio  per  moueta  in  sua  corte  si  vendea,  e  fu 
lusurioso,  che  palese  si  dicea  che  tenea  per  amica  la  Contessa  di  Pala- 
gorgo,  bellissima  donna. — E  lascio  i  suoi  nipoti  e  suo  lignaggio  con 
grandissimo  e  innumerabile  tesoro. 

^  Just  as  he  publish!  his  "  Processus"  by  posting  them  on  the  church 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN   1378.— II.   ECCL.  CONST.  §  103.   I'lIOVISIONS.  gj 

of  benefices  falling  vacant  in  curia/"  reserved  to  himself  the  most 
lucrative  stalls  in  all  foundations/^  and  all  churches  in  Upper 


doors  at  Avignon,  see  above  §  99  note  7. —  Baluz.  PP.  Avon,  i., 
722  contributes  the  following  remarkable  documents  :  Anno  Dom. 
MCCCXVI.  17.  Kal.  Oct.  Lugduni  sanctissimus  pater  et  dominua 
Johannes  P.  XXII.  pontiticatus  sui  anno  prime  reservavit  suae  et  sedis 
apostolicae  collationi  omnia  beneficia  ecclesiastica,  quae  fuerunt  c-t 
quocunque  nomine  censeantur,  ubicunque  ea  vacare  contigerit  per 
acceptationem  alterius  beneficii  praetextu  gratiae  ab  eodem  domino 
Papa  factae  vel  faciendae  acceptati ;  mihique  Gaucelmo  Vicecancellario 
auo  praecepit  in  praesentia  magistri  Petri  Fabri,  quod  haec  ad  memo- 
riam  redigerem  in  scripturam.  This  is  the  first  trace  of  the  notorious 
Papal  Chancery  rules  (Regulae  cancellariae.)  Comp.  Gesh.  d.  rom. 
Kanzleiregeln,  in  Le  Bret's  Magazin  f.  Staaten-  u.  Kirchengesch.  ii. 
605.  iii.  1. 

^^  By  the  Decretal  Ex  debito  (Extravagg.  comm.  lib.  i.  tit.  iii.  c.  4) 
in  the  year  1316  ;  this  is  only  a  further  development  of  that  decree  in 
Chancery  note  9.  Hujusmodi  autem  sedes,  monasteria,  ecclesias,  ct 
alia  praefata  beneficia  ecclesiastica  per  mortem  vel  depositionem  ac 
privationem  eonmi,  qui  ea  obtinerent,  per  electionum  cassationem, — 
quorumlibet  provisionem,  translationem — vacare  apud  sedem  intelligi- 
mus  praelibatam.  Episcopales  insuper  vel  alias  dignitates — fratrum 
nostrorum  s.  Rom.  Eccl.  Cardinalium  apud  dictam  sedem  pei*  eorum 
obitum  vacare  censemus,  sive  inibi,  sive  alibi,  ubicunque  ipsas  migrare 
contigerit  de  hac  luce,  Et  hoc  idem  in  dignitatibus  et  beneficiis 
quibusHbet — ofificialium  nostrorum,  videlicet  vicecancellarii,  ejusdem 
Ecclesiae  Camerarii,  notarlorum,  auditoris  contradictarum,  corrcctorura, 
scriptorum  literarum,  ac  poenitentiariorum  nostrorum,  nee  non  abbre- 
viatorum  curiae  Romanae  locum  sibi  volumus  vindicare.  On  these 
principles,  in  the  year  1317,  by  the  decretal  Execrabilis  (Extravagg. 
comm.  iii.  tit.  2,  c.  4)  he  opened  the  way  for  himself  to  the  disposal  of 
numerous  places ;  in  this,  after  several  censures  on  the  prevailing 
avarice  of  all  pluralists  (Cardinalibus  tamen  s  Rom.  Eccl. — ac  Regum 
filiis — exceptis)  he  commands  them  to  choose  one  beneficium  cum  cura, 
and  one  sine  cura,  but  to  resign  all  the  rest.  Quae  omnia  et  singula 
beneficia  vacatura — vel  dimissa  nostrae  et  sedis  apostolicae  disposition! 
— reservamus. 

^^  Jo.  Villani  xi,  c.  20  (Papa  Giovanni)  infino  I'anno  1319  puose  le 
riservazioni  di  tutti  i  benefici  collegiati  di  Christianita,  e  tutti  gli  volea 
dare  egli,  dicendo  il  facea  per  levare  le  simonie.  E.  di  questo  trasse  e 
raguno  infinite  tesoro.  Et  oltre  a  cio,  per  la  detta  reservatione  quasi 
raai  non  confermo  elettione  di  niuno  Prelate,  ma  promovea  uno  Vescovo 
in  uno  Arcivescovado,  e  al  Vescovado  del  Vescovo  promosso  promovea 
un  minore  Vescovo,  e  allora  avenia  bene  sovente,  che  d'una  vacazione 
d'uno  Vescovado  grande,  o  Arcivescovado,  o  Patriarcato  faceva  sei  o 
piu  permutazioni ;  e  simile  d'altri  benefici ;  onde  molte  e  grandi  provi- 
sion! di  moneta  tornavano  alia  camera  del  Papa. 

VOL.  IV.  F 


82  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

Italy,^^  without  regard  to  any  isolated  resistance.^^  The  treasures 
left  behind  him  after  his  death  testified  to  his  way  of  procedure 
with  regard  to  appointments.^*  The  conscientious  Benedict  XII. 
revoked  the  grants  in   commendam,^^  and  only  confirmed  the 

1-  The  Bull  of  30.  July  1322  is  in  Raynald.  1322  no.  4,  quoted  at 
length  in  Ugbelli  Italia  sacra  iii.  185:  Statu  Ecclesiarura,  necnon — 
monasteriorum — tarn  in  terris  Italiae  Ecclesiae  Romanae  immediate 
subjectis,  quam  in  patriarchatu  Aquilejensi,  nee  non  Mediolauensi, 
Ravennate,  Januensi  et  Pisana  provinciis  consistentium,  quas  et  quae 
— malitia  temporis  in  eorum  provisionibus  variis  noscitur  discriminibus 
subjecisse  (see  §  99  note  4),  nostrae  mentis  obtutibus  occurrente ;  ac 
propterea  simiiibus  in  posterum  obviare  periculis,  donee — sublata  pro- 
cella  temporis  impaeati,  eisdera  Ecclesiis — plena  in  eligendo  securitas 
ministretur,  sollieitis  affectibus  cupientes  ;  provisiones  omnium  patriar- 
chaliuni,  archiepiscopalium,  episcopaliura,  et  aliarum  quarumlibet 
Ecclesiarum  collegiatarum,  nee  non  abbatiarum,  monasteriorum, 
prioratuum  et  aliorum  quorumcunque  piorum  locorum  saecularium  et 
regularium — consistentium  in  patriarchatu  et  provinciis  supradictis, — 
vacantium, — disposition!  et  ordination!  nostrae  et  sedis  apostolicae — 
usque  ad  ejusdem  sedis  beneplacitum — reservamus. 

'■^  Thus  the  Kings  of  Castile  and  Portugal  complained  to  the  Pope 
(Raynald.  ann.  1330  no.  44)  that,  whereas  formerly  the  native  clergy 
had  rendered  them  considerable  assistance  in  the  wars  with  the  Moors, 
nuncistis  (indigenis)  exclusis  pariter  et  contemptis  alienigenae,  qui  nee 
zelo  fidei,  nee  devotione  aliqua  ad  praemissa  invitantur,  sed  de  imbur- 
sanda  pecunia,  quam  de  ipsis  beneficiis  percipere  possunt,  ad  alias 
transferendi  partes,  continuam  gerunt  sollicitudinem,  eisdem  Ecclesiis, 
monasteriis,  personatibus,  dignitatibus  sunt  praelati.  Quare  suppli- 
cant iidem  Reges  humiliter  etinstanter,  quatenus  praemissis  alienigenis 
ad  alia  beneficia  in  aliis  partibus  translatis  de  praelatiis,  personatibus 
etc.  per  eos  detentis  indigenis  regnorum  praedietorum  dignetur  eadem 
sanctitas  providere.  A  more  powerful  resistance  was  offered  in  Ger- 
many :  Heinricus  de  Rebdorff  ad  ann.  1333  :  In  Alemania  magnum 
Echisma  est  in  clero  et  populo,  ex  provisionibus  sedis  apostolicae  ad 
episcopales  et  solemnes  praelaturas  et  alia  beneficia,  quas  idem  Lud- 
wicus  in  odium  sedis  apostolicae  fortiter  impedivit. 

^*  According  to  Jo.  Villani  xi.  c.  20,  who  appeals  on  this  point  to 
the  testimony  of  his  brother,  a  merchant  at  Avignon,  who  had  heard 
the  fact  from  the  Papal  treasurer,  he  amast  18  millions  of  gold 
florins  in  sterling  money,  and  7  millions  in  treasure.  But  over  and 
above  this,  the  members  of  his  curia  also  had  acquired  much  wealth, 
cf.  Quinta  vita  Benedict!  XII.  (Raluz.  i.  232)  ;  temporibus  retroactis, 
quando  per  Papam  gratiae  seu  supplicationes  gratiarum  signabantur, 
ipsae  supplicationes  praesentabantur  per  Camerarios  domini  Fapae  aut 
per  alios  de  ipsorum  mandato,  unde  frequenter  quaestus  illieitos  ab  eis 
fieri  contingebat. 

^^  Secunda  vita  Bened.  XII.  (Baluz.  i.  214)  :  Praelatos  omnes  ad 
eorum  Ecelesias  redire  coegit,   volens  eorum   ambitiosis  pravitatibus 


CH.   I.— PAPACY  IxN  1378.— II.  ECCL.  CONST.  ^  103.  PROVISIONS,   g^ 

reservations  of  his  predecessor,^^  with  a  view  to  fill  up  again 
the  ecclesiastical  posts  with  worthier  appointments.*^  However, 
he  could  win  no  respect  for  himself  and  his  principles  among  the 
members  of  his  curia. *^  Clement  VI.,  a  Pope  of  exactly  opposite 
character,  was  the  rather  chosen  after  his  death :  treading  in  the 

obviare  ;  et  commendas  Ecclesiarum,  praeterquain  dorainis  Cardinalibus 
factas,  expecfationes  omnes  secundum  formam  juris  canonici  i-evocavit, 
et  fugavit  realitcr  simoniam. 

^''  In  the  year  1335  he  confirmed  the  constitution  Ex  debito  (see  note 
10)  by  the  Bull  Ad  regimen  (Extravagg.  comm.  III.  ii.  13.) 

*^  Prima  vita  Benedict!  XII.  (Baluz.  i.  209)  :  Quantum  in  ipso  fuit, 
dedit  operam  efificacem,  ut  in  beneficiis,  dignitatibus,  et  praelaturis  sue 
tempore  vacantibus  ponerentur  et  praeficerentur  bonae  et  honestae 
personae, — ac  sufficientes  in  literatm-a,  ac  maturaein  moribus,  essentque 
aetatis  provectae,  juxta — qualitatem  beneficiorum, — ad  quae — essent 
assumendae. — Et  in  hoc  muUotiens  se  decipi  formidavit.  Et  ob  hoc, 
antequara  provideret  de  talibus  suae  dispositioni  reservatis,  inquirebat 
summa  cum  diligentia  de  meritis  et  sufficientia  illorum,  qui  ad  hoc  sibi 
nominabantur.  Et  cum  eos  non  reperiebat  juxta  gustum  suum  bene 
idoneos  et  sufficientes,  potius  volebat,  quod  vacarent  et  remanerent  in 
manibus  suis,  quam  si  aliter  provideret.  Propter  quod  suo  tempore 
multa  beneficia,  dignitates,  et  praelaturae  quamplures  diutius  in  vaca- 
tione  permanserunt.  Dicebat  enim,  quod  melius  et  securius  erat,  quod 
vacarent,  quam  si  haberent  malos  vel  minus  idoneos  praesidentes.  Ipse 
enim  de  suis  consanguineis  vel  propinquis  exaltandis  vel  promovendis 
nullatenus  curavit. 

^^  Octava  vita  p.  240  :  Huic  donuno  Benedicto  maxime  insitum 
cordi  fuit,  clericos  et  religios;rum  ordinum  professores  et  status  i-efor- 
raare,  et,  ut  dicatur  verius,  infirraare.  Paucos  enim  vel  nullos  bonos 
credebat,  et  omnes  a  via  mandatorura  doraini  et  conciliorum  semita 
declinasse  dicebat. — Hie  dominus  Benedict  us  Papa  a  varus,  durus  et 
tenax,  in  conferendis  gratiis  remissus,  tardus  et  negligens  in  provi- 
dendo  statum  Ecclesiarum  supra  modum  fuit ;  et  in  excusatione 
duritiae  suae  paucos  ad  haec  dignos  vel  sufiicientes  dicebat.  Omnes 
dominos  Cardinales  fore  deceptores  sui  credebat.  Raro  supplicationes 
ipsorum  recipere  volebat,  ipsosque  non  modicum  suspectos  babebat. 
Ordines  mendicantium  supra  modum  per  facti  evidentiam  exosos 
babebat.  Paucos  vel  nullos  de  ipsis  ordinibus  ad  praelationes  promo- 
vebat.  Dissensiones  eorum  libenter  audiebat,  et  subditis  contra  Prae- 
latos  favere  videbatur  mirabiliter.  After  his  death  the  following 
verses  were  made  upon  him  (Septima  vita  p.  240)  •. 

Iste  fuit  Nero,  laicis  mors,  vipera  clero, 
Devius  a  vero,  cuppa  (barrel)  repleta  mere. 

(comp.  §  100.  note.  1.) 

F  2 


84  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.  A.D.  1305—1409. 

footsteps  of  John  XXII.,  he  arbitrarily  disposed  of  the  Benefices 
of  all  countries^^  chiefly  in  favour  of  his  own  nephews,  and  the 
members  of  his  curia  f'^  he  was  also  addicted  to  secular  pomp. 
Innocent  VI.^^   and  Urban  V.^^  returned  indeed  to  a  worthier 

^^  Prima  vita  dementis  VI.  in  Baluz.  i.  264) :  Ilabuit  banc  buma- 
nitateni — ac  liberaUtatem  genevaliter  ad  omnes  ad  ipsum  recurrentes, 
— quod  nunquam  vel  raro  aliquem  a  se  emiserit  sine  consolatione  reali 
aat  verbaH,  saepins  tamen  ad  rem,  quam  ad  verba  intendens. — Suoa 
fratres,  nepotes,— compatriotas  et  servitores  valde  dilexit.  Plurimos — 
in  altis  et  magnis  praclaturls  et  dignitatibus  sublimavit,  multos  veroin 
inferioribus  beneficiis  fere  ubique  terrarum  existentibus  collocavit. 
Tertia  vita  (Baluz.  i.  284)  :  volens  pauperibus  clericis  universis  de  eo 
quod  gratis  acceperat  gratis  dare,  bullam  gratiae  suae  clementer 
aperuit,  ut  infra  duorum  inensium  spatiura  (anno  1342)  de  suae  cle- 
mentiae  plenitudine  gratiam  pro  gratia  cuncti  reciperent. — Eadem 
aestate  pontificatus  sui  prima,  cunctis  Ecclcsiis  cathedralibus,  colle- 
giatis  et  aliis,  quas  praedecessor  ejus  immediatus,  zelo  foi-sitan  justitiae, 
reetoribus  viduatas  dimiserat, — Episcopos  et  rectores  restituit, — quam- 
vis  lucide  nosceret,  quod  proventus  non  modicos  apostoHcae  camerae 
defalcabat. — Labia  mea  laudabunt  te,  in  Clemente  VI.  clementiara, 
quae  per  ejus  praedecessorem  rigorose  retenta,  misericordiae  liquore 
condita  dispergens  omni  petenti  se  tribuit  gratiosara  etc. — Quinta  vita 
p.  310:  Qui  cum  eodem  anno  (1342)  circa  Pentecosten  faceret  gratias 
generales,  in  Avinione  tanta  convenit  multitude  clericorum  volentium  in 
gratia  pauperum  impetrare,  quod  numerus  clericorum  pauperum  tunc 
in  examinationibus  diocesium  per  universum  orbem  fuit  computatus  ad 
centum  millia  clericorum,  prout  ego  personaliter  ibidem  tunc  existens 
veridicorum  relatione  intellexi.  Hie  Papa  cum  in  principio  sui  ponti- 
ficatus faceret  reservationes  abbatiarum  et  praelaturarum,  electiones 
conventuum  et  capitulorum  irritas  habens ;  et  super  boc  sibi  fuerit 
intimatum,  quod  hujusmodi  reservationes  a  suis  praedecessoribus  mini- 
me  fuerint  factae,  ipse  fertur  respondisse :  Praedecessores  nostri 
nesciverunt  esse  Papa.  These  reservations  seem  to  have  been  made 
by  decrees  in  Chancery.  How  widely  they  spread  even  over  the 
French  Bishoprics  is  shown  in  the  document  given  by  de  Marca  de 
concord.  Sac.  et  Imp.  lib.  vi.  c.  3.  §  14,  in  which  the  Pope  decides  against 
the  suffragans  of  the  Archbishop  of  Narbonue,  who,  on  the  plea  of 
being  appointed  by  the  Pope,  refused  the  customary  oath  to  their 
Metropolitan.  He  gave  away  the  Deanery  of  Breslau  in  1350  to  one 
man,  although  he  had  formerly  granted  the  reversion  of  it  to  another ; 
and  a  law  suit  was  commenced  on  the  point  between  the  parties  inter- 
ested, in  the  Papal  Court,  Stenzel's  Urkuuden  des  Bisth.  Breslau, 
Einleit.  S.  xcii. 

2"  Quinta   vita    (Baluz,    i.    311)  :     Ipse    sumptuosissimum    tenuit 
statum  et  multum  poraposum  ac  saecularem. 

*i  Christ  said  to  St   Birgitta  (S.   B.  revelationum   lib.   iv.  c.  136) : 
Iste  Papa  Innocentius  est  de  aere  meliori   quara   antecessor  ejus,  et 


C'H.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— II.  ECCL.  CONST,  g  103.  IMPOSTS.      §5 

course,  they  could  not,  hoAvever,  obliterate  all  traces  of  the 
abuses  which  had  broken  out.^^  Gregory  XI.  again  appointed 
to  offices  according  to  the  wish  of  his  nephews  f'^  and  so  in  the 
exercise  of  the  newly  usurpt  privileges,  wrong  recovered  the 
upper  hand. 

Moveover    the    Church   was    bui'dened   with    fresh    imposts. 
Confirmation  fees-^  were  demanded  from   the   Prelates  :     The 


materia  apta  ad  recipiendum  colores  optiinos.  Tertia  vita  Innoc.  vi. 
(iu  Baluz.  i.  357)  :  Hie  fuit  vir  Justus  et  durus  in  concedendo  bene- 
ficia  et  jura  ecclesiastica.  Subito  post  suam  coronationem  muUas 
reservationes  factas  per  Clementem  suum  praedecessorem  suspendit, 
et  constituit,  Praelatos  et  alios  beneficiatos  in  cui-ia  tunc  raorantes 
unumquemque  ad  suum  beneficium  personaliter  applicare,  et  ibi  resi- 
dentiam  facere  sub  poena  excommunicationis  :  quod  et  factum  est.  Hie 
diminuit  expensas  et  familiares  suos  et  etiam  omnium  Cardinaliuin 
He  gives  himself  in  his  Bull  (Raynald.  ann.  1354  no.  31)  as  the  reason 
for  the  abolishment  of  grants,in  commendam,  quod  occasione  commen- 
darum, — sicut  experientia  docuit,  ut  plurimum  divinus  cultus  minuitur, 
auimarum — cura  negligitur,  hospitalitas  consueta  et  debita  non  serva- 
tur,  minis  aedificia  patent  etc. 

■-"-'  Prima  vita  Urb.  V.  (Baluz.  i.  394)  :  Simoniacos  execratxxs  est. 
Ementes  enim  et  vendentes  beneficia  sive  spirituales  gratias — puniri 
multiraode  ordinavit,  immo  et  eorum  quamplurimos  curiam  exire 
coegit.  Beneficiorum  multiplicationem,  praesertim  incompatibiliura, 
in  eandem  personam  concurrentium  invitissime  toleravit,  immo  multos 
ex  illis  qui  plurima  obtinebant  privavit,  relictis  eis  tantummodo  iliis, 
quae  suis  statui  et  sufficientiae  congrue  convenire  judicavit.  Super 
quo  etiam  constitutionem  edidit,  quae  incipit  Horribilis  ;  in  qua  quod 
suo  tempore  licere  sibi  non  passus  est  suis  successoribus  indicavit  etc. 
There  is  one  Bull  by  this  Pope  Contra  pluralitates  in  beneficiis  of  5. 
May  1365  in  Wilkins  Cone.  Magn.  Brit.  iii.  62,  another  against  the 
union  and  incorporation  of  benefices  1.  c.  p.  <db. 

^^  Even  Urban  V.  had  to  grant  (1368)  the  Archbishopric  of  Cologne 
for  some  years  in  commendam  to  Euno,  Archbishop  of  Treves.  The 
earlier  reservations  too  remained  unchanged. 

2*  Prima  vita  Gregorii  XI.  (Baluz.  i.  p.  441) :  Ipse  multum  dilexit 
suos, — ac  eorum  consilio  et  instigatione  ac  favore  multa  fecit,  praeser- 
tim in  promotionibus  nonnullorum,  quibus  sufBcientiores  in  moribus  et 
scientia  forsitan  reperiri  potuissent. 

-5  From  an  early  date  taxes  on  consecration  were  alternately  demanded, 
and  condemned  as  simony,  see  de  JNIarca  de  Cone.  Sac.  et  Imp.  lib.  vi.  c. 
10  :  so  early  as  the  time  of  Alexander  IV.  about  1260,  a  portion  of 
these  fees  under  the  name  annatae  (for  they  were  considered  in  the 
light  of  an  annual  revenue)  was  paid  over  to  the  Pope  and  Cardinals,  and 
complaints  were  made  on  this  account  (Ostiensis  comm.  in  Deer.  Greg, 
i.  tit.  32  c.  15)  :  Under  Clement  V.  whether  the  Bishops  were  conse- 


86  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D   1305—1409. 

Popes  generally  claimed  from  the  benefices  in  case  of  a  vacancy, 
the  fructus  primi  anni.^*'     But  the   taxes  most  burdensome  to 


crated  at  the  Papal  Court  or  not,  the  fees  were  levied  for  that  provision, 
see  Gull.  Durantis  de  niodo  generalis  concilii  celebrandi  P.  ii.  tit.  20  : 
Cum  ilia  decreta,  in  quibus  agitur  de  simonia, — non  serventur,  et 
maxirae  in  curia  Romana,  in  qua  etiam  coetus  dominorum  Cardinalium 
vult  habere  una  cum  domino  Papa  certain  portionem  a  Praelatis,  qui 
promoventur  ibidem  :  videretur  super  hoc  maxime  providendum,  cf. 
Johannes  Andreae  (Decretalist  in  Bologna  -|-  1348)  comm.  in  Deer, 
Greg.  I.  tit.  32,  c.  15  :  Pluries  clamavi  in  tantum,  quod  de  hoc  fuit 
sermo  in  Concilio  Viennensi,  quod  optarem,  quod  curia  reciperet  vice- 
simam  redituum  clericorum  totius  orbis  ad  sustentationem  Papae  et 
Cardinalium,  et  nihil  exigi  posset  pro  servitiis  Prelatorum,  quos  pro- 
movet,excepti3laxatissalariis  laborantium,  puta  scriptorum  et  similium : 
et  tunc  provideret  legatis  et  nunciis,  quos  mittit,  de  praedicta  quota  ; 
abstineret  autem  ab  exactione  fructuum  primi  anni,  exactionibus  deci- 
marum  et  similibus,  quae  nunc  puUulant. 

-^  The  Bishops  of  many  countries  even  in  early  times  had  asserted  a 
jus  deportuum  in  direct  opposition  to  the  jus  regaliae  (see  part  2.  §  63 
note  8)  with  reference  to  their  collation  to  vacant  Benefices,  but  in 
order  to  secure  their  revenue,  they  changed  the  vacantiae  in  fructus 
primi  anni.  Clement  V.  in  Cone.  Vienn.  (Clementin.  lib.  v.  tit.  6) 
forbad  this  proceeding  of  the  Bishops  praetextu  privilegii,  quod  adse- 
runt  se  habere,  quod  usque  ad  certum  tempus  fructus  beneficiorura 
vacantiimi  possint  percipere  primi  anni.  But  in  England  he  had  already 
Avrested  this  pretended  right  from  the  Bishops,  in  order  to  exercise  it 
himself:  Matthaei  Westmonasteriensis  (about  1377)  flores  histor.  ad 
ann.  1306  (ed.  Francof.  1601  fol.  p.  454)  ;  Ipse  vero  Papa  videns 
insatiabilem  quorundam  Episcoporum  Angliae  avaritiam,  importune 
postulantium  primas  vacantes  Ecclesias  per  annum  in  suis  dioecesibus 
sibi  concedi,  advertensque,  quia  quod  postulat  inferior,  potest  et  supe- 
rior, appropriavit  sibi  ipsi  per  biennium  omnes  proventus  de  prime 
vacautibus  Ecclesiis  in  Anglia,  videlicet  de  primoanno  primes  fructus, 
tarn  de  episcopatibus,  abbatiis,  prioratibus,  praebendis,  rectoriis  et 
vicariis,  quam  de  caeteris  minutis  beneficiis.  John  XXIJ.,  in  the 
year  1317,  still  drew  these  revenues  from  England,  (Raynald.  1317 
no.  49) :  but  he  soon  after  extended  his  claim  for  them  over  the  whole 
Church,  when  he  reserved  (see  the  Bull  Cum  nonnullae  of  the  year 
1319,  Extravagg.  comm.  III.  ii.  11,  an  extension  of  the  former  Bull  of 
reservation  no  longer  extant)  pro  Ecclesiae  Rom.  necessitatibus  fructus, 
reditus  et  proventus  primi  anni  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum,  et  jam 
vacantium,  et  quae  in  diversis  orbis  partibus  usque  ad  triennium  vacare 
contingeret,  but  with  the  exception  of  the  archiepiscopales  et  episco- 
pales  Ecclesiae,  ac  regulares  Abbatiae.  In  the  Declaratio  nationis 
Gallicae  in  Cone.  Const.  (1417)  de  Annatis  non  solvendis  cap.  2  (in  v. 
d.  Hardt  Concil.  Const.  I.  xiii.  764)  it  was  remarkt  that  this  was  the 
first  reservation  of  this  kind.  Delnde  postmodum  nonnulli  Romani 
Pontifiees,  ipsius  (Joannis  XXII.)  successores,  etiam  certis  teraporibus 


CH.  J.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— II.  ECCL.  CONST.  §  103.  IMPOSTS.      ^7 

the  Church,  and  chiefly  to  the  lower  ranks  of  the  clergy,  were 
those  whicli  the  Popes  incessantly  levied  as  tithes,  sometimes  in 
their  own  behalf,  sometimes  in  behalf  of  secular  princes  under  the 
pretext  of  crusades.^^ 

similes  fecerunt  reservationes,  certis  causia  expressis.  Quas  Clerua, 
Principes  et  populiia  aHquo  tempore  tolerarunt.  Sed  postmodura  iiimium 
gravati  ex  lis,  in  aliquibus  regnis  et  provinciis,  recusaverunt  solvere. 
Prout  fuit  factum  in  Anglia  et  quibusdam  aliis  locis.  That  these 
reservations  were  not  yet  the  Annates  which  afterwards  arose,  may  be 
seen  in  ]3oehraeri  observatt.  sel.  ad  de  Marca  lib.  vi.  c.  10  p.-i53  ss. 
How  these  grew  up  see  below  §.  105  not.  3. 

^^  Continuatio  chron.  Guil.  de  Nangis  ad  ann.  1326  (in  d'Achery 
spicil.  iii.  8G)  :  Papa  depauperatum  se  videns,  misit  nuncios  speciales 
per  universas  provincias  regni  Franciae  ad  petendum  Ecclesiarum — 
subsidiiim  pro  guerra  sua  in  Italia  pi-osequenda.  Quod  Rex  Franciae, 
asserens  hoc  in  regno  Franciae  inconsuetum,  prohibuit :  sed  domino 
Papa  sibi  super  his  rescribente,  postmodum  Rex  considerans  do  ut  des. 
facihter  concessit ;  unde  et  pro  duobus  succedentibus  annis  Papa  Regi 
biennalem  decimam  super  Ecclesiam  concessit :  et  ita  dum  miserara 
Ecclesiam  unus  tondet,  alter  excoriat.  How  often  and  how  long  the 
Kings  of  France  raised  these  tithes,  see  above  §.  99  note  37  §.  100 
note  2.  Thomassini  vetus  et  nova  eccl.  discipl.  P.  iii  lib.  i.  c.  43  §. 
10  :  the  kings  of  Spain  had  almost  unceasingly  levied  these  tithes  for 
their  wars  against  the  Moors,  see  Thomassini  1.  c.  c.  44  §.  3 ;  but  they 
were  not  seldom  granted  even  to  the  Kings  of  England,  thus  in  1306 
for  two  years  (Matth.  Westmonaster,  p.  454),  in  1317  for  one  year 
(Raynald.  ad.  h.  a.  no.  49),  in  1333  for  four  years  (Thomas  Walsing- 
ham  p.  131),  etc.  On  this  head  ?ays  the  Minorite  Johannes  de  Rupe- 
scissa  1349  in  his  Prophetia  (in  Edvv.  Brown  appendix  ad  fascic.  rerum 
expetendarum  et  fugiendaruin,  Lond.  1690  fol.  p.  495)  :  propter 
impositionem  decimarum  et  visitationum,  orationes  quae  deberent  fieri 
per  clei*um — convertuntur  in  maledictiones  et  lamentationes,  et  maxime 
contra  illos,  qui  talia  imposuerunt,  quia  tanta  est  paupertas  in  clero, 
quod  onera  non  possunt  supportare. — Et  quia  praetextu  guerrarum 
praedictarum  sunt  imposita,  ixtinam  reducerentur  ad  mentem  verba, 
quae  ego  audivi  a  domino  Benedicto  (XII.)  sanctae  memoriae  super 
factis  guerrarum,  quod  nunquam  fuit  intentionis  faciendi  guerras,  etiam 
pro  pati'imonio  Ecclesiae,  nisi  cum  armis  spiritualibus  :  et  dicebat 
etiam  quod  guerrae,  quae  fuerunt  factae  per  Ecclesiam,  vel  fierent  in 
futurum,  sortientur  tristem  etfectum  ;  et  quod  plus  confidebat  orationibus 
et  lacrymis,  quam  impositionibus  decimarum  et  visitationum,  et  ideo 
nunquam  voluit  talia  concedere,  sed  cunctos  ab  omni  gravaraine  con- 
servabat :  tamen  dicta  et  facta  sua  et  plurium  aliorum  Deum  timentiura 
reputantur  phantastica,  et  conversa  sunt  in  cantica  et  musicum  carmen. 
However  the  Popes  quickly  met  with  a  stout  resistance  when  they 
demanded  the  tithes  of  the  Church.     In  the  year  1359  a  Legate  of 


88  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

Innocent  VI.,  who  required  a  tithe  from  the  German  clergy,  was 
decidedly  refused  at  a  diet  (Trithemii  chron.  Hirsaug.  ii.  235) :  in 
1366  the  Archbishop  of  Gnesna  with  his  Suffragans  protested  against 
a  tithe  for  three  years  exacted  from  them  by  Urban  V.  (Stenzel's  Ur- 
kunden  des  Bisth,  Breslau,  Einleit.  S.  xcvi.)  :  in  1372  the  chapter 
and  religious  houses  of  Mayence  united  in  resistance  to  a  tithe  levied 
by  Gregory  XL,  see  the  Unio  in  Gudeni  codex  diplomaticus  iii.  507  : 
they  first  recite  the  misfortunes  and  oppressions  which  made  it  impos- 
sible for  them  to  pay  this  tax,  among  these  was  even  mentioned  usualis 
monetae  debilitas,  quae  et  plurimum  ex  transportatione  florenorum 
harum  partium  ad  Roraanam  Curiam  et  aliunde  facta  communiter  acci- 
disse  refertur.  They  had  come  to  such  a  state,  quod  non  est  reperire 
personain  ecclesiasticam  civitatis  et  diocesis  Maguntinae,  quae  de  redi- 
tibus  ecclesiasticis,  deductis  omnibus  debitis,  juxta  sui  beneficii  et 
status  exigentiam  valeat  sustentari. — Propter  exactiones  papales  per- 
plurimas  in  his  terris  Clerici  ad  magnam  paupertatem  redacti,  servis, 
immo  Judaeis  comparati,  detestabiliter  despiciuntur,  et  a  Laicis — quasi 
licite  capiuntur,  ipsorumque  bona  diripiuntur  et  ignibus  devastantur, 
ipsaque  sancta  sedes  et  nomen  apostolicum — adeo  vilipensa  diffamantur, 
quod  proinde  fides  catholica  magna  vacillat  in  parte,  Laicis  videntibus 
Clericos — per  sedem  apostolicam  et  ejus  diversarum  impositionum 
modos,  videlicet  serviliorum  communimn,  decimarum  2yapalium  et  impe- 
rialiwn^  procuratioman,  primarum  Armatum,  subventionum  Nunciorum 
apostolicorum,  ecclesiasticarum  reservationiim,  ac  specialiter  decedentium 
Praelatorum  continuis  exiortiunibus  affligi.  Et  exinde  diversa  et  gra- 
vissima  animarum  pericula  et  schismata — jam  insurgunt — laicis  ipsis 
clamantibus,  et  despective  contra  Romanam  Ecclesiam  invehentibus, 
quod  sedes  ipsa — ad  partes  exteras  nunquam  his  temporibus  mittit 
praedicatores  vel  vitiorum  correctores,  sed  quotidie  mittit  bene  pompi- 
zantes, — pecuniarum  peritissimos  exactores.  Et  propter  haec  et  alia, 
— paucissimi  jam  in  terris  istis  inveniuntur,  nisi  solo  nomine  Christiani. 
Accordingly  they  wisht  to  write,  ne  quoque  nobis,  miserabiliter  sicut 
praemittitur  afflictis,  intolerabilis  afflictio  superaddatur,  nosque  per  arta- 
tionem  et  compulsionem  solutionis  hujusmodi  Decimarum  et  aliarum 
CoUectarura,  quocunque  nomine  censeantur,  imposterum  ut  verisirailiter 
praesumitur  imponendarum,  paulatim  et  successive  ad  extremae  exina- 
nitionis  dispendium  deducamur,  they  agreed  to  bear  all  dangers  and 
costs  in  common,  sic  etiam,  quod  talis,  quicunque  hujusmodi  rei 
occasione  qualitercunque  gravatus  seu  damnificatus,  a  nobis  et  a  Clero 
non  vitetur,  nee  in  suis  Ecclesia  aut  Monasterio — ab  aliquibus  actibus 
excludatur,  sed  quod  suis  praebendis  ac  beneficiis — pacifice  gaudeat  et 
fruatur,  ac  si  gravatus  nullo  modo  fuisset. — Item  nullus  dictam  Decimam 
in  parte  vel  in  toto  solvat,  seu  se  soluturum  promittat,  aut  super  ea 
componat — absque  Nostrum  scitu — et  assensu, — Et  si  aiiqui  forsan  tenui 
conscientia  tenti,  trepidantes  ubi  trepidandum  non  est,  etiam  hujusmodi 
Decimam  solverint,  vel  super  ea  se  composuerint : — praeter  perjurii 
poenam  quam  ipso  facto  incurrunt,  a  perceptione  omnium  fructuum- — 
beneficiorum  suorum — suspensi  maneant,  et  sint  infames,  nee  ad  aliquam 
dignitatem,  beneficium  seu  ofiicium  aliquod — per  electionem  seu  alterius 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— 11.  ECCL.  CONST.  §  103.  OPPRESSION.  89 

Thus  all  kinds  of  Church  oppression,  which  when  essayed  in 
earlier  times  by  secular  })rinces,  the  Popes  had  resisted  to  the 
utmost  of  their  power,  were  now  practised  in  a  greater  degree  by 
the  Popes  themselves.  However  the  most  revolting  fact  was 
the  slavish  flattery  which  with  the  aid  of  a  pitiful  casuistry- 
sought  to  excuse  these  manifest  abuses,^^  and  even  the  Papal 
Simony.^"     On   the  other  hand  in   England  there  grew  up  a 

disposltionis  modum  uUatenus  admittantur.  In  the  year  1375  also  the 
three  Archbishops  of  Mayence,  Treves,  and  Cologne,  refused  to  pay 
the  tithe  to  the  Pope,  Detmar's  Chronik.  i.  301. 

-^  E.  g.  Aiigustinus  Triumphus  qu.  68  art.  1  :  Utrum  Papa  possit 
dispensare  in  pluralitate  bencficiorura  ? — In  collatione  beneficiorum 
aliquid  est  de  jure  divino  et  naturali,  et  aliquid  est  de  jure  positivo. 
De  jure  namque  naturali  et  divino  est,  ut  beneficium  detur  propter 
administrationem  officii. —  De  jure  vero  positivo  est  paucitas  vel  plu- 
ralitas  beneficiorum  :  non  enira  possunt  talia  cadere  sub  una  regula, 
quia  considerata  quandoque  Ecclesiae  necessitate  vel  personae  dignitate 
plura  beneficia  confei'cnda  sunt  uni  quam  alteri.  Cum  igitur  Papa  non 
solum  possit  ilia,  quae  sunt  juris  positivi,  verura  etiam  supra  ipsum  jus 
potest  dispensare  (Deer.  Greg.  III.  8,  4.  Part  2  §.61  note  10) :  ideo 
dicendum  est,  quod  sicut  de  jure  positivo  coramuni,  cujus  Papa  est 
conditor,  facta  est  talis  restrictio,  ut  nulli  liceat  plura  beneficia  habere, 
sed  quicunque  recipit  aliqixid  beneficium  curam  habens  animaruni 
annexam,  si  prius  tale  beneficium  habebat,  est  eo  ipso  jure  privatus  : 
sic  Papa,  qui  est  supra  jus,  potest  talem  restrictionem  relaxare  etc. — 
Q.  72  art.  2  :  Utrum  Papa  peccet  providendo  compatriotae  et  domes- 
tico  magis,  quam  extraneo  ?  Videtur, — quia  bona  communia  sunt 
communiter  dispensanda. —  Porroin  provisione  spiritualis  beneficii  causa 
spiritualis  debet  considerari,  sed  patria  vel  familiaritas  est  causa  car- 
nalis,  non  spiritualis.  Porro  scandalum  multorum  Papa  debet  maxime 
vitare :  sed  multi  scandalizantur,  cum  compatriotis  et  familiaribus 
Papae  vel  Praelati  providetur  magis  quam  aliis. — In  contrariwn  est 
Apostolus  1  Tim,  5  :  Qui  suorum  et  maxime  domesticorum  cui'am  non 
habet,  fidem  negavit,  et  est  infideli  deterior. — R.  dicendum^  quod  in 
provisione  ecclesiastici  beneficii  vel  potest  attendi  beneficium  quod 
confertur,  vel  intentio  conferentis,  vel  locus,  in  quo  confertur.  Si  vero 
consideretur  beneficium,  quod  confertur,  cum  sit  spirituale,  non  debet 
dari  nisi  pi'O  officio.  Quanto  ergo  quis  est  sufficientior  et  dignior  in 
officii  administratione,  tanto  citius  meretur  beneficii  provisionem. — Si 
vero  consideretur  intentio  providentis,  aut  providet  compatriotae  et 
domestico  ex  aliqua  causa  debita  magis  quam  extraneo,  utputa  propter 
ejus  majorem  paupertatem,  vel  propter  receptum  hone  stum  obse- 
quium,  puto  quod  non  peccat.  Si  vero  faciat  hoc  ex  causa  illicita 
et  indebita,  ut  praecise  propter  patriae  atfectionem,  vel  consangui- 
nitatem,  vel  propter  cumulandas  ejus  divitias,  peccato  non  caret  pro- 
visio. 

"^^  Thus   before  this  lime   Card,   Ostiensis,   Part   2.   §.61    not.    9. 


90  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

decisive  resistance  to  the  oppressions  of  the  Papal  See,  leagued 
as  it  was  with  hostile  France :  the  Popes  dared  not  venture  to 
encounter  this  resistance  in  earnest,  for  its  roots  Avere  in  the 
people.^" 

Alvarus  Pelagius  de  planctu  eccl.  lib.  ii.  c.  14  :  Quaerendum  est,  an  Papa 
possit  committere  siinoniam.  Et  tenet  Thomas,  quod  sic. — Quamvis 
enim  res  Ecclesiae  sint  ejus,  ut  principalis  dispensatoris,  non  tamen 
sunt  ejus  ut  domini  et  possessoris. — On  the  other  hand  :  Papa  legi- 
bus  loquentibus  de  simonia  et  canonibus  solutus  est. — Credo,  quod 
si  Papa  in  iis,  quae  sunt  prohibita  quia  simoniaca,  ut  vendere  sacra- 
menta,  quorum  venditio  in  veteri  testamentoetiam  prohibetur, — pactum 
vel  conditionem  vel  conventionem  apponeret,  committeret  simoniam. 
Secus  in  iis,  quae  sunt  simoniaca,  quia  ab  Ecclesia  prohibita,  ut  vendere 
beneficia,  sepulturas  et  sirailia, — quod  tunc,  etsi  peccet  malum  exem- 
plum  dando, — si  tamen  ex  certa  scientia  hoc  faciat,  nolens  subjici  juri 
positive,  quo  solutus  est,  non  committeret  simoniam,  licet  ut  dixi  ilia 
pactio  et  conventio  etiam  in  iis  de  se  grave  peccatum  sit.  Sic  sentio. — 
Augustinus  Triumphus  qu.  5  art.  3  :  Certum  est,  summum  Pontificem 
canonicam  simoniam  a  jure  positive  prohibitam  non  posse  committere, 
quia  ipse  est  supra  jus,  et  eum  jura  positiva  non  ligant. — Potest  tamen 
forte  simoniam  committere  prohibitam  a  lege  naturae,  ut  quod  pro  re 
temporal!  intenderet  spiritualem  tribuere. — Certum  est  similiter,  quod 
summus  Pontifex  pro  bono  publico  ab  Episcopis  et  aliis  Praelatis 
Ecclesiarum  accipere  potest  summam  pecuniae,  prout  secundum  Deum 
et  rationem  videtur  sibi  expedire,  quod  alii  inferiores  Praelati  facere 
sine  peccato  non  possunt. 

^"  This  resistance  was  especially  directed  against  the  Papal  invasions 
of  the  King's  jurisdiction,  and  the  Papal  Provisions.  Edward  III., 
12.  May  1343,  explained  to  the  Pope,  that  causae  super  jure  patronatus 
quorumque  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum  regni  nostri  Angliae, — ac 
placita  transgressionum  et  incarcerationum  ibidem  in  Curia  nostra,  et  non 
alibi,  tractari  debeant  et  finiri,  and  required  him  to  refuse  to  hear  a 
suit  of  the  kind  instituted  at  Avignon,  In  like  manner  he  wrote  to 
him  on  the  3rd  Jan.  1344  that  omnis  et  omuimoda  cognitio  causarum 
civilium  et  criminalium  inter  quascunque  personas  regni  nostri  Angliae 
ad  forum  et  exam  en  nostra  notorie  pertineat  et  pertiuuerit  ab  antique, 
and  demanded  that  the  petitions  of  certain  clerks  and  laymen,  who  had 
bein  guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  peace,  should  not  be  heard  (both  letters 
are  in  Rvmer's  foedera.)  The  Parliament  also  which  sat  after  Easter 
1343  (Ro|,uli  Parliamentorum  tempore  Edwardi  R.  iii.  p.  144)  com- 
plained of  the  damages,  grevance  et  opppression  du  poeple  et  de  seinte 
Eglise  d'Engleterre,  qui  sont  faitz  en  Koialme  d'Engleterre  par  provi- 
sions et  reservations,  de  la  Court  de  Rome,  aussi  bien  des  beneficz 
come  des  primers  fruitz,  et  par  impositions  des  dismes  et  autres  charges, 
and  moved  that  all  persons  who  brought  Bulls  into  England  for  these 
purposes,  received  or  executed  them,  should  be  thrown  into  prison  (soient 
pris  et  aresteez  par  lour  corps,  pur  prendre  et  resceivre  ce  que  la  court 
agardera.)     The  King  made  the  Pope  acquainted  with  these  complaints 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— II.  ECCL.  CONST,  g  103.  OPPRESSION.    9I 

The  powerful  voice  with  which  St  Birgitta  (f  at  Rome  1373) 

against  the  provisorum  exercitum,  qui  regnum   nostrum   Angliae  in 
excessiva  multitudine  jam  invnsit  (dd.  30.  Aug.  1343  in   Kymer)  and 
prayed  for  redress.     At  the  same  time  he  reminds  the  clergy  of  the 
legal  decision  (Breve  regium  ad  Episc.  Wigorn.  of   12.  Dec.    1343   in 
Wilkin's  Cone.  Magnae  Brit.  ii.  726),  quod  nullus — sub  gravi  forisfac- 
tura   nostra  infra   regnum   nostrum  Angliae  literas,  bulla?.,  processus, 
instruraenta,    seu    aliqua    alia    nobis    et    populo    nostro   praejudicialia 
deferat, — et  quod  nullus   sub  forisfactura  nostra  praedicta  ea  recipere 
praesumat  sine  mandato  nostro  speciali. — Thoniae  Walsingham  (about 
1440)   histor.  Angliae,   in  Anglica,  Hibernica   a  veteribus   scripta  ex 
bibl.  Guil.  Camdeni.      Francof.  1602  fol.  p.  161  :    Eodem  anno  (1343) 
Papa  Clemens  iterum  fecit  in  Anglia  provisiones  duobus  Cardinalibus 
de  beneficiis  proximo  vacantibus  praeter  episcopatus  et  abbatias   ad 
extentam  duarum  millium  marcarum.     Quod  Rex  et  tota  regni  nobili- 
tas  pati  noluit,  sed  procui'atores  dictorum  Cardinaiium  sub  poena  carceris 
Angliam  exire  coegit.     The  Pope  complained  bitterly  to  the  King  of 
this,  and  sought  to  justify  those  provisions,  28.  Aug.  (p.  162) :  con- 
venire,^  quod  Cardinales  ipsi,  qui  super  expediendis  negotiis  ad  alveura 
apostolicae  sedis  undique  confluentibus  nobiscum  labores  et  onera  par- 
tiuntur,  ( t  haberent  cnngrue  undc  suis  valeret  necessitatibus  secundum 
status  sui  decentiam  provideri.     But  Edward  answered  26.  Sept.  in  an 
Epistola   plena  fructu,  cui   pro  tunc  Papa   aut  Cardinales  respondere 
rationabiliter  nesciebant  (Walsingham  p.   161.  in  Rymer  of  the  10th 
Sept.) :   He  first  reminds  him  of  the  services  rendered  by  his  ancestors 
to  the  Church,  and  then  laments  that  it  is  falling  into  decay,  dum  per 
impositiones  et  provisiones  sedis  apostolicae,  quae  solito  gravius  inva- 
lescunt,  ipsius  peculium — manus  occupant  indignorum,  et  praesertim 
exferorum,  et  ejus  dignitates  et  beneficia  conferuntur  pinguia  personis 
alienigenis,  plerumque  nobis  suspectis,  qui   non  resident  in  dictis  bene- 
ficiis, et  vultus  c;)mmissorvira  eis  pecorura  non  agnoscunt,  linguam  non 
intelligunt,  sed  animarum  cura  neglecta,  velut  mercenarii,  solummodo 
temporalia  lucra  quaerunt,  et  sic  diminuitur  Christi  cultus,  animarum 
cura  negligitur, — clerici  dicti  regni,  viri  magnae  literaturae,  et  conver- 
sationis  honestae,  qui  curam  et  regimen  possent  sibi  salubriter  peragere, 
— studium  deserunt  propter  promotionis  congruae  spem  ablatam. — Jus 
patronatus,  quod  nos   et  fideles  nostri  in  talibus  obtinemus  beneficiis, 
enervatur, — regni   thesaurus  ad  extraneos,  ne  dicamus   nostros  male- 
volos  asportatur  : — quae  singula — fuerunt  nuper  coram  nobis  in  parlia- 
ment©   nostro  —  palam    exposita,    unanimi  —  petitione    subjuncta,    ut 
praedictis  dispendiis — celeriter  occurramus.     Nos  autem — ad  vos  suc- 
cessorem  Apostolorum  principis,  qui   ad  pascendum,  non  ad  tondendum 
oves  dominicas — mandatum  a  Christo  suscepit,  ista  deferimus  votivis 
affectibus   supplicantes,   quatenus — velitis   ut  pater  filiis  thesaurizans 
alleviare  dictarum  impositionum  et  provisionum  ac  onerum,  jam  per 
sedem  apostolicam  invalescentium  gravitatem,  permittentes  ulterius,  ut 
patroni  patronatus  sui  solatium  non  amittant,  Ecclesiaeque  cathedrales 
et  aliae  dicti  regni  liberas  electiones  et  earutn  affectum  habeant,  quas 
quidem  Ecclesias  dicti  progenitores  nostri  dudum  in  singulis  vacationi- 


92  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV-A.D.  1305—1409. 

bus  eaiamdem  personis  idoneis  jure  suo  regio  libere  conferebant,  et 
postraodum  ad  rogatum — dictae  sedis  sub  certis  raodis  et  conditionibus 
coucesserunt,  quod  electiones  fierent  in  dictis  Ecclesiis  per  capitula 
earundem. —  Sed — dicta  sedes  per  reservationes  et  provisiones  suas  dictia 
capitulis  electiones  adimit  supradictas,  et  nobis  jus  et  praerogativam, 
quae — nobis  competunt  in  hac  parte,  propter  quod  juxta  legem  regni 
nostri,  ex  quo  lex  in  concessione  posita  non  servatur,  concessio  resol- 
vitur,  et  res  statum  revertitur  in  primaevum.  Against  these  acts  of 
Parliament  was  written  Clement's  Epist.  ad  Eduardum  in  Raynald 
ann.  1344  no.  55  ss.  Ad  nostram — audientiam — pertulit  rumor, — 
quod  in  regno  tuo  edicta  et  brevia  in  derogationem  et  enervationem 
praedictae  libertatis  ecclesiasticae,  primatus  ejusdem  Romanae  Ecclesiae 
ac  auctoritatis  et  potestatis  ipsius  sedis  apostolicae,  ad  diversas  partes 
missa  fuerunt :  ut  de  captione  et  incarceratione  multarum  personarum 
ecclesiasticarum  sacrilega,  et  impedimentis  literarum  et  gratiarum  apos- 
tolicarum  ibidem  appositis  taceatur  ad  praesens.  Immo  ad  tantae 
ferocitatis  in  regno  eodem  audaciam  dicitur  fuisse  deventum,  quod  vix 
aliquis  audet  ibidem  literas  apostolicas  praesentare.  The  Pope  refused 
to  revoke  that  Reservation  in  favour  of  two  Cardinals.  Accordingly  it 
was  again  bitterly  assailed  in  the  Parliament  of  1346  (Rotuli  p.  162.) 
The  Commons  made  the  following  motion  among  others,  que  les'provi- 
sours  aliens  voident  la  terre,  et  apres  la  feste  de  Seint  Michel  soient 
tenuz  hors  de  la  ley.  Likewise  also  the  Procuratour  or  Executour. 
When  therefore  the  vacated  Abbey  of  St  Augustine  at  Canterbury  was 
filled  up  by  the  Pope  without  any  regard  to  the  election  which  had 
already  taken  place  in  1346,  the  King  commanded  the  monks  under 
pain  of  the  heaviest  penalties,  ne  ipsum  Pi'aefectum,  quantum  in  vobis 
est,  administrationem  sen  dispositionem  aliquam  de  terris, — bonis  seu 
catallis  praedictis  absque  licentia  nostra — special!  aliqualiter  habere 
permittatis,  see  Guil.  Thorn  (a  monk  of  this  house  about  1380)  chron. 
de  gestis  abb.  s.  August.  Cantuar.  c.  38.  At  last  these  difficulties 
were  settled  by  two  royal  decrees,  I,  by  the  Statute  of  Provisors  of 
benefices  A.D.  1350  (Statutes  at  large  by  Owen  Ruffhead,  Loudon 
1769.  4.  1,  268)  :  If  the  Pope  made  an  appointment  to  any  Ecclesias- 
tical benefice,  the  King  was  to  fill  up  the  benefice  for  this  turn.  But 
the  nominees  of  the  Papal  provisors  were  disturbed  in  their  possession, 
adonqes  soient  les  ditz  provisours,  et  lour  procuratours,  executours  et 
notaires  attaches  par  lour  corps  et  menes  en  response,  et  sils  soient  con- 
victz,  demoergent  en  prisone, — tanqils  averont  fait  fin  et  redemption  au 
Roi  a  sa  volonte,  et  gree  a  la  partie  qe  se  sentera  greve.  Et  nient 
meins  avant  qils  soient  delivi'es,  facent  pleine  renunciation,  et  troevent 
sufficeante  seurete,  qils  nattempteront  tiele  chose  en  temps  avenir,  ne 
nul  proces  sueront  par  eux  ne  par  autre  devers  nuly  en  la  dite  court  de 
Rome,  ne  nule  part  ailloui's  pur  nules  tieles  emprisonementz  ou  renun- 
ciations ne  nule  autre  chose  dependant  de  eux.  II.,  by  the  Statute  of 
Praemunire  A.D.  1353  (1.  c.  p.  272) :  Whosoever  should  bring  any 
cause  which  belonged  to  the  King's  jurisdiction,  before  a  foreign  tri- 
bunal, or  appeal  from  the  former  to  the  latter,  should  be  summoned  to 
answer  to  this  charge.  Et  sils  ne  viegnent  mie  au  dit  jour  en  propre 
persone  de  estere  a  la  lei,  soient  ils,  lour  procuratours,  attournez,  execu- 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  IN  1378—11.  ECCh.  CONST.  §  103.  OPPRESSION.    C)3 
exhorted  the  Papal  see  to  a  reformation,^^  died  away  with  all  the 

tours,  notairs  et  meintenours  de  eel  jour  enavant  mis  hors  de  la 
protection  le  Koi,  et  lour  terres,  biens  et  chateux  forfaitz  au  Roi,  et 
soient  lour  corps,  ou  qils  soient  trovez,  pris  et  emprisonez  et  reintz  a  la 
volunte  le  Roi,  et  sur  ce  soit  brief  fait  de  les  prendre  par  lour  corps,  et 
de  seisir  lour  terres,  biens  et  possessions  en  la  main  le  Roi,  et  si 
retourne,  soit  qils  ne  sont  mie  trovez,  soient  mis  en  exigend  et  utlaghez 
(outlawed,  beyond  the  protection  of  Law  Germ,  vogelfrei.)  The  curia 
was  especially  aggrieved,  when  Edward,  who  wanted  money  to  carry 
on  his  war  with  France,  confiscated  not  only  many  other  eccle- 
siastical imposts,  but  particidarly  the  revenues  which  the  Cardinals 
and  other  non-resident  incumbents  drew  from  his  kingdom  (comp. 
Edward's  letter  to  the  Pope  of  12th  Febr.  1346  in  Rymer),  just 
as  his  enemy  Philip  had  done  (Rayn.  1346  no.  39.  1347  no.  24)  ; 
he,  however,  at  the  request  of  his  wife  Joanna  freely  restored  the 
beneficia  Cardinalium  (see  the  Pope's  letter  of  thanks  for  this  in 
1347  in  d'Achery  spicil.  iii.  723.)  Edward  was  already  threatened 
with  excommunication  (Rayn.  1352  no,  17)  when  death  carried  off 
Clement.  In  the  year  1373  Parliament  remonstrated  once  more  against 
the  Pope's  reservations  and  provisions,  and  the  primes  fructus  which  he 
received.  The  money  was  of  use  to  the  enemy,  and  the  foreign  clergy 
in  England  descoverent  par  lour  lettres  les  secreez  de  mesme  le 
Roialme,  et  les  envoiont  par  de  la  a  les  enemys  (Rotuli  Parliam.  tempore 
Edvvardi  iii.  p.  320.)  There  was  a  negotiation  carried  on  at  Bruges 
for  two  years  beginning  in  1374  between  English  Ambassadors,  one  of 
whom  was  Wycliffe,  and  Papal  emissaries  with  regard  to  these 
grievances.  In  6  Bulls  from  1.  Sept.  1375  (in  Rymer)  the  Pope 
endeavoured  to  satisfy  the  English  by  revoking  the  reservations  made 
up  to  this  time,  by  deciding  the  disputes  between  the  Papal  nominees 
and  the  regular  incumbents,  with  regard  to  benefices  in  favour  of  the 
latter,  and  by  remitting  all  former  demands  of  fructibus  male  perceptis 
and  primis  fructibus.  But  though  Walsingham  states  p.  188  :  concor- 
datum  est  inter  eos,  quod  Papa  de  caetero  reservationibus  beneficiorum 
minime  uteretur,  et  quod  Rex  beneficia  per  literas  "  Quare  impedit" 
non  conferret.  There  is  no  mention  w'hatever  of  this  in  the  Bulls. 
How  little  redress  was  granted  to  the  grievances,  is  shown  by  the 
copious  remonstrances  and  motions  of  the  Parliament  of  1376  (Rotuli 
p.  337)  with  reference  to  the  throng  of  foreiners  introduced,  and  the 
manifold  extortions  of  the  court  en  lapeccheroT'se  Cite  d'Avenon.  The 
king  now  charged  the  clergy  (see  the  Breve  regium  of  21.  Aug.  1376 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  Wilkins  Cone.  Magnae  Brit.  iii.  107), 
quod  literas,  bullas  et  scripta  quaecunque  nobis  ac  regno  et  subditis 
nostris  praejudicialia,  si  quae  vobis  defen-i  contigerit,  statim  cum  ea 
receperitis,  nobis  et  consilio  nostro  mittatis, — ut  nos,  visis  et  examinatis 
— hujusmodi  literis  et  scriptis,  ulterius  inde  fieri  faciamus,  quod  justum 
fuerit. — Alphonso  King  of  Castile  also  made  a  show  of  resisting  the 
Papal  provisions,  but  he  was  more  easily  overpowered.  Raynahh  ann. 
1344.  no.  54.  1348  no.  14. 

■^1  Thus  in  the  case  of  Urban   V.  when  he  was  returned  to   Rome, 


94  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

less  effect,  because  immediately  after,  a  turning  point  was  reacht 
upon  which  still  greater  corruption  ensued. 


III.  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPAL  SCHISM. 

Documents  in  d'Achery  spicileg.  i.  763.  Martene  et  Durand  thesaur.  novus 
anecdotorum  ii.  1073.  Eorundem  veterum  scriptorutn  ampliss.  collect, 
vii.  425. 

Theodorici  de  Niem  (from  the  small  town  of  Nieheim  in  the  district  of  Pader- 
born  from  the  year  1372  Abbreviator  d.  rom.  Papste  f  1416)i  libb.  iii.  de 
schismate  (from  1378 — 1410),  Nemus  Unionis  (Sammlung  von  Urkunden 
uber  die  Unterhandlungen  zwischen  Benedict  XIII.  und  Gregor.   XII.) 

Revelationum  s.  Birgittae  (Colon.  Agripp.  1628  fol.)  lib.  iv.,  c.  49  : 
Papa — inclinatus  est  ad  mundialia. — Propterea  Papa  incipiat  veram 
bumilitatem  in  seipso,  primo  in  apparatu  suo  in  vestibus,  in  auro,  et 
argento,  et  vasis  argenteis,  in  equis,  et  aliis  utensilibus,  segregando  de 
eis  omnibus  sola  necessaria  sua,  alia  vei'o  erogando  pauperibus,  et 
specialitei"  bis,  quos  noverit  amicos  Dei.  Deinde  moderate  disponat 
familiarn  suam. — Cardinales — effusi  sunt — ad  omnem  superbiam,  cupi- 
ditatem  et  carnis  delectamentum.  Ideo  recipiat  Papa  in  manu  malleura 
et  forcipem,  et  flectat  cardines  ad  velle  suum,  non  permittendo  eos 
habere  plura  de  vestibus,  et  familia,  et  de  utensilibus,  nisi  quantum 
requirit  uecessitas,  et  vitae  usus.  Flectatque  eos  forcipe,  i.  e.  verbis 
lenibus,  et  consilio  divino,  paternaque  caritate :  qui  si  noluerint  obedire, 
recipiat  malleum,  scilicet  ostendendo  eis  severitatem  suam. —  Episcopi 
et  clerici  saeculares,  quorum  cupiditas  nullum  habet  fundum,  de  quorum 
superbia  et  vita  luxuriosa  procedit  fumus,  ob  quem  abominantur  eo3 
omnes  Angeli  in  caelis,  et  amici  Dei  in  terris.  Ista  enim  Papa  in 
multis  emendare  potest,  si  unumquemque  permittit  habere  necessaria, 
non  superflua,  praecipiatque  unicuique  Episcopo  attendere  ad  cleri  sui 
vitam,  et  omnis,  qui  noluerit  emendare  vitam  suam,  et  stare  in  conti- 
nentia,  privetur  omnino  praebenda  sua.  She  thus  addrest  Gregory 
IX.  while  he  was  still  at  Avignon  (1.  c.  cap.  142)  :  Cur  tantum  odis 
me  ?  quare  tanta  est  audacia  tua,  et  praesumtio  tua  contra  me?  Nam 
curia  tua  mundana  depraedatur  caelestem  curiam  meam.  Tu  vero 
superbe  spolias  me  ovibus  meis,  bona  quoque  ecclesiastica,  quae  mea 
propria  sunt,  et  bona  subditorum  Ecclesiae  meae  indebite  extorques  et 
surripis,  et  das  ilia  amicis  tuis  temporalibus. — In  curia  tua  regnat 
superbia  maxima,  cupiditas  insatiabilis,  et  luxuria  mihi  execrabilis,  ac 
etiam  vorago  pessima  horribilis  simoniae.  Insuper  etiam  rapis  et 
depraedaris  a  me  innumerabiles  animas.  Nam  quasi  omnes,  qui  veniunt 
ad  curiam  tuam,  mittis  in  gehennam  ignis,  ex  eo  quod  non  diligenter 
attendis  ea,  quae  pertinent  ad  curiam  meam,  quia  tu  es  Praelatus  et 
pastor  ovium  mearum, 

^  His   life  by  G.   J.    Rosenkranz  is   in   Erbard's    and   Gehrken'8 
Zeitschr.  f.  vaterl.  Geschichte  Bd.   6.  (Munster  1843)  S.  37.     There 


CH.  r.— PAPACY  IN  1378.— I.  ECCL.  CON.  §  104.  RISE  AND  PROGR.  95 

zusammen  Basil.  1566  fol.  Argentor.  1608  and  1629.  8.— Tractatus  de 
longaevo  schismate  from  1378 — 1422,  written  probably  by  an  ecclesiastic 
at  Breslau.  MS.  in  the  library  of  St  Mark  at  Venice,  see  Fr.  Palachy 
literar.  reise  nach  Italien,  I'rag.  1838. 

Chronica  Caroli  sexti  (Chronique  du  Religieux  de  St  Uenys  contenant  le  regne 
de  Charles  VI  de  1380  a  1422  publiee  en  latin  pour  la  premiere  fois  et 
traduite  par  M.  L.  Bellaguet,  a  Paris  1839 — 42.  4  Tomes  in  4.  they  reach 
only  to  1412,  belonging  to  the  Collection  de  Documents  inedits,  premiere 
s6rie.) 

Works.  Pierre  du  Puy  histoire  du  Schisme  (in  his  Traitez  concemant  I'hist. 
de  France,  a  Paris  1700. 12.aBruxelles  1713.  8.)  Louis  Maimbourghist.  du 
grand  Schisme  d'Occident.  a  Paris  1678.  4.  Jaq.  Lenfant  hist,  du  Concilede 
Pise  (T.  ii.  Amsterd.  1724.  4.)  liv.  i.  et.  ii.  The  Praefatio  to  Martene  et 
Durand  ampliss.  coll.  T.  vii. 

Popes  at  Rome:  Urban  VI.  (8.  Apr.  1378—15.  Oct.  1389.)     Boniface  IX.  (2. 

Nov.  1389—1.  Oct.  1404.)     Innocent.  VII.  17.  Oct.  1404—7.  Nov.  1406.) 

Gregory  XII.  (2.  Dec.  1406—.) 
Popes  at  Avignon:  Clement  VII.  (20.  Sept.  1378— 16.  Sept.  1394.     Benedict 

XIII.  (28.  Sept.  1394—.) 


§104. 

RISE  AND  PROGRESS  OP  THE  SCHISM. 

Urban  VI.,  who  was  elected  after  the  death  of  Gregory  XI.^ 
(8.  Apr.  1378)  exasperated  most  of  the  Cardinals^  by  his  harsh 

S.  65  the  common  statement  that  Niem  was  appointed  by  Boniface  IX., 
Bishop  of  Verdun,  and  afterwards  of  Cambray,  is  called  in  question. 

■^  According  to  the  French  account  (see  Prima  vita  Gregorii  XI.  in 
Baluzii  PP.  Aven.  i.  442,  and  Secunda  vita  ejusd.  ibid,  p.  456)  the 
choice  of  an  Italian  was  forced  upon  them  by  a  rising  of  the  people  (see 
Baluzii  notae  ibid.  p.  999  ss.) ;  but  according  to  the  Italian  account 
(Theod.  a  Niem  i.  c.  2.  Raynald  ann.  1378  no.  2  ss.  1379  no.  3  ss.) 
the  election  was  quite  free,  and  a  passing  tumult  which  arose  was  only 
owing  to  some  misunderstanding  with  regard  to  the  election  after  it 
was  finisht :  comp.  Lenfant  hist,  du  Concile  de  Pise  i.  7.  No  imme- 
diate violence  had  overruled  the  election,  but  certainly  fear  of  violence 
had  influenced  it. 

■*  Probably  also  by  severe  censures  of  the  prevailing  abuses.  Thus 
Theod,  a  Niem  i.  4  :  incepit  increpare  Episcopos, — dicendo  quod  omnes 
essent  perjuri,  quia  Ecclesias  suas  desererent  in  eadem  Curia  residendo. 
Then  he  preacht  a  sermon  cap,  5  :  in  quo  etiam  mores — Cardinalium  et 
Praelatorum  incepit  redarguere,  quod  ipsi  aegre  tulerunt. — Veniens 
etiam  illo  tempore  quidam  Collector  fructuum  Cameras  apostolicae  de 


96  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

severity  to  such  a  degi-ee,  that  they  retired  to  Anagni,  declared 
his  election  invalid,^  on  the  plea  of  compulsion  by  the  Romans, 
and  on  the  20th  Sept.  1378  elected  Clement  VII.  at  Fondi.  Joanna, 
Queen  of  Naples,  immediately  gave  her  support  to  this  election.^ 
however  the  prevailing  opinion  of  Italy  continued  to  be  in  favour 
of  Urban  VI.  :^     Clement  accordingly  quickly  betook  himself  to 

quadam  provincia  ad  praesentiam  dicti  Urbani,  ei  quandam  pecuniae 
summulam  ratione  sui  Collectaneae  officii  offi;rebat :  cui  respondens  ait : 
pecunia  tua  tecum  sit  in  perditionem,  ac  illam  recipere  non  cilravit. 
Similia  multa  insolita  et  abusiva  de  die  in  diem  faciens,  per  quae  paene 
omnium  Cardinalium  et  Praelatorum  contra  se  magis  iracundiam  con- 
citavit. — Cap.  7  :  eum  delirum  communiter  ipsi  Cardinales  judicabant. 
Sed  paulo  post  suscitata  nimis  periculosa  discordia  inter  ipsum  et  dictos 
Cardinales,  praedictum  scbisma,  magis  propterea  ex  rancore  mutuo 
partium,  quam  allegata  impressione  in  electione  dicti  Urbani — habuit 
ortum. 

*  Their  manifesto  ad  universos  Christfideles  ed.  Anagniae  9  Aug. 
1378  is  in  Secunda  vita  Gregorii  XI.  in  Baluz.  i.  p.  465  ss.  cf.  Bulaei 
hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  iv.  p.  468  ss. 

^  She  was  at  first  greatly  rejoiced  at  the  election  of  Urban,  who  was 
a  Neapolitan  (Theod.  a  Niem  i.  6),  but  she  was  alienated  from  him  by 
his  haughty  demeanour  and  inflexibility  to  her  wishes  (Theod.  a  Niem 
i.  8.     Raynald  ann.  1378  no.  46.) 

The  two  St  Catharines  were  both  on  his  side.  St  Catharine  of 
Siena,  who  is  said  to  have  foretold  the  schism  three  years  before  it 
took  place  (Raymund.  Capuan.  in  vita  s.  Cathar.  P.  ii.  c.  10  in  the 
Act.  ss.  Apr,  t.  iii.),  exprest  herself  with  the  greatest  abhorrence 
of  the  dissenting  Cardinals^  and  down  to  her  death  (-]-  1380)  was  zea- 
lously active  in  Urban's  cause.  Her  letter  to  him  may  be  consulted 
(Lettere  devotissime  della  b.  vergine  santa  Caterina  da  Siena,  in  Ve- 
netia  1562.  4.  f.  15)  in  which  there  is  no  want  of  exhortations  (e.g. 
f.  20  :  Mitigate  un  poco  per  I'amor  di  Christo  crocifisso  quelli  movi- 
menti  subiti,  che  la  natura  vi  porge),  particularly  her  letters  to  the 
three  dissentient  Cardinals  (f.  34.  verso),  and  the  King  of  France  (f. 
213.)  St  Catharine  of  Sweden,  daughter  of  St  Birgittawas  examined 
at  Rome  as  an  eye  witness  of  Urban's  election  (the  minutes  are  in 
Raynald.  1379  no.  20),  she  declared  it  to  have  been  free  and  regular  : 
interrogata  quae  fuit  ergo  causa  istius  schismatis,  respondit  et  dixit, 
quod  credit,  quod  rigor  justitiae  doraini  nostri,  qui  Cardinalibus  non 
erat  blandus  in  eorum  petitionibus,  et  corrigere  eos  optabat. — The  most 
famous  jurists  of  the  time  in  their  opinions  pronounced  likewise  in 
favour  of  the  regularity  of  Ui'ban's  election,  i.e.  Joannes  de  Lignano, 
the  Pope's  Vicar  General  at  Bologna  (see  Raynald.  1378  no.  31.  ss. 
and  in  App.  ad  xvii.  510.  Bulaei  hist.  Univ.  Paris,  iv.  482),  Baldus 
at  that  time  a  Professor  at  Perugia  (Rayn.  1378  no.  36  ss.  and  in 
App.  ad  xvii.  497  ;  but  Mansi  shows  in  his  notes  to  Raynald, 
that  Baldus  afterwards  composed  a  still  longer  work  in  favour  of  the 
anti-Pope),   Jacobus  de   Sena   Doctor  Bonon.  (in  Bulaei  hist.  Univ. 


CH.  I.- PAPACY  111— SCHISM.  ??  I(i4.   RISE  AND  PROGRESS.      97 

Avignon,  and  put  himself  under  French  protection,  and  into  the 
most  complete  dependence  upon  France^  By  dint  of  French 
influence,®  he  was  immediately  recognized  as  Pope  in  Scotland, 
Savoy  and  Lorraine,  afterwards  in  Castile  (1381),^  Aragon 
(ISS?),!"  and  Navarre  (1390).ii     On  the  other  hand  Germany, 


Paris  iv.  485.)  Linus  Colucius  Pierius  Salutatus,  Chancellor  of  Flo- 
rence, decides  very  impartially  in  his  epist.  ad  Jodocum  Marchionem 
Brandenburgensem  dd.  13.  Kal.  Sept.  1398  (Colucii  epistt.  ed.  Jos. 
Rigaccius  i.  110.  Gerdesii  scrinium  antiquarium  v.  321.)  The 
strongest  fact  against  the  dissentient  Cardinals  was,  that  for  several 
months  they  recognized  Urban  as  the  true  Pontiff. 

^  When  Clement,  still  in  Italy,  was  obliged  to  fly  before  the  soldiers 
of  his  adversary,  in  order  to  induce  the  King  of  France  to  wage  war 
against  Urban  in  Italy,  he  erected,  out  of  the  larger  portion  of  the 
states  of  the  Church,  of  which  he  was  not  yet  in  possession  a  regnum 
Adriae  for  tlie  King's  brother,  Lewis  of  Anjou.  (The  document  dd.  xv. 
Kal.  Maji  1379  in  d'Achery  spicileg.  iii.  746.  Leibnitii  cod.  juris 
gentium  i.  239),  so  that  only  urbs  Romana  cum  ejus  districtu,  et  pro- 
vinciae  patrimonii  s.  Petri  in  Tuscia,  Campania  et  Maritima  ac  Sabina 
would  be  left  to  the  Pope.  However  there  was  no  further  mention  of 
this  new  kingdom.  The  document  seems  never  to  have  been  delivered  ; 
since  Clement,  when  he  came  into  France  in  June  1379,  found  already 
the  voice  of  the  people  on  his  side.  The  University  of  Paris  also,  after 
long  deliberation,  on  the  22.  May  1379,  declared  itself  in  favour  of 
Clement  (Bulaei  Hist.  Univ.  Paris,  iv.  566)  :  but  the  Natio  Anglicana 
privilegiata  raansit  Parisius  de  gratia  D.  Regis  sub  obedientia  alia,  i.e. 
as  England  herself  under  Urban  (Bulaeus  V.  65.)  The  most  remark- 
able vvoi-k  in  defence  of  Clement  was  by  the  Cardinal  Petrus  de  Barreria, 
written  to  answer  the  work  of  Jo.  de  Lignano,  see  Bulaeus  iv.  529. 
Also  the  Dominican  Vincentius  Ferrerius  wrote  in  his  behalf  (Quetif  et 
Echard  scriptt.  Ord.  Praed.  i.  766.  Vincent.  Ferrer  by  Dr.  C.  Heller, 
Berlin,  1830,  s.  18.) 

8  Prima  vita  Clementis  vii.  in  Bahiz.  i.  495  :  Rex  Francorum,  ut 
per  agnitionem  veritatis  et  justitiae  dicti  Clementis — schisma  sedari 
posset  et  extingui,  quamplures  ambaxiatores  fere  ad  onmes  Principes 
et  regiones  universas  saepius  destinavit. — Sed  heu  tanta  fuit  fere 
ubique  obstinatio,  quod — quorumcunque  missorum  per  dictum  Clemen- 
tern  aditio  impedita  fuit.  Comp.  the  instructions  of  a  French  ambas- 
sador in  Bulaeus  iv.  520  ss. — cf  Richardi  Ullerstoni  (Professor  of 
Theology  in  Oxford)  Petitiones  quoad  reformat.  Eccl.  (A.D.  1408  in 
V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  xxvi,  1170)  :  Occasio  schismatis  et  fomen- 
tum  erat  discordia  inter  regna.  Quod  profecto  exinde  patuit,  quod 
regna  inter  se  prius  divisa  partibus  a  se  invicem  divisis  et  inter  se  de 
Papatu  contendentibus  se  pariformiter  conjunxerunt. 

9  Raynald.  1381  no.  29.  Baluzii  vitae  PP.  Aven.  i.  1281.  Lenfant 
hist,  du  Cone,  de  Pise  i.  34. 

1"  Peter  IV.  first  offered  his  obedience  to  Urban,  but  upon  such  hard 
VOL.  IV.  G 


98  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  130.').— 14()«i. 

England,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Poland,  and  Prussia,  remained  on 
Urban' s  side.^^ 

The  Avar  between  the  two  Popes  was  not  only  waged  with 
sentences  of  excommunication,  but  in  Italy  with  secular  weapons 
also.  Urban  declared  that  Joanna,  by  her  secession  from  his 
side,  had  forfeited  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  granted  it  in  fee 
to  Charles  Duke  of  Durazzi.  On  the  other  hand  Joanna,  under 
Clement's  influence,  took  Lewis  Duke  of  Anjou,  at  that  time 
Regent  of  France,  for  her  adopted  son  and  successor  (1380.) 
Charles  meanwhile  in  a  short  time  made  himself  master  of  the 
whole  kingdom,  took  Joanna  prisoner  in  1381,  and  had  her  put 
to  death,  when  Lewis  appeared  in  Italy,  at  the  head  of  an  army 
(1382.)^^  Charles  continued  to  maintain  his  ascendancy,  and 
Lewis'  death  (1384)  would  have  been  decisive  as  regaj'ds  Naples 
in  favour  of  Urban  and  Charles  for  ever,  had  not  differences 
forthwith  arisen  between  the  two  latter,^*  which  increased  to  such 
a  degree  when  the  headstrong  Pope  went  in  person  to  Naples, 
that  Urban  pronounced  sentence  of  dethronement  and  excom- 
munication against  Charles,  and  was  in  consequence  besieged  by 
him  in  the  Castle  of  Lucera  at  Salerno  (1385.)  He  escaped  to 
Genoa   (Sept.    1385)   without  becoming  wiser.     By  the  cruel 

conditions,  that  he  would  not  accept  it  (Raynald.  1383  no.  5)  :  accord- 
ingly in  Aragon  no  Pope  at  all  was  recognized  until  John  I.,  immedi- 
ately upon  his  accession  to  the  throne,  declared  for  Clement  (Rayn.  1 387 
no.  10.) 

11  Raynald,  1390  no.  20.     The  instrument  is  in  Bulaeus  iv.  648. 

12  Opinion  of  later  times  on  this  question  :  Both  the  historians  of 
the  15th  cent.  Antoninus  Archbishop  of  Florence  (in  Pagi  breviar. 
gest.  Pontiff.  Rom.  11.  ii.  145)  and  Werner  Rolevinck  (fasc.  temporum 
Aet.  vi.  in  Pistorii  seriptt.  rer.  Gei-m.  ii.  567)  leave  the  question  which 
were  the  rightful  Popes,  unsettled.  Afterwards,  the  opinion  of  the 
Church,  with  the  exception  of  France,  whose  authors  continued  to 
defend  the  French  Pontiff's,  decided  for  the  most  part  in  favour  of  the 
Roman  Popes.  Accordingly,  in  the  later  lists  of  Popes,  the  French 
anti- Popes  were  not  reckoned,  and  so  a  Clement  VII.  appears  again  in 
1523  a  Benedict  XIII.  in  1724. 

1-^  Clement  had  appointed  him  generalis  Capitaneus,  ut  nedum  nomine 
proprio,  sed  etiam  Ecclesiae  et  suo  (Papae)  ad  negotia  procederet 
eupradicta  Prima  vita  dementis  VII.  in  Baluz.  i.  504.) 

1*  On  this  point  and  the  following  Theodor.  de  Niem  i.  c.  28  ss. 
Gobelinus  Persona  vi.  c.  77  (Meibom.  i.  299.)  Schlosser's  Weltgesch 
IV.  ii.  373. 


CH.   1.— PAPACY  III.— SCHISM,  g   105.  UPPH.  OF  THE  CHURCH.    99 

execution  of  five  Cardinals  he  made  himself  still  more  hateful. 
After  Chai-les'  death  (f  1386)  by  his  impolitic  refusal  to  invest 
his  son  Ladislaus  Avith  Naples,  he  exposed  this  kingdom  afresh 
to  the  danger  of  falling  under  the  dominion  of  France.  The 
capital  city  was  already  conquered  for  the  young  Lewis  of  Anjou 
(1387),  and  the  whole  kingdom  would  have  fallen  to  him  and  the 
French  Pope,  had  not  Urban's  successor,  Boniface  IX.,  at  the 
right  moment,  invested  Ladislaus  (1390)  and  rendered  him  his 
powerful  support.'''  With  a  view  to  secure  the  states  of  the  Church 
against  Lewis,  Boniface  granted  many  towns  and  castles  in  fee 
to  powerful  nobles,^®  and  thus  roused  afresh  in  Rome  a  struggle 
for  independence,  which  kept  him  long  in  banishment  fi'om  the 
city.'"  True,  Lewis  was  forced  to  quit  Italy  altogether  (1400),'^ 
and  Ladislaus  remained  King  of  Naples.  But  this  restless  agi- 
tation in  Rome  increased,  and  was  even  supported  by  Ladislaus, 
who  wisht  to  make  himself  master  of  the  city.''' 

§  105. 

OPPRESSION  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

As  the  schism  lessened  the  revenues  of  the  Popes,  and  in- 
creased their  expenses,  so  it  caused  a  fresh  aggi'avation  of  those 
Church  oppressions  which  were  ah'eady  intolerable. 

The  French  Pontiff,  Clement  VIL,  was  obliged  indeed  to 
exercise  the  right  of  presentation  to  Ecclesiastical  offices,  to 
which  now  also  were  added  the  gratiae  exspectativao,   accord- 


'5  Raynald.  1390  no.  10. 

'6  Raynald.  1390  no  18. 

'7  Raynald.  1393  no.  5.  1395  no.  17. 

"'Raynald.  1400  no.   11. 

'^  Thus  upon  the  accession  of  Innocent  VII.,  who  had  to  make 
important  concessions  to  the  Roman?,  Theodoric  de  Niem  ii.  c.  35, 
Raynald.  1404  no.  16.  1405  no.  9.  On  the  disturbance  after  the 
death  of  Innocent  VII.  1406  see  the  account  of  the  Ambassador  of  the 
Teutonic  order  at  that  time  in  Rome  in  Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuch 
1833  3.  179.  In  the  year  1407  Ladislaus  took  possession  of  Rome, 
with  the  private  consent  of  Gregory  XII.,  as  Dietrich  of  Niem  assures 
us  (de  schism,  iii.  c.  28,  nemus  unionis  iv.  c.  2),  with  a  view  to  hinder 
the  reconciliation  with  the  anti-Pope,  of.  Raynald.  1407  no.  15. 

G  2 


100  THIRD  PERIOD.— niV.  IV.— A. 1).  1305—1400. 

ing  to  the  nod  of  the  French  Court,  upon  which  he  was  quite 
dependent  :^  but  in  return   for  this  the  Church  of  France,  so 

^  De  ruina  Ecclesiae  (written  in  1401,  not  by  Cleraangis,  see  above 
§  103  note  5.)  c.  18  in  v  d.  Hai'dt.  Cone.  Const,  i.  iii.  19:  Sed  me 
praeterlre  non  decet, — quantam  et  quam  abominabilem  fornicationem 
Papa  et  hi  sui  fratres  cum  saeculiprincipibus  inierint.  Namque  ut  sua 
dominia,  imo  vciius  ut  suam  tyrannidem,  omnibus  nee  injui'ia  supra 
modum  invisam,  inconcussa  slabilitate  confinnare  possent,  sicque  tuto 
quodcunque  libitum  esset  peragere  :  temporahum  principatuum,  ad 
quorum  se  imitationem  componere  atque  confonnare  in  animum  induxe- 
rant,  captare  amicitias,  favoresque  conquirere,  quacunque  possent  indus- 
tria,  studuerunt  :  nunc  muUa  beneficiorum  his,  pro  qnibus  exegissent, 
largitione,  nunc  xeniis  et  donis,  nunc  promissis  uberrimis,  saepe  assen- 
tationibus  et  gnathonicae  doctrinae  versutiis,  fraudulentiis,  Itaque  ne 
longura  faciam,  adeo  se  et  Ecclesiam  universalem  eorum  arbitrio  sub- 
jecerunt  atque  dediderunt,  ut  vix  aliquam  parvulam  praebendam,  nisi 
eorum  mandato  vel  consensu,  in  provinciis  eorum  tribuere  ausi  essent. 
Si  Episcopus  aliquis  obierat,  si  Decanus  vel  Praepositus,  vel  alia  quae- 
libet  persona  ecclesiastica :  quis  in  demortui  locum  surrogari  appetens, 
non  prius  ad  liegem  quam  ad  Papam  ibat  ?  imo  vero  quis  ita  insanus, 
ut  absque  regiis  Uteris  ad  Papam  postulaturus  accederet?  Mirabile 
dicturus  sum,  et  quanquam  vix  credibile,  verum  tamen.  Si  quis  Papae 
necessarius,  propinquus,  familiaris,  aut  quilib"t  alio  titulo  dilectissimus 
pro  suaapud  eum  promotione  institisset,  regales  ante  omnia  ab  ipsomet 
Pontifice  jubebatur  literas  quaerere. — Quam  vero  importune,  quam 
imperiose,  quam  manu,  ut  ita  dicam,  ensifera,  terreni  ipsi  domini  per 
suos  sollicitati,  Papam  per  suas  quotidianas  literas  urgebant,  nequaquam 
credibile  foret,  nisi  res  usu  assiduo  promulgata  certitudinera  faceret. 
Plus  eiiim  praeceptoriis  et  comminatoriis  scriptis  res  agebatur,  quam 
commendatoriis  vel  precatoriis.  Quibus  si  detrectassent  Pontifices 
obtemperare,  et  alteri,  quam  pro  quo  petebatur,  contulissent,  certum 
erat  ilium  non  recipi. — Cap.  42.  p.  46  :  Quid  Clemente  nostro,  dum 
advixit,  miserabilius  ?  Qui  ita  se  servum  servorum  Gallicis  Principi- 
bus  addiceret,  ut  vix  minas  et  contumelias,  quae  illi  quotidie  ab  aulicis 
inferebantur,  deceret  in  villissiinum  mancipiura  dici.  Cedebat  ille 
furori,  cedebat  tempori,  cedebat  flagitantium  importunitati,  fingebat, 
dissimulabat,  largiter  promittebat,  diem  ex  die  ducebat,  bis  beneficia 
dabat,  illis  verba :  omnibus,  quos  aut  ars  assentatoria  aut  ludicra  in 
curiis  acceptos  fecerat,  summovere  placere  studebat,  eosque  beneficiis 
promereri  quo  talium  patrocinio  dominorum  gratiam  et  favorem 
assequeretur.  His  itaque  et  juvenibus  nitidis  et  elegantibus,  quorum 
maxime  consortio  gaudebat,  singulos  fere  vacantes  episcopatus  caefe- 
rasque  praecipuas  dignitates  impendebat.  Denique  ut  Principum 
benevolentiam  facilius  assequeretur,  assecutam  foveret,  fotam.que  con- 
servaret,  conservatam  amplificaret,  plurima  ultro  donaria  atque  xenia 
illis  dabat  :  quascunque  super  clero  exactiones  petere  voluissent, 
annuebat,  ultro  saepius  etiam  ingerebat.  Sic  omnem  clerum  saecularium 
magistratuum  dispositioni  itasubjiciebat,  ut  Papa  magis  quilibet  eorum, 


CJI.  I.  — PAl'ACY  III.— SCHISM,  g  105.  OI'I'R.  OF  THE  CHUKCll.    IQl 

long  as  her  grievances  were  not  too  loudly  exprest,  was  delivered 
over  as  a  prey  to  his  extortions.^    Tithes  Vacantiae  and  Annates' 

quam  ipse  putaretur.  Also  Prima  vita  Clem.  VII.  (in  Baluz.  i.  537) 
allows  :  Multis  etiam  saecularibus  tarn  Principibus  quam  aliis  fuit 
admodum  familiaris  et  gratus,  eorumque  contemplatione  etamoreplures 
episcopavit  et  alias  promovit,  eis  aliquando  sufficientiores  et  idoneiores 
— postponendo,  quandoque,  ut  eorum  benevolentiam  et  favorem  sibi  et 
Ecclesiae  acquireret,  quandoque  ut  ipsorum  odium  et  indignationem 
evitaret  etc.  Theodor.  a  Niem  de  schism,  ii.,  c.  4  even  says  :  Clemens 
multum  favebat  magnatibus  sive  nobilibus  :  unde  petentibus  ipsis 
terras,  castra  et  dominia  Ecclesiarum  cathedralium  et  monasteriorum 
pro  modico  annuo  censu  ab  ipsis  solvendo  in  feudum  sine  difficultate 
concessit  etc. 

2  Chronica Caroli  VI.  1.  ii. c. 2  A. D.  1 38 1  (Chronique  du  Religieux  de  S. 
Denys  publiee  par  Bellaguet  i.  82) :  Quisque  (duorum  Paparum)  partem 
obedientiae  suae  non  unifbrmiter  regebat.  Nam  immunis  sub  Urbano  a 
decimis  manens,  in  promotionibus  majorum  dignitatum  titulo  de  electione 
libere  utebatur,  et  ad  diocesanos  et  Ecclesiarum  patronos  devolvebatur 
coUatio,  quotiens  beneficia  et  dignitates  vacare  contingebat :  cujus  rei 
sub  Clemente  fiebat  contrariura,  et  revera  in  infinitorum  praejudicium 
et  gravamen.  Equidem  permissu  Franciae  Regis  et  procerum,  velut 
libertatis  et  Ecclesiarum  regni  vehemens  impugnator,  earum  patri- 
monia  crebris  decimis  et  usque  ad  supremam  exinanitionem  statuit 
atterere,  ut  sic  acre  alieno  loca  venerabilia  gravata  supra  suarum  vires 
obventionum,  papalis  camera  opum  coacervatis  cumulis  ditaretur. 
Eadem  occasione  sui  sacri  coUegii  triginta  sex  Cardinalium  procurato- 
res,  bullis  apostolieis  muniti,  insidiantium  more,  ubique  sciscitabantur, 
si  cathedralibus  vel  collegiatis  Ecclesiis  aliqua  beneficia  pinguia,  si  in 
abbatiis  prioratus  ccnventuales,  officia  claustralia,  vel  alicubi  dornus 
hospitales  essent  ingentis  valoris,  quae  vacarent,  ut  moxdominorum  no- 
mine acceptarent,id  solummodo  inquirentes,  quantis  valebant  in  portatis. 
Utque  via  ad  id  daretur  amplior,  ipse  Papa  contemptis  ss,  Patrum 
generalibus  decretis — omnes  ecclesiasticas  dignitates  quascunque  post 
episcopalem  majores  indifferenter  suae  dispositioni  reservabat. —  Sic 
longe  lateque  per  regnvnii  domini  Cardinales  inaestimabilis  valoris 
beneficia  possidentes,  uno  mortuo,  alter  alteri  succedebat. — Quotiens  ab 
hac  luce  Episcopos  Franciae  migrare  contingebat,  mox  ex  papali 
camera  collectores  et  subcollectores  procedebant,  qui  mobilia, —  quae  ad 
haeredes  aut  executores  testamentorum  dinoscebantur  pertinere,  et  unde 
aedificia  episcopatuum  potuissent  reparari,  neniine  conti-adicente  rapie- 
bant ;  et  qui  praetextu  arreragiorum  ex  decimis  et  servitiis  nondura 
integre  persolutis  pi-ovenientium  tanta  damna  inferebant.  Simili  ratione 
nee  post  Abbates  defunctos  temporalitati  monasteriorum  parcebant : 
unde  succedentes  bonis  omnibus  spoliati  non  habebant,  unde  sibi  et 
commonachis  suis  victualia  ac  caetera  necessaria  ministrarent. — Memo- 
rati  iterum  collectores  reditus  et  proventus  primi  anni  omnium  et 
singulorum  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum  in  toto  regno  Franciae — 
quovis  modo  vacantium  percipiebant,  etiamsi  Regi  in  regalia  vel  alteri 
domino  temporal!  velut   patrono  proprio  competere  minime  ignorarent. 


102  THIRDPEKIUD.— DIV.  IV.-A.D.   13U5— 1409. 

were  now  the  standing  income  of  the  Papal  Cabinet.     In  addi- 

— Multi  viri  ecclesiastic!  per  inundum  vagantes  penuria  uiaxiiua  preivie- 
bantur  :  i-egni  etiam  studia — annullabantur  penitus.  Omnium  liberalium 
artium  Parisiensis  Universitas  altrix  dulciflua  lacte  scientiae  enutrito- 
rum  filiorura  orbatain  se  dolebat,  quoniam  sinu  materno  relicto  ad 
exteros  transmigrabant,  cum  pater  spiritualis  deesset,  qui  penuriis  eorum 
subveniret.  Materno  compatientes  doloii,  quos  ad  summum  cuhnen 
scientiarum  exaltaverat  doctores,  attendentes,  quod  haec  et  majora 
damna  occasione  nefandissimi  schismatis  esseut  proximo  futura, — 
Btandura  Concilio  generali  super  discordia  amborum  contendentiuni  de 
Papatu  concludebant.  Some  restraint  was  effected  by  the  royal  edict 
of  6.  Oct.  1385  contra  exactiones  Curiae  Romanae  et  Cardinalium  (1. 
c.  1.  vi.  c.  12  p.  398.  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'eglise  Gallicane  chap. 
xxii.  no.  8.)  In  his  appointments  to  ecclesiastical  offices,  Clement 
attacht  so  little  importance  to  a  theological  education,  that  he  replied 
to  a  man  of  rank,  who  supported  his  recommendation  of  a  kinsman  by 
the  statement  that  he  was  studying  theology  at  Paris  (Chron.  Caroli 
VI.  1.  xi.  c.  9.  i.  696)  :  Quid  fatuitatis  fuit  ad  hoc  amicum  dilectum 
applicare,  cum  isti  theologi  sint  fantastici  homines  reputandi  ? 

3  On  the  gradual  formation  of  the  annates  see  Nationis  Gallicae  in 
Cone.  Const.  (1417)  declaratiode  Annatis  non  solvendis  cap.  2  (in  v.  d. 
Hardt  Concil.  Const,  i.  xiii.  764  compare  above  §  103  note  25)  :     De 
vacantibus    vero  et  fructibus    primi    anni    majvrum  praelaturarum, 
abbatialium  videlicet,  episcopalium  et  supra,  nullum  aliud  initium  fuisse 
iuvenitur,  quam  voluntaria  et  gratuita  oblatio  quorundam,  qui  in  dis- 
cordia electi  ad  abbatialem  vel  cathcdralem  Ecclesiam,  dum  proseque- 
rentur  in  Curia  per  appellationem  ad  eam  factam,  per  eum,  qui  obtinebat 
finalem  victoriam,  et  promovebatur  sive  eligebatur.     Et  talis  oblatio  et 
gratuita  datio  juxta  vulgare  Italicum  dicta  fuit  servitiura,  et  secundum 
Alemanos  propina  dicitur.      Et  dicta  fuerunt  servitia  communia,  quia 
communiter  inter  eos  dividebantur,  eo  quod  singulos,  quibus  dare  vole- 
bat,  non  convocabat.      Et  singulis   dare  fuisset  nimium  onerosum  his, 
qui  tunc  agebant  in  publico  Consistorio,      Sed  postmodum  deductum 
est  in    Consistorium    secretum,    quod   tamen   fuerat  simoniacum. — Et 
successivo  tempore  volentes  gratuite  dare  et  voluntarie  conferre  sum- 
mam  certam  vel  aliquid,  eo  quod  tunc  nulla  certa  taxa  esset  in  Camera  : 
quoad    aliqua    ad    tertiam    partem    valoris    episcopatus,    monasterii 
aliqua   vero   ad    mediam,    in    aliquibus    etiam    taxa   dictum  valorem 
excedit,  prout  in  libris  cancellariae  scriptae  sunt,  et  ultra  pro  minutis 
servitiis  compulsi  sunt  dare,  et  offerre  ad  solvendum  se  et  monasterium, 
sive  etiam  obligare  per  suarum  literarum  retentionem.      Et  novissime 
additumest,  et  conipelluntur  per  eandem  retentionem  se  obligari  ad  id, 
quod  reperiretur  esse  debitum  in  libris  eorum  Camerae,  sive  dominorum 
Cardinalium,  per  oblationem  vel  obligationem  alicujus  praedecessoris 
monasterii  vel  Ecclesiae,  ad  quam  assumitur  vel  transfertur.     Cap.  3  : 
Non  petuntur,  neque  exiguntur  hae  Annatae  per  Cameram  apostolicam 
et  dominos  Cardinales  ex  eo  quod  vacant ;  sed  quia  conferunt,  seu  quia 
collationi  et  promotioni,  quae  fit  per   Papam,  assentiunt.     Et  hoc  est 
f'lare  secuiidnm  canones  simoniacum.      As   to   the   Forma   obligationis 


CH.  I.— I'APACY  111.— ISCHJSM.  §  105.  OPPK.  OF  TUK  CHURCH.    103 

tion  to  these^Clement  laid  claim  to  the  spoils  of  deceased  Prelates.* 
His  successor,  Benedict  XIII.,  wherever  it  was  possible,  surpast 
him  in  these  systems  of  impoverishment.^ 

which  the  newly  appointed  Prelate  had  to  draw  up  for  the  apostolic 
cabinet,  see  cap,  4  p.  786  ss.  Compare  an  anonymous  work  of  the  year 
1418  in  Bulaei  Hist.  Univ.  Paris,  iv.  914  :  Circa  modum  exactionis 
istarum  vacantiarum  est  advertendum,  quod  ante  tempora  schismatia 
nulla  solutio,  aut  obligatio  exigebatur,  sed  habita  possessione  Collfc- 
tores  apostolici  levabant  in  mukis  et  proHxis  terminis  taxam  :  ita  quod 
taxa  vix  tribus,  decern  vel  duodecini  annis  erat  levata,  et  communiter 
remittebatur  pars,  et  aliquando  totum  propter  paupertates  vel  alias 
considerationes. — Post  vero  tenipus  schismatis  ante  traditionem  bul- 
larum  solvebntur  una  magna  pars, — et  de  reliqua  parte  recipiebantur 
obligationes  formarum  in  durissima  et  cum  tot  censuris  gravissimis, 
quod  pauci  fuerunt,  qui  non  inciderunt  in  illas. 
*   Compare  note  2. 

^  This  fact  is  discovered  from  the  Appellatio  interposita  per  Uni- 
versit.  Parisiensem  a  dom.  Benedicto  dd,  6  Jan.  1406  in  Martene  et 
Durand  thesaur.  ii.  1295,  and  the  royal  Ordonnance  dd.  18  Febr.  1406 
in  the  Preuves  des  lib.  de  I'egl.  Gall.  Chap.  xxii.  no.  9  issued  in  con- 
sequence. In  that  Appellatio  we  find  p.  1302  :  Quantum  hoc  illud 
gravamen  est,  o  piissime  Jesu,  quo  (Benedictus  XIII.)  sibi  beneficii 
cujuscunque  vacantis  uniiis  annifructuumperceptionem  usurpavit?  Et 
vere  omnium  unius  anni  fructuum  in  non  taxatis  et  exemtis,  per  aequi- 
valentiam  in  taxatis,  altera  parte  penes  se  reservata,  altera  capellano 
deputata,  sic  totum  convellendum  et  secum  rapiendum  decrevit,  ut 
plerumque  beneficio  atque  beneficiato  nihil  penitus  remaneat.  Quantum 
etiam  illud  gravamen,  et  quam  religioni  ac  moribus  nostris  contrai'ium, 
quo  v\s,iiaxiAi  p7~ocurationes  Praelatis  et  Archidiaconis  ad  mores  refor- 
mandos  deputatas — sibi  duxerit  appropriandas. — Nee  minus  est  onus 
decmarum,  quibus  est  uti  solitus.  Nuper  unani  imposuit,  propter  quam 
alma  mater  Universitas  a  sermonibus  et  lectionibus  decem  septimanis 
cessare  coacta  est.  Ab  hac  pauperes  hujus  regni  sacerdotes  ita  fuerunt 
oppressi,  ut  et  excommunicationem  et  ab  officio  suspensionem  multo 
tempore  passi  sint. — Illud  etiam  novum  et  paene  inauditum  mihi 
gravamen  videtur,  quod  ecclesiastico  viro  mortuo  et  adhuc  efflante 
animam  —  spolia  ipsius  ac  universa  temporalia,  quae  successor!  vel 
Ecclesiae  debent  attribui,  per  sues  ministros  tam  impie  rapiantur,  quo 
tanta  crudelitas  sequuta  est,  ut  inhumatus  evulso  monumento  atque 
coi'rupto  corpore  suis  spoliis  eti'ossus  privaretur. — Non  contentus  vir 
iste  fructibus  unius  anni,  quem  beneficii  vacantem  appellant,  multo 
tempore  benejicia  pinguia  vacare  permittit,  et  eo  decursu  saepe  duorum 
vel  trium  annorum  et  amplius  spiritualium  fructus  vel  temporalium  rapi 
atque  comportari  suis  jubet  aptissimis  satellitibus. — Sed  adhuc  istius 
cupiditatis  insatiabilis  ardor  non  quiescit,  petit  fructus  quos  appellat 
male  perceptos : — petit  vacantes  a  quadraginta  annis,  pro  quibus  sol- 
vendis  Ecclesiae  plurimae  radicitus  everterentur.  Talium  enim  sumraa 
)nille  millia  transcendit.     An  etiam  omittendum  putatis,  quod  tempo- 


104  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.   lY.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

So  long  as  Urban  VI.  lived,  the  Roman  Curia  was  advan- 
tageously distinguisht  in   this  respect  from  that  of  Avignon.® 

ribus  fructuum  a  suis  injuste  cnptorum  pensiones  Ecclesiarum  atque 
debita  nullc  modo  persolvunt,  quo  fit  ut  pro  talibas  oneribus  anni  fructus 
sequentis  non  sufficiant.  Exquisivit  vir  iste  modes  alios  astutiores 
congerendae  pecuniae,  monetam  mutavit,  qua  saepe  proquatuor  millibus 
quinque  coUiguntur. — Monetam  auream  regni  recipere  nolunt  iidem 
ministri,  nisi  supra  proprium  valorem  cerlam  summam  recipiant. — 
Literas,  absolutiones,  quittancias  pretio  taxant  intolerabili.  Excom- 
municant  saepe,  ut  absolutione  pauperes  spolient.  Relaxant  dumtaxat 
quartam  unius  anni  pro  quatuor  frauds. — Omitto  quaestus  pccuniarum 
insolitos  sub  officii  pietatis  et  indulgentiarum  colore,  quibus  fallaciter 
iunumeras  pecunias  a  simplicibus  exigvuit,  ut  eos,  sicut  dicunt,  ad  statum 
reducant  innocentiae.  Comp.de  ruina  ecclesiae  (written  1401  see  §. 
103  note  5)  c.  9  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  iii.  11)  :  Ad  haec  omnia 
exigenda,  et  ad  illam,  seu  cameram  seu  potius  Charybdim  dixerim, 
transportanda  suos  per  omnes  provincias  CoUectores  instituerunt,  illos 
videlicet,  quos  scirent  in  extorquendo  argento — acriores,  et  qui  nulli 
omnino  parcerent,  nullum  eximerent,  sed  vel  ex  silice  aurum  elicerent. 
Quibus  et  auctoritatem  annuerunt,  quoscunque,  etiam  Praelatos,  anathe- 
raate  feriendi, — nisi  intra  praefinitos  dies  de  postulata  pecunia  satisfacere 
curassent.  By  tbese  CoUectores  suspensions  from  divine  service,  inter- 
dicts and  anathemas  were  made  quite  ordinary  matters.  Quis  nescit, 
tot  Abbatibus,  totque  aliis  Praelatis,  cum  decessissent  camerae  prae 
inopia  obnoxii,  negata  funeralia,  negata  exequiarum  solemnia,  negatam 
humationem,  nisi  forte  in  agris  aut  hortulis  aut  profanis  aliis  sedibus 
clanculo  tumulati  sint.  Cap.  10.  On  the  venalia  judicia  of  the  Curia. 
Cap.  14.  On  the  avarice  of  the  Cardinals  who  often  appropriated  four 
or  five  hundred  benefices.  Cap.  15.  Cernentes  igitur  inopes  alii  et 
calamitosl  Ecclesiastici,  nihil  se  posse  consequi, —  ad  hos  ipsos  (Cardi- 
nales)  se  couferunt,  et  aut  cum  sisHoniaca  pravitale  beneficia  ab  iis 
mercantur,  aut  pensione  annua,  quod  aeque  simoniacum  est,  ab  illis 
redimunt  etc.  As  to  the  revenue  derived  from  Annates  Comp.  ^Nationis 
Gall  in  Cone.  Const,  declaratio  de  Annatis  non  solvendis  c.  4  in  v.  d. 
Hardt  Cone.  I.  xiii.  780.  According  to  this  they  yielded  in  France 
alone  200,000  francs  annually. 

^  Compare  above  §  104  note  3.  Yet  even  Urban  did  not  restore  free 
right  of  election,  and  he  received  Annates.  Thomas  Walsingham  hist. 
Angl.  ad  ann.  1382  (Anglia,  Hibernica  a  veteribus  scripta  ex  bibl. 
Camdeni.  Francof.  1602  p.  289),  relates  that  Urban  refused  to  confirm 
a  newly  elected  Abbot  of  Bury,  and  appointed  another  in  stead,  how- 
ever he  was  compelled  by  the  King's  requisition  to  allow  the  former 
election,  still  he  did  it,  non  confirmando  electionem  de  ipso  factam,  sed 
per  provisionem  concessit  abbatiam,  ita  duntaxat,  ut  solveret  Romanae 
Curiae  duplicis  vacationis  censum.  In  the  year  1387  he  appointed 
Duke  Rupert  v.  Bergen  to  be  Bishop  of  Passau,  while  the  chapter 
elected  George  Count  of  Hohenlohe  :  a  tedious  war  in  which  George 
gained  the  victory  was  the  consequence,  see  F.  Kurz  Oesterreich  unter 


CH.  1.— PAPACY  111.— SCHISM.  §  105.   OPPK.  OF  THE  CHUKCH.    105 

His  successor,  Boniface  IX.,  on  the  contrary  imitated  all  the 
extortions  of  his  rivals  in  France,  but  he  far  surpast  them 
in  the  Simony^  which  was  practised  quite  publicly  by  himself 

Herzog  Albrecht  III.  Th.  2  S.  119.  His  Oesterreich  unter  H.  Al- 
brecht  IV.     Th.  2  S.  245. 

^  Theodor.   a   Niem   de   schisin.  ii.  c.   7  :    Ipse  (Bonifacius)  reperit 
plures  bonos  et  legales  Cardinales, — qui  simoniae  vitium  detestabantur 
omnino,  quorum  prae  timore,  quoad  vivebant,  quasi  per   septem  annos 
non  audebat  simoniam  publice  exercere,  attarnen  per  aliquos  mediatores 
secrete — exercebat,  intercedentibus  pactis  clandestinis  de  promotionibus 
per  ipsum  faciendis. — Cardinalibus  autem  pro  majori  parte  successive 
defunctis,  quos  ipse  simoniam   odio  habere  cognovit,  exhilaratus   est 
nimium,  quia  tunc  liberas  habebat  habenas  simoniam  pro  Hbito  etiam 
publice  exercendi.     (According  to  Raynald.   ann,  1392  no.  1    he  had 
decreed  so  early  as  this  year,  ut  redigendorum  ex  omnibus  sacerdotiis, 
quae  conferrentur  a  sede  apostolica^  vectigalium^  quae  prinio  lahente 
anno  obvenirent,  dimidia  pars  in   fiscum   Pontificis  inferretur).     Sed 
demum  circa  dccimum  annum  sui  regiminis,  ut   cautius  ageret  in  hac 
parte,  palliarelque  simoniam,  quam  exercuit,  quodam  necessitatis  colore 
pi'imos  fructus  unius  anni  omnium  Ecclesiarum  coihedralium  et  Ahha- 
iiarum  vacantium  suae  camerae  reservavit,  ila  quod  quicunque  ex  tunc 
in  Archiepiscopum  vel  Episcopum  aut  Abbatem  per  eum  promoveri 
voluit,  ante  omnia  cogebatur  solvere  priraos  fructus  Ecclesiae  vel  mo- 
nasterii,  cui  praefici  voluit,  etiamsi   numquam   possessionem  ejusdem 
consequi   posset.     De  quo  ipse   Bonifacius  penitus  non  curabat,  imo 
-saepe  dicebat :  utinain  non  adipiscatur  possessionem  Ecclesiae  vel  mo- 
nasterii  hujusmodi,  ut  iterum  de  alio  rursus  pecunias  extorqueret.      Dicti 
autem  primi  fructus  per  ipsum  aestimati  fuerunt  ad  triplum  illlus,  quod 
in  Uteris  camerae  apostoitcae  pro   communi  servitio   solvendo    taxata 
fuerunt.     Et  quia  non  omnes  promovendi  venientes  ad  Curiam  suflSci- 
entibus  pecuniis  cum  sacco  parati  erant,  usura  in  Curia — tantum  invaluit, 
quod  foenus  amplius  non  repu^abatur  peccatum. — Ut  nihil  ipse  Pontifex 
omitteret,  multas  uniones  Ecclesiarum  parochialum  et  aliorum  benefi- 
orura  ecclesiasticorum  simonia  intercedente  fecit.     Cap.  8  :  Hie  Boni- 
facius suique  secretarii  et  cubicularii  in  principle  sui  pontificatus  unius 
anni  spatio  vel  plus,  primam,  quae  erat  V.  Id.  Nov.,  plus  offerentibiis 
vendiderunt  tam  invei'ecunde  ac  frequenter,  quod  passim   devenit  in 
derisionem  etiam  populornm  ilia  venditio.     Et  ibidem  Bonifacius  sub 
pacto  quaecunque  beneticia  ecclesiastica  ubicunque  locorum  vacantium, 
sive  reservata  essent  sive  non,  dispositioni  apostolicae  sub  dato  obitus 
eorum,  qui   ea  vivi  possidebant,  vendidit,  et  haec  mercimonia  publica 
multis   annis   duraverunt  in   curia  Bonifacii.     Invenisses  eiiam   tunc 
plerosque  cursores  per  Lombardiam  et  alias  partes  Italiae  discurrere, 
perscrutantes,  num  infirmarentur  aliqui  pinguia  ecclesiastica  beneficia 
obtinentes,  et  si  aliquos  invenerunt  aegrotantes,  tunc  currebant  ad  Ro- 
manam  Curiam,  et  mortem  talium  intimabant  illis,  qui  super  hoc  ipsos 
pretio  conduxerunt.   Sed  Pontifex  ipse,  utpote  improbus  mercator,  quan- 
doque  etiam  sub  eodem  dato  unum  et  idem  sacerdotium  pluribus  veudens 


106  THllJD  PEKIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— 1409. 

veluti  novum  proclaniabat,  jjro  secundo,  tertio,  vel  quarto,  concurrentibus 
siinul  in  dato  supei*  uno  et  eodem  beneficio  sic  vacante — novas  gratias  pos- 
teriores  in  dato  vendidit  cum  clausula  Anteferrt,  per  multos  annos  et 
tam  diu,  donee  nuUi  vel  pauci  illarum  gratiarum  deinceps  invenirentur 
emtores.     Quod  videntes  ipsi  proxenetae,  ad  inauditam  prius  practicam 
lucri    captandi   causa    se  improbe   converterunt.     Cap.  9  :  Finxerunt 
enim  alias  novas  gratias  exspectativas,  quae  omnes  gratias  illas  in  Dato 
praecedenti,  quae   vocabantiu'  cum   clausula  Anteferri,  prosternebant, 
sed  illae  fucrunt  nimis  carae,  quia  illae  cum  simplici  clausula  Anteferri 
pro  XXV.  florenis  vel  circa,  sed  aliae  gratiae  cum  antelationis  praero- 
gativa  pro  L,   ducatis   coramuniter  vendebantur.     Sed  quod  ultimae 
gratiae  per  multos   assidue  arabitiosos  emerentur,  praefati   niercatores 
seu  institores,  ut  plus  lucrai-entur,    novas  cautelas  invenerunt.     Fecit 
enim  dictus  Pontifex   pei'quam   raultas   regulas   cancellariae    et  alias 
ordinationes,  per  quas  videbatuv  se  hujusmodi  gratiarum  exspectativa- 
rum  a  se  turn  passim  venditarum  eiTrenatam   multitudinem  I'estringere 
velle.     Quod  cum  multi  dictarum   gratiarum   sentirent  emtores,   novo 
pacto  intercedente  pecuniario  quaestu  impetrarunt  ab  ipso,  quod  sub  illis 
declarationibus  non  comprehenderentur  gratiae  ipsis  factae.     Beneficia 
etiam  dispositioni  dicti  pontificis  generaliter  reservata,  et  ilia  potissime, 
quae  vacabant  in  Curia  praefata,  plus   offerenti  vendebant  sub  condi- 
tione,  quod  emtores  illorum  etiam  primos  fructus  eorundem  beneficiorum 
in  prompta  pecunia  ad  utilitatem  camerae  apostolicae  ante  omnia  solve- 
rent,    quo   facto    tunc    primum    signabantur    supplicationes    pro   ipsis 
emtoribus,  in   quibus  dicta  beneficia  petebantur,   et   etiam   postquam 
signatae  fuerunt,  si  alter  venisset  forte,  qui  plus  obtulisset,  jam  signatae 
supplicationes  hujusmodi  saepe  de  registris  supplicationura  dicti  Boni- 
facii  cancellabantur,  et  super veniens  praeferebatur  praecedenti  in  dato  : 
dicebat  enim   ipse  Bonifacius,   quod   illi,   qui  minus  obtulerunt,  eum 
decipere  voluissent. — Cap.    10 :   Praeterea  dispensationes,  quae  pete- 
bantur ab  ipso  antistite  pro   quibuscunque,  dummodo  corresponderet 
pecunia,  quara  ejus  rei  causa  petebat,  inditiferenter  doctoet  illi  carius,  et 
indocto  et  huic  remissius,  pacto  etiam   intercedente,  vendere  non  nega- 
vit.     Omnia  etiam  beneficia  in  Ecclesiis  urbis  vacantia  vendidit,  et  si 
non  potuit  habere  pecunias,   res  alias   in  commutationem  recepit,  ut 
porcos,   sues,   equos,   granum   et  frumentum    etc. — Hie  etiam  Argus 
antistes  libros,  vestes,  utensilia  et  pecunias  suorum  Curialium  et  Prae- 
latorum  adhuc  quandoque  ipsis  agonizantibus  per  quosdam  officiales 
suae  Curiae  ad  hoc  deputatos  pro  se  recolligi  fecit  ad  instar  corvi   in 
praedara  hiantis.       Cap.  11. — postremo  ad  profundura   iniquitatis  de- 
scendens,    nullam  penitus  supplicationem  —  signare    voluit,    nisi    pro 
singulis  supplicationibus — singulos  florenos  auri — recepisset.    Cap.  12  : 
Praeterea  idem  Bonifacius  circa  septimvim  pontificatus   sui  annum — 
certam  ordinationem  seu  regulam  suae  cancellariae  edidit,  continentem 
in  effectu,  quod  quicunque  Archiepiscopi,  Episcopi,  necnon  Abbates  per 
eum  proraoti  infra  annum  a  tempore  promotionis — computandum  literas 
ipsius   Bonifacii   super  eisdem   proiTiotionibus  usque  ad  Thesaurariam 
expeditas  non  haberent,  caderent  a  juresibi  acquisito  ex  promotionibus 
ipsis,  ac  Ecclesiae  et  monasteria  ex  eo  per  annum  vacarent  :  dictaeque 
literae,    licet   solvissent  per   eum    promoti   aliquando  i)ro  majori  parte 
expensas  et  onera,  quae  de  novo  promotis  incumbunl,  non  dabantur  de 


CH.  1.— I'APACY  III.— SCHlSfM.  g  105.  Ul'PK.  OF  THE  CHUKCH.    107 

and  the  members  of  his  Curia,  and  was  even  defended  without  any 
sense  of  shame.^ 

ipsa  Thesauraria,  nisi  totaliter  persolvissent. —  Et  licet  Innocentius  VII. 
— dictam  ordinationem  tanquara  injustissimam  et  nequissimam  in  prin- 
cipio  sui  pontificatus  refutasset,  postremo  tamen  ad  importunam 
instantiam  aliquorum  lucri  causa  earn  circa  aliquos  Praelatos  renovavit 
in  principio  seeundi  anni  sui  pontificatus,  propter  quod  Deus  subito 
punivit  euni,  ut  creditur  etc. —  Under  Boniface  multi  religiosi,  et  prae- 
sertim  mendicantium  Ordinum  fratres,  quod  possent  ecclesiastica 
beneficia  regere,  et  extra  eorum  ordines  et  loca  religiosa  niorari,  ac  alia 
sirailia  multa  inipetrarunt,  nee  potuit  adeo  quid  injustum  aut  absurdum 
postulari,  quod  non  concederetur  intercedente  simoniaco  pacto  et  soluta 
pecunia.  Comp.  Mattliaei  de  Cracovia  (from  1405  Bishop  of  Worms 
-j-  1410,  as  to  him  see  Ullmann's  Reformatoren  vor  der  Reformation  i. 
336)  de  squaloribus  Rom.  Curiae,  a  book  written  in  the  time  of  Boni- 
face IX  (best  in  Walchii  monim.  medii  aevi  vol.  i.  fasc.  1),  e.g.  c.  11, 
p.  48  :  Nee  solum  hoc  modo  destruuntur  Ecclesiae  et  monasteria  :  sed 
etiam  per  hoc,  quod  dantur  Cardinalibus  vel  mulieribus  in  commendas, 
vel  assignantur  et  committuntur  prioratus.  Gobelini  Personae  cosmo- 
dromii  aet.  vi.  c.  84  in  H,  Meibomii  rer.  Germ.  i.  316. 

^  Compare  above  §  103  note  29.  Theod.  a  Niem.  ii.  c.  9  :  Curiales 
pro  majori  parte  affirmabant  talia  licite  fieri,  cum  Papa  in  talibus,  ut 
dicebant,  peccare  non  posset.  Cap.  32  :  Vivente  eodem  (Bonifacio) 
quidam  integri  magistri  in  sacra  theologia  et  alii  in  scientiis  illuminati, 
dolentes  ita  communiter  et  aperte  simoniam  committi  in  Curia,  et  quod 
sic  fieri  posset,  multis  juristis  et  aliis  pertinaciter  asserentibus  ;  in 
contrarium  arguendo,  et  conclusiones  in  quaternas  et  codices  redigendo 
determinarunt,  licet  sub  magno  timore,  qvxod  Papa  vendendo  ecclesias- 
tica beneficia  ex  pacto  intercedente  simoniacus  esset,  quia  non  foret 
constitutus,  ut  ilia  venderet,  sed  ut  dignis  gratuito  dispensaret.  To 
the  number  of  these  works,  which  attackt  the  maxim  of  the  Curia,  that 
the  Pope  could  commit  no  simony,  the  following  belong  especially, 
Matth.  de  Cracovia  de  squaloribus  Kom.  Curiae  liber  (see  note  7)  cap. 
11  ss.,  and  the  Speculum  aureum  (written  in  1404,  quod  alias  intitu- 
latur :  Petrus  Paulus,  see  Jacobus  de  Misa  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const, 
iii.  613.  According  to  an  unhappy  guess  of  Goldast's  Monarchia  ii. 
1527,  the  author  was  commonly  called  Paulus  Anglicus ;  according  to 
Theodorus  Engelhusius  (f  1434)  in  Leibnitii  scriptt.  Brunsv.  ii. 
1139  he  was  Albertus  Engelstat,  or  Engelschalc,  Doctor  s.  theol. 
Pragensis  ;  again,  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  Speculum  in  the  Library 
of  the  University  at  Bonn,  calls  the  author  Petrus  Averunus  :  the  best 
edition  is  in  Walchii  monim.  medii  aevi  II.  i.  67),  of  which  Pars  ii.  and 
iii.  p,  136  treat  on  this  point,  cf.  P.  ii.  cap.  1  :  Video  tot  et  tantos 
scribentes  in  jure  canonico,  et  summistas  simoniae  vitium  in  Romana 
Curia  excusare.  As  to  their  reasons,  Bernardus  (de  Botono)  in  glossa 
ord.  (to  Deer.  Greg.  i.  29,  12)  ponit  banc  communissimam  distinctionem 
simoniae  dicens  :  quod  quaedam  sunt  simoniaca,  quia  prohibita,  soil, 
constitutione  Ecclesiae :  quaedam  prohibita,  quia  simoniaca  de  sui 
natura,  quae   scil.  aunt  novo  et   veteri  testamentn  prohibita,  ut  emere 


108  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305— UU'J. 

Thus  at  the  end  of  this  period  both  Obediences  were  groaning 
under  the  weight  of  persecution.  England  alone  repeatedly 
threw  off  every  Papal  oppression,^  and  in  1404  Hungary  also 
followed  her  example.^^ 

vel  vendere  sacramenta. — Hanc  distinctionem  recipiunt  communiter 
doctores,  scribentes  in  jure  canonico  et  summistae — .  Simoniaca,  quia 
prohibita,  dicuntur,  quae  solum  sunt  spiritualia  ex  constitutione  Eccle- 
siae,  quae  antea  non  fuerunt,  sicut  tituli  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum  : 
et  dicunt,  talia  jure  positive  introducta,  quia  tempore  .Apostolorum  non 
fuerunt  decanatus,  arcbipresbyteratus,  canonicatus  etc.  Sic  similiter 
dicunt,  ea  vendere  vel  emere  est  simonia  ideo,  quia  constitutione  Eccle- 
siae  emtio  vel  venditio  talium  est  prohibita. — Et  ideo  dicunt, —  quod 
excusat  auctoritas  Papae,  qui  habet  in  talibus  dispensare. — Quis  enim 
dubitat,  titulos  ecclesiasticos  jure  positivo  inductos  ?  Nam  solus  Papa 
facit  dignitates,  instituit  Praelatos. — Unde  sola  voluntas,  tacita  vel 
expressa,  toUit  jus. — Et  ideo  dixit  Goffr.  et  alii,  quod  simonia  non 
habet  locum  in  Curia  Romana.  These  principles  are  hotly  attackt  by 
Paul  in  the  Dialogue,  until  Peter  confesses,  P.  iii.  c.  1  p.  189  :  Jam 
clare  video,  quod  excusatoribus  simoniae  est  sublata  excusatio,  et  fun- 
damentum,  quo  videbantur  innixi,  radicitus  extirpatum.  Imo,  ut  mihi 
videtur,  haeresis  est,  asserere,  quod  Papa  licite  possit  pro  spirituali 
titulo  recipere  pecuniam  :  et  multo  magis,  hoc  facere  in  effectu. 
Propter  quod  videtur  mihi,  Paule,  quod  tota  Romana  Curia  est  in  via 
damnationis,  per  ea,  quae  superius  deraonstrasti.  Omnis  enim  curti- 
sanus  ipso  facto  sui  officii  videtur  particeps  simoniae. 

^  King  Richard  II.,  at  the  request  of  his  Parliament  10.  Oct.  1389 
(in  Rymer),  forbad  the  Bishops  to  levy  the  impositio,  which  the  Pope 
required  of  the  clergy  without  the  consent  of  the  King  and  Parliament. 
In  the  year  1392  the  Statute  of  Praemunire  of  1353  (see  §  103  note 
30)  was  renewed  against  all  men  who  endeavoured  to  obtain  at  the 
Roman  Court,  translations,  processes,  et  sentences  de  escomengeraentz 
(excommunications) ,  buUes,  instrumentz  ou  autre  chose  qeconque  to  the 
detriment  of  the  King's  rights  (Statutes  at  large  by  Owen  Ruffhead 
i.  406.) 

'"  King  Sigismund,  in  consequence  of  a  decree  of  the  States  of  his 
realm  6.  April  1404  (Katona  hist.  crit.  Regum  Hungariae  stirpis 
mixtae  iv.  614),  ordered  that  no  ecclesiastical  benefices  should  be 
granted,  auctoritate  apostolica  vel  alia  quavis,  praeter  quam  nostra,  sine 
nostro  speciali  consensu,  and  that  no  literae  apostolicae  tara  in  causis 
beneficialibus,  quam  in  aliis  quibuscunque  causis  litigiosis,  sacris  vel 
profanis,  sine  nostro  consensu  speciali  should  be  acknowledged  and 
executed,  and  this  sub  poena  capitis  et  privationis  beneficiorum  et  rerum 
singularum.  The  immediate  cause  of  this  was  that  the  Pope  had  had 
Ladislaus  crowned  King  of  Hungary  (Theod.  a  Niem  de  schismate.  I. 
ii.  c.  17.  18.) 


CH.   I.— FAl'ACV    ill— S(II1SM.  f    lOG.   EFFORTS   FOK  UNION.    IQi) 

§  106. 
KFFOR  TS  TO  END  THE  SCHISM. 

In  consequence  of  these  Cliurch-oppressions,  which  were  the 
result  of  the  schism,  the  rehgious  scruples  which  were  enter- 
tained with  regard  to  it  were  strengthened,  and  earlier  steps 
demanded  for  its  settlement.  The  University  of  Paris  in  parti- 
cular laboured  with  unshaken  perseverance  to  bring  the  schism 
to  a  close.^  After  she  had  long  waited  in  vain  for  a  sound 
agreement  of  the  two  Popes  betwixt  themselves,^  she  at  last 
obtained  permisssion  from  the  Court  of  France  to  interpose  her 
opinion  upon  these  events  (1394.)^     Benedict  XIII.,  notwith- 

^  She  was  indeed  an  especial  sufferer  during  its  continuation,  see 
above  §  105  note  2.  Iler  first  steps  in  1381  were  directed  against  the 
Church  oppressions,  Bulaei  hist.  Univ.  iv.  582  ss. — However  in  the 
same  year  there  appeared  also  Henrici  de  Langenstein  or  de  Hassia 
(Vice-chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris,  after  1384  Professor  of 
Theology  in  Vienna)  Consilium  pacis  de  unione  ac  reformatione  Eccle- 
siae  in  concilio  universali  quaerenda  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const,  ii.  10, 
and  in  Jo.  Gersonii  opp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  809),  and  the  Professor  of 
Theology,  Petrus  de  Alliaco,  recommended  a  general  council  in  au 
address  to  the  Duke  of  Anjou  as  the  best  means  for  closing  the  schism, 
and  assured  him  at  the  same  time  that  this  was  the  opinion  of  the 
University  (Jo.  Launoji  hist,  regii  Navarrae  gymnasii,  Paris.  P.  iii. 
lib.  1.  c.  4.) 

*  According  to  Bulaei  hist.  Univ.  Paris  iv.  618,  so  early  as  the  year 
1387,  at  the  request  of  the  University,  Clement  declared  in  letters  to  all 
Princes  and  Prelates,  se  Concilii  generalis  auctoritati  et  definitioni 
libenter  submissurum  imo  cessurum,  si  sic  Ecclesiae  videretur  expedire. 
On  the  other  hand  Urban  the  Roman  Pope,  when  some  German  nobles 
tried  to  persuade  him,  ut  unionem  faceret  cum  Clemente  (Theod.  a 
Niem  i.  66)  kept  his  ground  quod  ipse  esset  verus  Papa,  nee  expediret 
illud  in  dubium  vertere.  However  his  successor  Boniface  IX.  offered 
Stephen  Duke  of  Bavaria,  to  appoint  the  antipope,  if  he  would  submit, 
as  Cardinal  in  partibus  ultramontanis,  quas  Gallias  et  Hispanias  appel- 
lant etc. — to  be  apostolicae  sedis  legatus  et  pro  Ecclesia  Romana  in 
temporalibus  generalis  Vicarius,  for  his  lifetime. 

3  Cf.  Chron.  Caroli  VI.  lib.  xiv.  c.  9  (Chronique  du  Religieux  de 
Saint-Denys  ii.  94) :  the  opinion  itself  of  8.  June  1394.  1.  c.  lib.  xv. 
c.  3.  p.  136  in  Bulaeus  iv.  687.  in  d'Achery  spicil.  i.  776.  The 
University  proposed  tres  vias  ad  pacera  in  Ecclesia  obtinendam,  viz., 
cessionis,  which  she  most  recommended,  compromissionis  and  Concilii 
generalis,  aut  secundum  formam  juris  ex  Praelatis  tantummodo  cele- 
brandi,   aut  quia    plures   eorum    satis,    proh    pudor  !    hodie   illiterati 


110  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.   1305—1409. 

standing  his  promise  made  before  his  election,  showed  even  less 
inclination  than  his  predecessor,  to  take  serions  steps  to  close  the 
schism.^  To  the  urgent  proposals  of  a  French  national-synod  in 
1895   he  returned,  only  an   evasive    answer.^     The   University 

sunt,  pluresque  ad  alterutrain  partem  inordinate  affecti,  mixtis  una 
cum  Praelatis  ad  aequalem  eoi'um  iiumerum  magistris  et  doctoribus 
theologiae  ac  juris  de  studiis  solemnibus  utriusque  partium  antiquitus 
approbatis. — Si  alter  dissidentium  aut  uterque  vias  tres  expositas  inire 
obstinatius  refugerit,  cum  velut  schismaticum  pertinacem,  et — haereti- 
cum — judicandum  etc.  At  the  same  time  the  University  wrote  also 
to  Clement  VII.  (Bulaeus  iv.  699),  exhorted  him  to  co-operate  in  the 
eradication  of  the  schism,  and  complained  of  his  legate  Petrus  de  Luna 
(afterwards  Benedict  XIII.) :  nobis  ea  quae  audivistis  erga  praefatum 
Principem  pro  Ecclesiae  salute  agentibus — supervenit  inimicus  homo, 
qui — hunc  totum  laborem  nostrum — extinguere  et  cassare,  licet  frustra, 
molitus  est.  Et  prime  quidem  tentavit  audientiam  nostram  in  Regia 
praesentia  impedire. —  Deinde — super  hac  materia  perpetuum  silentium 
imperari  nisus  est,  sed  certe  dignam — repulsam  retulit,  qui  a  Rege 
christianissimo — tam  execrabile  scelus  poposcisset. — Nequam  qui  hoc 
cogitavit,  nequior  qui  tam  iniquo  cogitatui  consensit,  nequissimus  qui 
hoc  ipsum  abominandum  facinus  explere  voluit. — Eapropter,  Pater 
beatissime,  per  fidem  integeri'imam, — per  amorem  amplissimum,  et 
sanctissimum,  quem  ad  sponsam  Ecclesiam  habere  debetis, — vos  hor- 
tamur, — ut  ad  banc  sanctissimam  concordiam,  quae  in  manu  vestra 
sita  est,  non  ultra  jam  prorogando,  intendatis.  Satis  jam  satis  hue 
usque  cessatum  est,  satis  tepuimus,  satis  quievimus,  satis  exspectavi- 
mus  etc.  After  reading  this  letter  the  Pope  said  (Chron,  Cai'oli  VI. 
lib.  XV.  c.  5  p.  184) :  Istae  literae  sunt  sanctae  sedis  apostolicae  difta- 
matrices,  veneno  detractionis  plenae  :  nee  lectu  nee  recitatu  dignae 
sunt.  Then  however  he  had  to  discover  that  his  Cardinals  agreed  with 
the  University  (p.  186),  dolore  tactus  intrinsecus  coepit  plurimvmi 
anxiari,  nee  diu  postea  vixit. 

*  The  wish  of  the  King  and  the  University  that  the  election  should 
be  deferred  (Chron.  Caroli  VI.  lib.  xv.  c.  6  p.  188.  Bulaeus  iv.  7 JO. 
d'Achery  i.  770)  was  defeated  by  the  speed  with  which  it  was  carried 
through.  The  Cardinals,  however,  upon  this  occasion  had  pledged 
themselves  upon  oath  (Chron.  Caroli.  VI.  lib.  xv.  c.  8  p.  198.  Bulaeus 
iv.  730)  that  whosoever  of  their  number  was  chosen  Pope,  omnes  vias 
utiles  et  accommodas  ad  unitatem  Ecclesiae — sine  machinatione  sen 
excusatione  vel  dilatione  quacunque  servabit  et  procurabit — usque  ad 
cessionem  etiam  inclusive  per  ipsum  de  Papatu  faciendam,  si  dominis 
Cardinalibus — hoc  pro  bono  Ecclesiae  et  unitatis  praedictae  videatur 
expedire. 

^  As  to  this  Council  see  Chron.  Caroli  VI.  lib.  xv.  c.  11  p.  218,  and 
quoted  thence  in  d'Achery  i.  773,  the  minutes  are  in  Martene  ampl. 
coll.  vii.  437  and  458,  both  are  in  Mansi  xxvi.  773.  The  via  cessionis 
was  pronounced  the  best,  and  the  King  sent  the  Dukes  of  Berri,  Bur- 
gundy, and   Orleans  to   Benedict,  to  recommend   it  to  him  (see  the 


(;H.  1.— PAJ'ACY   III.-SCI118M.   §    lOO.  EFFORTS   Foil   UNION.     HI 

nevertheless  persevered  in  her  endeavour,^  and  at  length  con- 
trived that  Charles  VI.  King  of  France  should  join  with  the 
Emperor  Wenceslaus  in  forcing  both  the  Popes  to  resign  (1398.)^ 
The  latter  was  in  very  truth  too  weak  to  keep  his  word,  more- 
over he  was  himself  deposed  by  the  secret  machinations  of  his 
Pope  Boniface  IX.  (1400.)^  On  the  other  hand  by  the  decree 
of  a  new  National-Synod^  France  withdrew  from  the  obedience 

instructions  in  the  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xv.  c.  12.  p.  226.  in  Mansi 
xxvi.  787).  He  proposed  on  the  contrary  (see  the  Bull  in  the  Chron. 
Caroli  vi.  lib.  xvi.  c.  6  p.  286.  in  d'Achery  i.  789)  a  personal  interview 
with  his  adversary  and  a  compromise,  the  uselessness  of  which  might  be 
foreseen.  The  Cardinals  were  altogether  for  the  King's  proposal 
(Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xvi.  c.  4  p.  265),  and  wisht  to  sign  a  declaration 
to  this  effect  (p.  308),  but  the  Pope  forbad  them  (p.  314.  See  the  Papal 
Bull  in  d'Achery  i.  794).  Comp.  particularly  the  narrative  of  the 
Monachus  S.  Dionysii  in  his  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xvi.  from  which 
Bulaeus  and  d'Achery  had  already  borrowed  much  before. 

^  Then  Benedict  de  praedictis  indignatus,  sine  causa  conti*a  ipsam 
Universitatem  et  nonnulla  ejus  Supposita  processus  aliquos  et  sen- 
tentias,  seu  beiieficiorum  privationes  facere  disposuit  et  facere  prae- 
cepit  et  ad  hoc  faciendum  aliquos  commisit :  so  the  University 
appealed  in  1396  (see  Bulaeus  iv.  799)  a  praedicto  L-enedicto  praeten- 
sisque  Commissis  et  Committendis, — nee  non  ab  omnibus  et  singulis 
gravaminibus — illatis  et  alias  inferendis  ad  proximum  futurum  unicum, 
verum,  orthodoxum  et  universalem  Papam  etc.  Against  this  appeal 
which  was  instituted  sub  occasione  nonnuUorum  per  nos  eis,  ut  falso 
dicebat  (Procurator  Univ.)  comminatorum  et  in  posterum  forsan  infe- 
rendorum  gravaminum,  quin  potius  ut  sub  pallio  hujusmodi  concep- 
tarum  malitiarvim  suum  intentum  valei'ent  prosequi,  Benedict  issued 
on  30.  May  1396  (1.  c.  p.  820)  the  declaration,  non  Ucuisse  seu  licere 
a  Mom.  Pontifice  cqjpellare,  seu  etiam  jJrovocare  :  et  nihilominus  provo- 
cationem  seu  appellationem  a  jure  prohibitam  et  damnatam  esse,  ac 
nullam,  nulliusque  efificaciae  existere  etc.  The  University  refuted  this 
brief  very  skilfully  in  a  second  appeal  (1.  c.  p.  821). 

^  Theod.  a  Niem  ii.  c.  33.  Anonymus  in  Martene  ampliss.  coll.  vii. 
431.  Eberhard  Windeck  (about  l434)  Gesch.  Kaiser  Siegmimds  in 
Mencken  scriptt.  rer.  Germ.  i.  1077.  F.  M.  Pelzel's  Lebensgeschichte 
d.  Konigs  Wencenlaus  (2  Th.  Frag,  1788.  90.)  ii.  368.  Dr  J.  Asch- 
bach's  Gesch.  Kaiser  Sigraund's  i.  137. 

^  Peltsel  ii.  410.  Aschbach  i.  151.  Schlosser's  Weltgesch.  IV.  ii. 
522. 

^  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xix.  c.  1  (Chron.  du  Religieux  de  Saint 
Denys  ii.  572).  The  minutes  are  in  Bulaeus  iv.  829.  Mansi  xxvi. 
839  ss.  The  royal  edict  of  27.  July  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  1.  c.  p.  598  in 
Bulaeus  iv.  p.  853.  Especially  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  p.  640 :  ab  obedientia 
total!  ipsius  Benedicti — nos,  Ecclesia,  Clerus,  et  populus  Regni  ac  Del- 
phinatus — recediraus,  nunciamusque  auctoritate  praesentium  recessisBe  : 


112  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305— 14U9. 

of  Benedict ;  Castile  followed  her  example^'^  (1398)  ;  and  tTiis 
Pope  was  kept  a  prisoner  at  Avignon.^ ^  It  was  not  till  after  the 
lapse  of  many  years,  and  the  breach  of  express  engagements, 
that  Benedict  succeeded  in  regaining  the  Church  of  France  to 
his  obedience  A.D.  1403,  by  the  help  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
who  at  that  time  had  won  the  ascendancy  at  Court.^^     It  was 

volentes  inter  caetera,  quod  abinde  inantea  ipsi  Benedicto — nullus — de 
emolumentis  ecclesiasticis — solvere  aut  respondere  praeKumat.  Quod 
etiam  occurrentibus  vacationum  casibus  assumantur  ad  Praelaturas, 
dignitates,  et  alia  beneficia  electiva  per  electionem  ;  caeteris  etiam  be- 
neficils  provideatur  per  collationem  eorurn,  ad  quos  hujusmodi  electio  et 
coUatio  spectat  : — districtius  inhibentes  universis  et  singulis  subditis 
nostris, — ne  praefato  Benedicto,  ejusque  sequacibus — obodix-e  quomodo- 
libet — praesumant  etc.  The  18  Cardinals  of  Benedict  renounced  obe- 
dience to  him,  and  betook  themselves  to  Villa  Nova  (see  their  letter  to 
the  King  in  d'Achery  i.  799)  :  The  burghers  of  Avignon,  with  the 
support  of  the  Cardinals,  besieged  the  Pope  in  his  palace  (Chron.  Caroli 
vi.  lib.  xix.  c.  8). 

10  The  edict  of  Henry  III.  12.  Dec.  1398,  is  in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a. 
no.  25. 

"  See  Acta  vett.  in  Baluzii  vitae  PP.  Aven.  ii.  1122. 

12  Negotiations  for  this  purpose  began  as  early  as  1402.  The  Dukes 
of  Berri  and  Burgundy,  as  well  as  the  University  of  Paris,  were 
against  the  Restitution,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  the  University  of 
Toulouse,  in  favour  of  it  (Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xxiii.  c.  13,  Chron.  du 
Religieux  de  Saint- Denys  iii.  60.)  The  University  of  Toulouse,  in 
order  to  effect  its  end,  addresta  long  letter  to  the  King  (Bulaeus  v.  4.) 
this,  however,  was  refuted  by  the  Univei'sity  of  Paris  (ibid.  p.  25  and 
30),  and  in  a  lengthy  work  of  M.  Guil.  Ronacensis  Praepositus  (ib. 
p.  53.)  An  unprinted  refutation  of  the  same  work,  by  Simon  Gra- 
maud,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  the  President  of  the  two  national 
councils  afore-mentioned,  exists  in  MS.  at  the  library  of  the  University 
of  Bonn.  At  length  the  party  of  Orleans,  at  a  new  national  council, 
carried  the  restitution,  Bulaeus  v.  63.  Preuves  des  lib.  de  I'egl.  Gall, 
ch.  XX.  no.  7.  Those  promises  were  made  to  the  assembly  by  the  media- 
tion of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  (11.  cc):  Monseigneur  le  Ducd'Orleans  sefait 
fort  d'avoir  BuUes  de  nostre  S.  Pere  de  Tacceptation  de  la  voye  de  ces- 
sion en  trois  cas,  s^avoir  Adversaria  cedente,  decedente,  vel  ejecto. — 
Item  que  nulle  discussion  ne  sera  jamais  faite  de  la  soubstraction  en 
Concile  general,  ne  autre  part,  et  toutes  injures,  qui  ont  este  faites  ou 
dictes  a  cause  d'icelle,  et  empeschemens,  donnez  d'une  part  et  d'autre, 
soient  annuUez  et  pardonnez,  et  mondit  seigneur  d'Orleans  se  fait  fort 
d'avoir  Bulles,  comme  dessus. — Item  le  Roy  ne  I'eglise  de  France 
n'entendent  point,  que  aucune  chose  soit  innovee  es  collations  et  promo- 
tions faites  par  les  Ordinaires  pendant  la  substraction. — Item  le  Pape 
celebrera  un  Concile  general  de  son  obeyssance  dedans  un  an,  selon 
forme  de  droit,  le  plustot  que  faire  se  pourra,  ou  quel   sera  traitte  et 


{'U.   I.— PAI'ACV   ill.— .SC;H1SM.  g  lUG.  EFFOlcTS  FoiJ   I  NION.     H^ 

quickly  manifest,  how  little  he  meant  to  keep  these  promises  ;^^ 
but  as  the  Italian  cardinals  imposed  similar  engagements  upon 
their  new  Pope  Innocent  VII.,  on  his  election  in  1404,^^  even 
only  with  a  view  to  save  appearances,  it  was  necessary  to  open 
negotiations.  The  fruitlessness  of  this  proceeding  increast  the 
general  discontent :  France  threatened  her  Pope  with  a  fresh 
withdrawal  of  allegiance  (National  Council  of  Jan.  1407),^^ 
when  at  length  both  the  Popes  agreed  upon  a  personal  interview 
at  Savona  in  Sept.  1407.^"  Benedict  appeared  there  in  person ; 
however,  Gregory  XII.  went  only  as  far  as  Lucca,  and  opened 
fresh  negotiations  for  another  place  of  congress.^^     This  public 

appointe  de  la  poursuite  de  1' union  dessusdite  et  des  Reformations  et 
libertez  de  I'Eglise,  et  des  subsides  et  charges  quelsconques,  qui  sont 
par  la  Cour  de  Rome  sur  I'eglise  de  France.  Et  le  Pape  mettra  a 
execution  ce  qui  sera  appointe  et  ordonne  audit  Concile.  Chron.  Caroli 
vi.  lib.  xxiv,  c.  5 — 8. 

'^  He  pleaded  as  a  bar  to  the  promises  the  occurrence  of  the  election 
during  the  dissent.  He  caused  the  Servitiae  and  Vacantiae  now  due 
to  be  demanded,  and  arrears  for  40  years,  etc.  See  the  royal  edict  of 
19.  Dec.  1403,  against  all  this  in  Chron.  Caroli  VI.  lib.  xxiv.  c.  16 
(iii.  124),  and  in  Bulaeus  v.  67. 

^*  Theod.  a  Niem  ii.  c.  34  :  ante  electionem  ipse  Innocentius — ac 
ipsum  eligentes  praedicti  Cardinales  sponte  jurarunt  et  voverunt,  quod, 
quicunque  ipsorum  eligeretur  in  Papam,  ad  hoc,  quod  dicta  unio  fieret, 
ejus  Papatui  pure  et  sponte  cedere  deberet,  dum  tamen  dictus  Petrus 
de  Luna  (Benedictus  XIII.)  etiam  suo  Papatui  sponte  cedere  vellet. 
This  compromise  of  the  cardinals  may  be  seen  in  Martene  thes.  ii. 
1274  ss. 

15  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xxvii.  c.  17  (iii.  464.)  The  minutes  are  in 
Bulaeus  v.  137.     Martene  thes.  ii.  1307.     Mansi  xxvi.  1017. 

^'  Capitula  accordata  in  Massilia  die  xxi.  Apr.  inter  D.  Benedictum 
ex  una  parte,  et  duos  Episcopos  etc.  legates  D.  Gregorii  etc.  in  Chron. 
Caroli  vi.  lib.  xxviii.  c.  1  (iii.  528),  and  in  Martene  thes.  ii.  1314. 

1^  Theod.  a  Niem  iii.  c.  14.  17 — 19.  Ejusd.  nemoris  unionis  tract 
iii.  Leonardi  Aretini  (who  was  at  Gregory's  court)  rerum  suo  tempore 
in  Italia  gestarum  comm.  (in  Muratori  scriptt.  rer.  Ital  xix.  926) : 
Voluntas  ilia  Pontificis  (Gregorii)  recta  nequaquam  satis  habere  firmi- 
tatis  reperta  est  ad  pontificatum  deponendum  :  cujus  rei  culpam  multi 
in  propinquos  ejus  referebant ;  ab  his  enim  formidines  inanes,  etadum- 
brata  pericula  quotidie  fing-i,  ac  instillari  ejus  auribus  praedicabant, 
quibus  ille  deterritus  nee  fc'aonam  accedere  voluit,  altero  Pontifice  illic 
constitute  tempore  se  exhibente  et  absentiam  ejus  incusante ;  et  in 
caeteris,  quae  facienda  erant,  difficilem  sepraebuit  et  morosum.  Roma 
tamen  profectus  est  Senas,  ibique  longiore  mora  protracta,  cum  ab 
nniversis  accusaretur,  Lucam  se  tandem  contulit,  data  rursus  inani  spe 
quasi  cum  adversario  Pontifice  coiturus.  Erat  in  altero  Pontifice  non 
VOL.  TV.  II 


114  THIRD  TERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

breach  of  promise  roused  the  Roman  cardinals,  they  forsook 
their  Pope  Gregory,^^  and  renounced  their  allegiance  to  him,^' 
at  the  same  time  that  France  withdrew  from  the  obedience  of 
Benedict.^^      Benedict  indeed  escaped  the  imprisonment  with 

melior  sane  mens,  sed  occultabat  callidius  malam  voluntatem,  et  quia 
noster  fugiebat,  ipse  obviam  ire  videbatur,  Itaque  Saona  profectus 
est  in  Veneris  Portuin,  atque  iude,  quo  propior  asset,  Spediara  venerat. 
Sed  cum  de  congreasu  eorum  per  internuncios  ageretur,  noster  tamquam 
terrestre  animal  ad  litus  accedere,  ille  tamquam  aquaticum  a  mari 
discedere  recusabat.  On  the  negotiations  of  the  King  of  France  with 
both  Popes,  see  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xxviii.  (iii.  563),  lib.  xxix.  c.  2 
(iv.  3.)  The  records  of  the  negotiations  of  both  Popes  are  in  Theod. 
de  Niem  nemoris  unionis  tract,  vi.  c.  2  ss.  Martene  thes.  ii.  1366. 
Ejusd.  ampl.  coll.  vii.  759. 

^^  The  immediate  occasion  of  this  was  given  by  the  following  com- 
mand of  Gregory  :  Praecipimus  omnibus — Cardinalibus — sub  poena 
privationis  cardinalatus  et  omnium  beneficiorum, — ne  a  die  quarta 
Maji  in  antea  aliquis  eorum  exeat  de  Luca  sine  speciali  et  expressa 
licentia  nostra  ; — ne  ulterius  congregentur  in  aliquo  loco  sine  expresso 
mandato  nostro  ; — ne  aliquis  eorum  participet  cum  oratoribus  Petri  de 
Luna,  neque  cum  oratoribus  Gallicis  sive  per  se  sive  per  interpositara 
personam.  The  cardinals  first  appealed  against  this  command  at  Pisa 
on  the  13th  of  May.  (Th.  de  Niem.  nem.  unionis  vi.  10.  Martene 
thes.  ii.  1394.) 

^^  A  royal  edict  of  12.  Jan.  1408  (more  Gallicano  1407)  in  Chron. 
Caroli  vi.  lib.  xxix.  c.  6  (iv.  18)  Bulaeus  v.  147  and  172,  declared, 
judicamus,  nullum  ad  praesens  patere  validius  in  tam  desperate  malo 
remedium,  quam  quod  neutri  contendentium,  ac  sibi  forte  success uris, 
praestetur  deinceps  obedientia  a  populo  christiano :  deficiente  siquidem 
fomite  ignis  iste  infernalis — collabetur.  Quapropter — nos  et  Ecclesia 
regni  nostri  et  Delphinatus  Viennensis — decrevimus  taleiu  amplecti 
neutralitatem  in  festo  Ascensionis  proxime  venture,  nisi  interea  nobis 
pulchra  pax  advenerit,  et  praedicta  fiat  unio.  Benedict  now  publisht 
the  Bull  of  excommunication,  which  had  been  prepared  before  on  19. 
May  1407,  with  reference  to  the  National  Council  at  that  time  assembled 
(Bulaeus  v.  143),  in  omnes  et  singulos,  qui  Ecclesiae  unionem — impe- 
dierint,  aut  turbaverint,  et  a  nobis — appellare  praesumpserint,  seu  a 
nostra — obedientia  recesserint  etc.  This  bull,  and  a  letter  which 
accompanied  it  (1.  c.  p.  152,  d'Achery  spicil.  i.  805),  when  delivered  to 
the  king,  was  solemnly  torn  to  pieces.  See  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib. 
xxix.  c.  4  (iv.  9),  Bulaeus  v.  p.  170,  and  the  king  introduced  the 
neutrality,  (Edict  of  25.  May  1408,  Bulaeus  v.  165.)  A  new 
National  Council  (11  August  and  the  following  days)  establisht 
advisamenta  super  mode  regiminis  Eccl.  Gallicanae  durante  neutrali- 
tate,  see  Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xxix.  c.  9  (iv.  20)  in  Bulaeus  v.  175. 

2"  They  were  encouraged  to  take  this  step  by  a  letter  from  the 
King  of  France  22.  May  (Bulaeus  v.  p.  162),  and  the  University  of 
Paris  29  May  (1.  c.  p.  163.)     Their  declaration  ad  universes  Christi- 


CH.  I.— rAPACY  111.— 8CHLSM.  §  107.  EFFECTS.  II5 

which  he  was  threatened,  by  fiight  to  Perpignan  ;  but  the  cardi- 
nals of  both  obediences  united  at  Livorno,  and  summoned  a 
general  council  at  Pisa  in  March  1409,  with  a  view  to  the  termi- 
nation of  the  schism.^^ 


§  107. 

EFFECTS  OF  THE  SCHISM  ON  THE  GENERAL  OPINION  OF  THE 

CHURCH. 

The  schism  with  its  Church-oppression  furnisht  the  impulse, 
the  weakness  of  the  Papal  see  gave  the  long-desired  opportunity 
for  an  unbiassed  trial  of  the  existing  state  of  the  Church  :  it  led 
men  to  opinions  which  had  hitherto  only  been  mooted  in  violent 
struggles  with  the  Popes,  and  so  not  without  an  appearance  of 
passion  and  party  spirit ;  but  now  they  struck  root  so  deeply, 
even  among  the  most  faithful  adherents  of  the  Church,  that  they 
could  never  again  be  entirely  supprest.  Many  an  anxious  gaze 
was  turned  backwards  to  the  earlier  and  better  ages  of  the  Chiu-ch, 
in  order  to  discover  in  its  constitution  the  remedy  for  the  scan- 
dals of  the  present.  This  was  a  problem  for  learning.  Its 
representatives  the  universities,  particularly  that  of  Paris,  were 
listened  to  with  eager  attention,  and  attained  an  influence  which 
was  formidable  even  to   the  Popes. ^     This  comparison   of  the 

fideles  from  Livorno  of  1.  July  is  in  d'Achery  spicil.  i.  8U7  :  eundera 
Gregoi'ium  velut  haereticum  et  nutritorem  schisuiatis  antiquati  dere- 
liquimus  sibi,  cum  juxta  canonicas  sanctiones  pecca^um  sit  ei  obedien- 
tiam  praestare,  die  xi.  mensis  Maji  proxirae  praeteriti  omnem  quantum 
in  nobis  fait  obedientiara  juxta  juris  exigeutiam  abstraximus,  ac  reces- 
simus  ab  eodem,  dispositi  ut  oportuit  et  oportet  ex  adverso  consurgere, 
el  mm*uni  nos  opponere  pro  donio  Israel.  Then  follow  exhortations  to 
all  believers  to  obey  Gregory  no  more. 

^^  As  to  the  summons  issued  by  Benedict's  cardinals  14.  July,  see 
Chron.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  xxix.  c.  14  (iv.  64)  in  d'Acbei'y  i.  811  ;  that  of 
Gregory's  cardinals  is  in  d'Achery  i.  814, 

^  Cf.  Prima  appellatio  Universitatis  a  Benedicto  xiii,  a.d.  1396 
(Bulaeus  iv.  806)  :  Nee  est  credendum,  Jesum  Christum  sponsam  suam 
orani  adjutorio  spoliatam  relinquere  velle  ;  sedpie  dicendum,  adjutorem 
et  propugnatorein  suscitasse,  suscitasse  inquam  Danielem  eruditum  in 
sapieutia  adversus  senes,  Susannam  Ecclesiam,  pudicam  Christi  spon- 
sam, quae  unius  cubiculi  puritalera  casto  Pudore  custodivit  et  custodit, 
adulterare  molientes,  contra  Jasonem  et  Menelaum  praetactos,  de  ponti- 
ficatu  dissidentes,  Mathatian  Mathateosque  {leg.  Maccabaeosque)  legis 

H  2 


lU;  TIIIUL)   I'EKIOD.-DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305- U09. 

present  with  the  earlier  ages  of  the  Church,  coukl  not  but  lead 
to  many  convictions  unfavourable  to  the  Papal  see.  True  there 
were  but  isolated  individuals,  who  advanced  so  far  upon  this  line 
of  thought,  as  to  wish  the  Papacy  quite  removed  from  the  Church, 
as  the  source  of  all  her  evils.^  But  even  its  truest  adherents 
now  acknowledged  the  immoderate  extension  of  Papal  power,  and 
the  monstrous  exaggeration  of  the  Papal  dignity.^  They  dis- 
covered in  the  bent  of  the  Papacy  to  secular  power  the  prime 

Dei  zelatores  ferventissimos,  Universitatem  Parisiensem,  matrem  omnium 
scientiarura,  fonteni  sapientiae  totius  inexhaustum,  lumen  Ecclesiae 
verum,  quod  nunquam  appropinquat  occasui,  nunquani  pertulit  eclipsira, 
speculum  fidei  tersum  et  politum,  convexum  non  concavum,  non  angu- 
losum,  nuUis  offuscatum  nebulis,  nullis  contagiis  maculatum  ;  serenissi- 
mum  Regem  Francoriim,  solem  justitiae,  illustres  Duces  caeterosqiie 
Principes  domus  Franciae^  Stellas  fixas  in  Ince  orthodoxae  religionis 
clarissimo  resplendentes  fulgore. 

-  Epist.  Univ.  Paris,  ad  Clementem  vii.  ad,  1394  (Bulaeus  iv. 
700  :  jam  eo  ventum  est,  et  in  tantam  perniciem  erroremque  res  pro- 
cessit,  ut  plerviuique  passim  et  publice  non  vereantur  dicere,  nihil 
omnino  curandum  quot  Papae  sint,  et  non  solummodo  duo  aut  tres,  sed 
decern  aut  duodecim,  imo  et  singulis  regnis  singulos  praefici  posse, 
nulla  sibi  invicem  potestatis  aut  jurisdictionis  auctoritate  praelatos. 
The  theologian  of  Paris,  Jo.  de  Guigneourtius,  maintained  that  the 
Church  could  quite  disown  the  Pope  (Benbellona  ad  edict.  Diocl. 
P.  ii.  p.  153,  quoted  in  the  Catalogi  testium  veritatis  auctarium,  Catto- 
poli  1667,  p.  100.) 

^  Comp.  Jo.  Gersonii  consldcrationes  de  pace  in  the  sermon  ■which  he 
preacht  before  Benedict  XIII.  in  Tarascon  on  New  Year's  day  1404, 
Consid.  i.  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  G9)  :  Quis  non  videat,  quam  impium  est, 
praesertim  apud  eos,  qui  se  ecclesiasticos  dici  volunt,  si  peritos  in  evan- 
gelica  legevel  non  consultare  vel  abjicere,  vel  major!  sacrilegio,  habere 
probro  cognoscantur ;  bine  errores,  hinc  praesumptuosae  assertiones, 
hinc  perplexitates  inexplicabiles,  hinc  obstinatae  defensiones  adinven- 
tionum  humanarum  in  perniciem  Ecclesiae  et  pacis  salutiferae,  finis 
sui,  surgunt :  ut,  quod  non  licet  disputare  de  potentia  Papae,  quod  mm 
potest  sibi  did,  cur  ita  facts  f  cum  tamen  sit  peccabilis  ;  quod  non 
potest  in  aliquo  casit  Ecclesia  sine  eo  convocari  vel  aggregari ;  quod 
hie  est  fidei  articulus,  Benedictus  est  Papa  (exempli  gratia) ;  quod  non 
potest  in  aliquo  casu  ad  Concilium  Papa  vocari ;  quod  absque  eo  non 
slat  salus,  cum  tamen  salus  Ecclesiae  in  solum  Deum  ordinetur  abso- 
lute et  essentialiter,  et  in  hominera  Christum  de  ordinata  lege,  sed 
aceidentaliter  ordinatur  in  Papam  mortalem  :  alioquin,  dum  vacat 
Sedes  per  mortem  Papae  vel  naturalem  vel  civilem,  utputa  si  sit 
haereticus  depositus,  quis  hominum  salvus  esset?  Alii  Papam  prae- 
dicant  impeccabilem,  alii  omnipotentem,  alii  sine  ulla  exceptione  credunt 
extra  salidis  statum  quemlibet  suae  parti  non  obedientem.  Quod  quanta 
temeritate  dicatur,  ipsi  viderint  assertores. 


(JU.   1.— rAl'ACV  111.— SJCmiSM.  §  1U7.  EFFECTS.  II7 

cause  of  all  mischief,  and  even  of  the  schism,^  and  they  wisht  the 
times  back  again  when  the  Emperors  could  convoke  Synods  by 
their  own  authority  to  strangle  a  schism  at  its  birth.*  No  less 
general  was  the  discontent  exprest  against  the  Papal  Church- 
oppressions,  and  the  wish  to  remove  them  by  limitations  of  the 


*  Compare  the  Jurist's  Jo.  Petri  de  Ferrariis  Practica  (written 
1409  — 1413),  Forma  responsionis  rei  conventi  (Edit.  Lugdun.  ann. 
1502,  fol.  39)  :  Quomodo  et  quot  modis  isti  clerici  illaqueant  laicos, 
et  suam  jurisdictionem  ampliant !  Sed  heu  miseri  Imperatoves  et 
Principes  saeculares,  qui  haec  et  alia  sustinetis,  et  vos  servos  Ecclesiae 
facitis,  et  mundura  per  eos  iiifinitis  modis  usurpari  videtis,  nee  de  reme- 
dio  cogitatis,  quia  prudentiae  et  scientiae  non  intenditis  etc.— fol.  43 
verso  :  among  the  casus,  in  quibus  non  currit  praescriptio, — nonus  est, 
dum  est  schisma  in  Ecclesia  Dei,  sicut  moderno  tempore,  quo  sunt  duo 
Papae,  qui  jam  durarunt  XXX.  annos  et  ultra ;  et  perseverabit,  nee 
unquam  quiescet  Ecclesia,  nee  Italia,  donee  ipsa  Ecclesia  possideat 
civitates  vel  castra,  et  donatio  eidem  facta  per  Constantinum  fuerit  per 
aliquem  probum  et  potentera  Imperatorem  penitus  revocata,  cum  non 
bene  conveniat  psalterium  cum  cithara,  nee  datum  sit  a  Christo,  nee  a 
b.  Petro,  quod  possidere  debeant  talia.  Sed  quod  est  Caesaris,  red- 
datur  Caesari,  et  quod  est  Dei,  Deo. — Forma  in  actione  confessoria  pro 
servitutibus  fol.  113  verso:  Vides,  quod  ipse  Papa,  qui  deberet  tan- 
quamverus  vicarius  vestigia  sequi  Jesu  Christi,  possidere  et  manu  armata 
nititur  detinere  jurisdictionem  in  terris,  civitatibus  et  A'illis  et  locis, 
quae  sunt  naturaliter,  et  a  mundi  creatione  et  Chri.sti  oi'dinatione.  Im- 
perii Romani. — Immo  ipse  Papa  in  ipso  Imperatore  nititur  superiori- 
tatem  habere,  quod  ridiculum  est  dicere,  atque  abominabile  audire. 
Nam  naturaliter  a  principio  mundi  omnes  Clerici,  nedum  Laici,  erant 
sub  potestate  et  jurisdictione  Imperii :  sed  ipsorum  Iraperatorum 
dulcedine  et  benignitate  fuerunt  clerici  dismissi  sub  potestate  Papae,  et 
beneficium  hoc  tanquam  ingrati  sciunt  male  cognoscere,  ut  notat  P. 
Innoc.  in  c.  ii.  de  niaj.et  obed.  Bene  ergo  et  sancte  faceret  ipse  Papa, 
ei  totam  corporalem  jurisdictionem  in  manibus  Imperatoris  remitteret, 
nee  aliter  unquam  i*esj.ublica,  et  maxime  Italia,  quiescet :  nee  ulterius 
de  papatu  tale  schisma,  quale  fuit  et  est  XXXVI  annos  praeteritos, 
uUo  tempore  amplius  accideret :  et  ex  hoc  status  universus  clericorum 
magis  redderetur  Deo  ac  populo  devotus,  et  ipse  Papa  cum  Cardina- 
libus  vivei'et  quietiiis  ac  Deo  devotius,  et  populo  magis  acceptius  et 
gratius. 

^  Theodoricus  a  Niem  de  schismate  iii.  c.  7  :  Fatue  et  adulatorie 
loquuutur  illi,  qui  dicunt,  quod  Papa  seu  Ecclesia  duos  habet  gladios, 
scil.  spiritualem  et  temporalem.  —  Etenim  si  uterque  gladius  apud 
Papam  existeret,  supervacue  vel  ficte  Imperator,  vel  Rex  Ronianorum 
illud  nomen  haberet.  Sed  isti  adulatores  seu  assentatores  per  talia 
scripta  et  dicta  inducunt  maximum  errorem  in  tota  Christianitate,  et 
suscitant  quodam  modo  perpetuam  aemulationem  seu  discordiam  inter 
Papain  et  Imperatorem.     Conculcatur  eiiiui  per  hoc  iniperialis  aucto- 


118  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

Papal  power.^     Hitherto  only  adversaries  of  the  Popes  at  open 
war  with  them,  had  appealed  to  a  general  council  as  a  higher 

ritas,  et  ejus  potestas  sub  club'o  coUocatur  in  totius  reipublicae  detri- 
mentum,  ut  videmus.  Patet  enim  ex  Decreto,  quod,  cum  schisma 
viget  in  Romaiia  sede,  quod  propter  auctoritatis  excellentiam  et  in 
teinporalibus  potentiam  Iinperator,  vel  Rex  Homanus  Praelatos  eccle- 
siasticos  potest  convocare,  ut  illud  omnino  tollatur.  Quod  credo  intelligi 
debere  de  illis,  qui  re  et  nomine  Imperatores  vel  Reges  existunt 
Romani,  non  autem  de  illis,  qui  desides,  sen  solo  nomine  Imperatores 
seu  Reges  Romani  sunt,  sicuti  fuerunt  Imperatores  et  Reges  Romani, 
quos  nostro  tempore  habuinius  et  babemus.  Illi  enim  non  raerentur 
Imperatores  vel  Reges  Romani  nominari,  qui  sunt  pusillanimes  et 
efiPoeminati.  To  their  shame  he  relates  how  Tbeodorich,  King  of  tbe 
Ostrogoths  (Dieterich  von  Bern)  proceeded  on  a  disputed  imperial 
election  :  quod  autem  imperialis  potestas  sit  praecipue  super  malum  et 
incorrigibilem  Pontificem  Romanum,  per  quem  scandalizatur  Ecclesia, 
he  proves  in  c.  9  from  the  conduct  of  Otto  I.  towards  John  XII.  : 
tunc  erat  adeo  excellens  Augustus,  quod  nemo  contra  ejus  voluntatem 
aliquem  Papam,  praesertim  malignum,  abjectum,  vel  schismaticum  ausus 
fuisset  publice  confovere.  Cap.  10  :  Quid  igitur  inducit  ahud  haec 
pompa  tantorum  temporaliimi  dominiorum,  de  quibus  nunc  gloriatur 
Ecclesia  Romana,  quam  negligentiam  in  spiritualibus,  et  erectionem 
tyrannorum  in  eisdem  dominiis,  et  divisiones  seu  schisma  in  eadem 
Ecclesia,  et  alia  mala  plurima,  [s/c?<<]  satis  est  notum. — Cap,  11  :  Quis 
tunc  disputasset  cum  endem  magno  Augusto  Ottone  de  ipsius  judicio 
super  contendentes  super  Papatu,  seu  perverso  unico  Papa,  scil.  quod 
nisi  a  Deo  possent  judicari?  ^  Utinam  talis  Imperator  surgeret  tempo- 
ribus  nostris,  qui  nunc  cassaret  scripturarum  multiplicitatem  in  hoc 
labyrintho,  quae  adeo  creverunt, — quod  vix  eos  centum  cameli  por- 
tarent. — Nee  credo  illud  obstare,  quod  Canonistae  dicunt,  quod  Papa, 
nisi  a  fide  sit  devius,  dejici  non  possit,  et  quod  nemo  judicat  primam 
sedem, — Quae  licet  ita  teneantur,  tamen  in  putativo  et  contendente  de 
Papatu  in  schismate  variantur  nee  subsistunt,  nee  etiam  intelliguntur 
rationabiliter  in  uno  et  indubitato  Papa  malefico,  et  Ecclesiam  scanda- 
lizante,  quia  ille  revera  proprie  dici  non  potest  Christi  vicarius, — sed 
bestiajnagis  proprie  appellatur  etc. 

^  Benedict  XIII.  had  to  promise  this  to  the  French  Church  in  1403, 
see  above  §  106  note  12.  Mattbaeus  de  Cracovia  de  squaloribus 
Rom.  Curiae  (see  §  105  note  7)  cap.  iii. :  Considerandum,  quo  jure, 
ratione,  vel  modo  sedes  apostolica  sibi  usurpaverit  promotionem  et  pro- 
visionem  ej^iscopatuum,  abbatiarum,  et  aliarum  dignitatum,  coUationem 
quoque  omnium  beneficiorum,  quae  sunt  de  jure  patronatus  spiritualium 
personarum.  Et  videtur  quod  non  de  jure,  sed  contra  jus  et  cum  injuria 
capitulorum, — quibus  competebat  electio, — nee  non  cum  injuria  Epis- 
coporum  etc. — Forte  dicitur,  quod  sedes  apostolica  fecit  hoc  ob  culpam, 
et  in  poenam  Praelatorum  et  capitulorum,  quia  hi  eligebant  et  illi 
providebant  minime  bene.  Sed  si  ilia  ratio  valeret,  tunc  etiam  deberet 
auferri  et  dimitti  ab  Ecclesia   Romana  :  qnia  jam   providet   ita  male. 


OH.  ].— PAPACY  III.— SCHLSM.  §  107.  EFFECTS.  1 19 

authority/  but  during  the  schism  circumstances  led  to  a  general 
acknowledgment  that  such  a  council  must  rank  above  the  Pope.* 
After  the  Council  of  Pisa  was  summoned  to  terminate  the  con- 
test between  the  two  Popes,  and  set  a  limit  to  the  abuses  of  Papal 
power,  the  Canonists  vied  with  each  other  in  demonstrating 
this  new  opinion  so  injurious  to  the  Papacy,  of  the  superiority  of 

sicut  priiis  est  factum. — Insuper  hoc  non  est  de  jure  introductum,  sed 
per  cautelam  et  astutiara.  Quia,  ut  fertur,  in  principio  electionis  ac 
coronationis  suae  apostolici  dirigebant  primarias  preces  dioecesanis  pro 
familiaribus  Huis.  Talis  eniin  ordo  et  Romanae  Curiae  fuit  consuetudo, 
quod  primo  monitoriae,  secundo  praeceptoriae,  ultimo  executoriae  literae 
concedebantur  (Part  2,  §  62,  note  13). — Item  non  erat  verisimile,  quod 
nullus  Praelatorum  bonus  et  diligens  fuerit  in  providendo,  et  ideo  non 
debuit  omnibus  auferri. — Amplius  haec  non  est  poena  medicinalis,  quae 
non  sanat,  sed  mortificat.  Nee  enim  per  hoc  provisum  est  ne  male 
provideant,  sed  ne  quicquam  in  hoc  boni  vel  mali  faciant,  sicut  si 
Deus  homini  peccanti  libertatem  voluntatis  auferret,  ne  ultra  peccaret. 
—  Amplius  quando  Praelati  conferebant  benefieia,  melius  impediri  vel 
revocari  potuit  mala  provisio,  et  puniri  male  providens,  quam  jam. 
Tunc  enim  Papa  tanquam  superior  potuit  irritare  provisionem,  privare 
institutes,  et  instituere  meliores.  Hoc  autem  per  inferiores  contra 
superiorem  fieri  non  potest  tam  bene  vel  congrue.  The  Popes  were 
wanting  in  sufficient  local  information,  always  to  provide  aright.  Evil 
consequences  of  the  Papal  reservations.  Cap.  iv.  :  Posito  autem,  sed 
propter  rationes  praeniissas  non  concesso,  quod  Papa  de  jure-^potuerit 
omnium  beneficiorum  et  dignitatum  sibi  coUationem  attrahere,  quid 
boni  vel  utilitatis  importat  ista  mirabilis  multitude  gratiarum  ad  bene- 
fieia vacatura  ? — tot  gratiae  sunt,  ut  non  sit  possibile,  vel  medietatem 
earum  eflfeetum  habere. — Hence  in  Cap.  v.  the  advice,  recurrendum  ad 
priora  jura,  non  faciendo  gratias  exspectativas,  and  to  leave  provisions 
to  the  Ordinaries,  sicut  erat  prius.  Comp  Speculum  aureum  (see  § 
105  note  8)  cap.  4  ss.  De  ruina  Eccl.  (see  §  103,  note  5)  cap. 
4  ss. 

^  Philip  the  Fair,  Part  2,  §  59,  note  32.  Lewis  the  Bavarian  above 
§  99  note  19. 

^  Matthaeus  de  Cracovia  de  squaloribus  Rom.  Cui'iae  c;  20 :  Dicunt 
(the  Curialists)  quod  si  Papa  peccet,  oportet  tamen  obedire  et  nonresis- 
tere, — imo  nee  judicare,  quia  membra  non  debent  regere  caput,  sed  e  con- 
verso.  It  was  allowed :  nullus  inferior  habet  judicare  superiorem,  imo  nee 
communitas,  quamdiu  restat  aliquis  superior,  cui  de  jure  competat,  et  qui 
velit  justitiam  facere. — Quando  vero  non  est  aliquis  talis,  qui  possit,  et 
si  est  aliquis  talis,  qui  possit,  et  si  est  invocatus,  non  velit  facere,  quod 
officii  sui  est ;  tunc  communitas  tota,  vel  hi  qui  sunt  et  totum  simul  aut 
partes  repraesentant,  possunt  judicare  eum,  in  quo  manifestum  est  eura 
delinquere,  et  in  quo  incorrigibilis  esse  et  perseverare  comprobatur. 
Cap,  21  :  Ad  hoc  convenientius  declarandum,  pouatur  casus, — quod 
ipse   Deus  aliquem  /vbbatem — exemerit — ab  oiimi  jurisdictione  spiri- 


120  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—14011. 

general  councils  to  the  Pope,''  and  thus  the  Papal  system  of  the 
hist  century  seemed  to  be  threatened  Avith  total  overthrow. 

tualium  et  saecularium,  etiam  Papae,  et  quod  Abbas  ille  In  reprobum 
sensum  conversus  gravet  monachos  suos,  contra  regulam  intrantes 
simouiace  i-ecipiat, — omnes  sibi  consentientes  permoveat  ad  agendum 
contra  salutem  suam  et  regulam,  committitque  bona  monasterii  mona- 
cbis  dissipatoiibus  eorundem.  Et  arguitur  primo,  qviod  in  hoc  casu 
non  teneantur  ipsi  obedire  raonacbi,  sed  resistere  et  opponere  se  ipsi, 
— et  si  opus  est,  ad  ejus  depositionem  procedere.  This  is  what  was  to 
be  proved. — Cap.  22  :  Si  ergo  contingat,  quod  Papa  sic  agat  circa 
universalem  Ecclesiara,  sicut  talis  Abbas, — sequitur, — quod  possint  et 
debeant  procedere  contra  eum. 

Miich.  UUerstoni  (Professor  at  Oxford)  petitiones  quoad  reforma- 
tionem  Ecclesiae  militantis  (written  a.d.  140H),  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone. 
Const,  i.  1127.  Franc.  Zabarella  (Bishop  of  Florence  after  1411 
Cardinal  f  1417)  de  schismate  (written  1409),  in  Schardii  syntagma 
tractatuum  de  imperiali  jurisdictione  ac  potestate  eccl.  p.  235,  and 
under  Theod.  a  Niem  histor.  sui  temporis,  Argent.  1609  p.  537.  Jo. 
Gersonii  tract,  de  unitate  Eccl.  written  in  January  1409  (0pp.  ed.  du 
Pin.  ii.  114).  Consider,  ii.  :  Unitas  Ecclesiae  essentialis  semper  manet 
ad  Christum  sponsum  suum,  nam  caput  Ecclesiae  Christus. — Et  si  non 
habet  vicarium,  dum  scilicet  raortuus  est  corporaliter  vel  civiliter,  vel 
quia  non  est  prohabiliter  exspectandum,  quod  unquara  sibi  vel  succes- 
soribus  suis  obedientia  praestetur  a  Christianis  ;  tunc  Ecclesia  tarn 
divino  quam  naturali  jure,  cui  nullum  obviat  jus  positivum  rite  intel- 
lectum,  potest  ad  procurandum  sibi  vicarium  unuui  et  certum  semet 
congregare  ad  Concilium  generale  repraesentans  eam,  ei  hoc  non  solum 
auctoi'itate  dd.  Cardinalium,  sed  etiam  adjutorio  et  auxilio  cujuscunque 
Principis  vel  alterius  Christiani.  Non  enim  habet  corpus  Ecclesiae 
mysticum  a  Christo  perfectissime  stabllitum  minus  jus  et  robur  ad 
procurationem  suae  unionis,  quam  corpus  aliud  civile,  mysticum,  vel 
naturale  verum  :  neque  enim  est  de  immediato  ac  immutabili  jure, 
divino  vel  naturali,  quod  Ecclesia  se  non  possit  congregare  et  unire 
sine  Papa,  aut  sine  aliquo  particulari  Statu  vel  Collegio,  ubi  in  casu 
cadere  potest  mors  vel  error.—  Consid.  x.  :  Occurrere  possunt  casus 
multi,  in  quibus  pro  adeptione  pacis  publicae  aut  justae  defensionis 
sicut  vim  vi  repellendo,  liceret  a  rite  electo  in  Papam  substraliere 
obedientiam,  liceret  in  neutralitate  manere,  liceret  ipsum  corporaliter 
incarcerare,  liceret  ei  administrationem  oranem  publicam  interdicere, 
liceret  per  appellationem  aut  simile  remedium  sibi  resistere,  fieretque 
sic  obedientia  vera  potius  quam  contradictio  vel  resistentia  : — liceret 
concilium  generale  eo  invito  celebrare,  liceret  tandem  ipsum  ad 
cessionem  compellere,  vel  renitentem  dejicere  ab  omni  honore  et 
gradu,  immo  et  vita  privare.  Haec  omnia  denique  taliter  licere 
possunt  stabili  jure  divino  et  naturali,  quod  adversus  banc  veri- 
tatem  nulla  lex  vel  constitutio  puri  hominis  cujuscunque  sine  nova 
autorizatione  Dei  fieri  debet,  quia  erroris  intolerabilis  damnanda 
sit.       Comp.  his   liook  written  soon    afterwards    lib.   de   auferibilitatp 


CH.  I.— PAPACY  111.— SCHISM.  §  107.  EFFECTS.  121 

Papae  ab  Ecclesia  (1.  c.  p.  209.     Consider,  ix.  :  Auferibilis  est  vica- 
rius  sponsus  Ecclesiae  per  voluntariam  ejus  cerfsionera   aut  renuncia- 
tionem  a    Papatu. — Cons.  x. :     Auferibilis    est  in    casibus  dabilibus 
vicarius  sponsus  Ecclesiae  ab  ipsa  Ecclesia, — sive   consentiat  ipse — 
vel  non   consentiat   suae  cessioni. — Nam    si   vicarius  sponsus    potest 
resignare  sponte  ipsi  Ecclesiae,  dando  ei  libellum  repudii ;  cum  sponsus 
et  sponsa  non  debeant  quoad  hoc  impari  jure  censeri,  poterit  similiter 
repudiare  sponsum  taleni  ipsa  Ecclesia  sponsa,  dum  par  ratio  vel  potior 
adducitur  pro  ipsa  contra  sponsum  ;  vel  quia  prostituere  quaerit  earn 
quantum  in  se  est,  vel  tyrannide  saeva  tractare,  laniando  earn  vel  plag- 
ando,  bona  sua  dissipando,   vel  quia  abuti  conatur   ea  in    perniciem 
filiorum. — Quomodo   etiam    uni  singulari  personae  fas  esset  in  casu 
violentiae  attentate  per  Papam  verum  contra  castitatem  suam  vel  vitam, 
vim  vi  repellere,  cum   appositione  inculpatae  tutelae  etc.  et  ita  liclte 
stabit,  quod  tangat   Papam  violenter,  vel  in  mare  dejiciat :  cur  simi- 
liter, in  casu,  non   liceat  idem   toti   Ecclesiae  pro  defensione  sua,  et 
violentiae   attentatae  cauta  repressione.     Cons.  xii.  :    Auferibilis  est 
in  casu  vicarius  sponsus  Ecclesiae  per   Ecclesiam,  vel  genei-ale  Conci- 
lium, nedum  conciliative,  aut  dictative  vel  denunciative,  sed  auctorita- 
tive,  judicialiter  atque   juridice. — sicut    enim    tradit    Aristoteles   V. 
Politic,  quod  ad  communitatem  totam  spectat   Priiicipis  vel  coi'rectio, 
vol  totalis   destitutio,  si  ineinendabilis   perseveret.  —  Sic   Syramacbus, 
sic  b.  Marcellinus,  sic  ipse  Gregorius,   sic  alii  plures  judicium  subiere 
Concilii :  nequaquam   ex  humili  condescensione,  sicut  fingunt  aliqui, 
sed  ex  debito  et   obligatione  :    quorum  multos,   quia  Concilium  non 
reperit  convictos  de  crimine,   reliquit  causam   eorum  examine  judicis 
Dei    terrainandam. — Spernens    concilium     Ecclesiae,    spernit    Deum, 
a  quo  dirigitur.     Et  ita  consequenter  apparet  euormis  en-or  dicen- 
tium,    quod  deliberatio    Papae    pi'aeponderat   super   deliberatione  ex 
concilio     Ecclesiae    seu    Concilii    generalis,    nee    tenetur    Concilium 
insequi  aut  eidem    acquiescere  nisi    velit.      The  way  in  which    the 
opinion   that   a   general   council  was   above  the  Pope,  first  met  with 
general    recognition    in    this    time,    is    shown    by    Gerson's    expres- 
sion in  a  later  work.   Circa  materiam   excommunicationum  resolutio, 
consider.  8  (1.  c.  p.  423)  :    si   dicatur  quod  ita  potest  a  Papa   fieri 
appellatio  ad  Concilium  generale,  dixerunt  olim  ante  Concilium  generale 
Pisanum  et  Constantiense,   quod   hoc  nullo  modo   licebat. — Sed  con- 
stanter  nunc  asseritur,  quod  est  haeresis,  viz.,  to  deny  this.     Accord- 
ingly Thomas   Cajetanus    1511   in   his   tract,   de  comparatione  auc- 
toritatis    Papae   et    Concilii   c.  10  designates  this  opinion   as  novaia 
quandara  imaginationem  Joanuis  Gerson. 


(     122     ) 


SECOND  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  or  THE  HIERARCHY  OP  THE  NATIONAL  CHURCHZ^S. 

§108. 

THEIR  RELATION  TO  THE  STATE, 

The  jealousies  betwixt  the  ecclesiastical  and  secular  tribunals 
arising  irom  the  immoderate  extension  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tiction  still  continued,  but  they  began  more  and  more  to  result 
in  favour  of  the  latter.  In  Germany  the  fundamental  principle 
that  secular  causes  belonged  only  to  secular  tribunals,  had  been 
recognized  long  before,  even  by  the  Prelates,  who  were  them- 
selves temporal  Lords  of  the  land  :^  it  was  as  a  general  rule 
always  maintained,^  though  in  individual  cases,  the  ecclesiastical 

1  Comp.  Part  2,  §  63,  note  28. 

-  Comp.  the  prohibition  of  Lewis  the  Bavarian,  a.d.  1318,  against 
bringing  a  civil  cause  before  an  ecclesiastical  court,  in  Gudeni  sylloge 
diplom.  p.  487.  Comp.  his  decree  a.d.  1329  in  the  Frankfort  Privi- 
legiis  p.  15.  The  Golden  Bull  (1356)  cap.  xi. :  in  defectu  vero 
justitiae  praedictis  omnibus  ad  imperialem  duntaxat  Curiam  et  tribunal, 
sen  judicis  immediate  in  imperiali  Curia  pro  tempore  praesidentis 
audientiam,  et  etiam  eo  casu  non  ad  quemvis  alium  judicem  sive  ordi- 
narium  sive  etiam  delegatum,  his  quibus  denegata  fuerit  justitia,  liceat 
appellare.  Quicquid  vero  contra  praeraissa  factum  fuerit,  sit  irritum 
60  ipso  (directed  against  ecclesiastical  encroachment,  Part  2,  §  63,  note 
26,  see  Olenschlager's  Neue  Erlauterung  der  guldenen  Bulle  s.  240.) 
Count  Adolph  of  the  March  in  1402  had  his  parochial  clergy  gathered 
together,  and  sternly  charged  them  (Scotti's  Cleve-Markische  Landes- 
verordnungen  i.  13)  ut  nulla  mandata  s.  pi*aecepta  quorumcunque 
jadicum  apostolicorum  vel  ordinariorum  ad  se  reciperent, — publicarent 
aut  exequerentur  quovis  modo  in  causis  saecularibus  vel  profanis, 
exceptis  duntaxat  in  iv.  causis  spii-itualibus  et  ecclesiastic! s,  videlicet 
de  testamentis  et  legatis,  de  matrimoniis^  si/nodalibiis,  et  rediiihus  spii^itu- 
olibiis  et  ecclesiasticis,  with  a  threat  in  case  of  disobedience,  quod  ille 
absque  dilations  a  suo  territorio  seu  dominio  excederet  sub  obtentu 
corporis,  rerum  et  bonorum :  This  decree  had  been  made  before  by  his 
father,  Count  Engelbert,  and  his  brother  Theodore. 


OH.  II.— NATIONAL  CHURCHES,  g  108.  RELAT.  TO  THE  STATE.     123 

tribunals  continually  overstept  their  limits.'  But  during  the 
schism,  the  Emperor  Wenceslaus  could  only  execute  his  deci- 
sions in  things  temporal,  against  the  higher  orders  of  the  clergy 
by  deeds  of  violence."^  The  cities  continued  to  tax  the  excessive 
revenues  of  the  ecclesiastical  sovereinty.  They  either  forbad 
altogether  the  increase  of  Church-property,  or  decreed  that  all 
fresh  acquisitions  should  be  alienated  again  in  a  year  and  a  day, 
or  required  from  tlie  new  revenues  the  customary  taxes.''     Now 

^  E.g.  The  clergy  of  Mayence  In  Hesse,  corap.  Kopp's  Nachricht 
V.  d.  Verfassung  dergeistl.  u.  Civil-Gerichte  in  d.  Hessen-Casselischen 
Landen  Th.  I  (Cassel  1769.  4.)  s.  177.  But  in  the  compacts  of  1347 
and  1354  the  universal  maxim  was  recognised  :  thus  in  the  latter  the 
Archbishop  of  Mayence  promises  (Kopp.  s.  181)  :  "  \\'ir  sollen  audi 
nit  gestadcn,  daz  man  der  Lantgreven  von  Hessin  Undertanen,  die  da 
Leyen  sint,  an  unser  geistlich  Gerichte  ladin  suUein  wertlichen  Sachen 
ane  Geverde  :  gesche  ez  abir,  so  sullen  unser  Richter  sie  wieder  genden 
an  yrer  Herren  Gerichte,  und  wer  die  Ladunge  getan  hette,  der  sal 
dem  andirn  sine  Kost  abelegen,  und  sullent  sie  unsir  Itichter  darumb 
nicht  bannen." 

*  In  1381,  the  city  of  Breslau  was  put  under  Ban  and  Interdict  by 
the  cathedral  chapter  during  the  vacancy  of  the  see,  because  the 
townsmen  had  taken  away  a  cask  of  forein  beer  from  the  Dean.  As 
they  refused  to  give  way,  Wenceslaus  banisht  the  canons  for  two  years 
from  the  clt^^,  and  gave  up  their  property  to  be  plundered  (Pelzel's 
Leben  des  Konigs  Wenceslaus  I.  105.)  Thus  also  in  1383  the  King 
kept  the  Archbishop  of  Prague  a  prisoner  at  the  Carlstein,  and  gave 
up  his  property  to  be  spoiled,  because  he  would  not  yield  In  a  dispute 
with  the  King's  Marshal  about  a  weir  in  the  Elb.  (Pelzel  I.  143.) 

*  The  Emperor  Albert  granted  to  the  city  of  Ulm  in  1300  a  privi- 
lege to  this  effect  (Jager's  Ubn's  Verfassung  Im  MIttelalter  s.  359), 
to  the  city  of  Augsburg  In  1306  (Liinig's  Reichsarchlv  xIII.  90.)  Heil- 
bronn  first  establisht  this  right  for  Itself,  and  then  obtained  its 
confirmation  by  a  privlleglum  of  the  Emperor  Lewis  IV.  1359  (Jao-ers 
MIttheilungen  zur  schwab.  u.  frank.  Reformatlonsgeschichte  s,  9.) 
Ratlsbon  past  the  same  decree  on  its  own  authority  In  1308,  Munich  In 
1345,  Cologne  In  1385  (Hiillmann's  Stiidtewesen  des  MIttelalters  iv. 
129.)  Likewise  Wetslar  in  1319  (Gudenus  sylloge  I  variorum  diplom. 
p.  490),  Brunswick  (leges  Brunsv.  in  Leibnitil  scrlptt.  Brunsv.  HI. 
442.)  The  same  was  establisht  for  Cassel  In  a  compact  of  the  towns- 
men with  the  Landgrave  Henry  a.d,  1354  (Beurkundete  Nachricht 
von  dem  Klosterhaus  Schlffenberg  Th.  2,  Giessen  1755  fob,  Bellagen 
no.  170.)  In  Liibeck  neither  houses  nor  plots  of  land  could  be 
bequeathed  to  the  clergy  (Jus  Lubecense  In  de  Wcstphalen  lii,  625.) 
The  Juramunicipalla  which  the  duke  Albert  II.  granted  to  the  city  of 
Vienna  In  1340  determined  (A.  Ranch  rerum  Austriacarum  scrlptt.  Hi. 
50)  that  the  civic  property  of  citizens  could  not  be  granted  or  bequeathed 
to  a  religious  house,  and  that  if  it  were  to  be  done  with  the  consent  of 


124  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

that  the  Parish  priests,  by  their  management  of  people's  wills, 
provided  too  well  for  themselves  and  for  the  Church,  it  was 
determined  that  wills  should  only  be  made  before  the  secular 
authorities.^  Paderborn  even  prohibited  the  multiplication  of 
masses  for  souls.^  Still  the  Popes  wisht  to  maintain  a  good 
understanding  with  the  cities,  and  bind  them  to  themselves  by 
means  of  privileges.®  During  the  schism,  many  concessions  were 
made  to  the  nobles  also  :  thus  Boniface  IX.,  in  1399,  allowed 
Albert  IV.  Duke  of  Austria  the  jus  primarum  precum.^  The 
ree  Swiss  by  the  priests-law  (Pfaffenbrief)  in  1370  put  an  end 

the  council,  the  property  must  be  sold  to  a  burgher  within  the  year, 
otherwise  it  would  be  confiscated  to  the  town.  Also  in  Wismar  no 
landed  property  could  fall  into  ecclesiastical  hands  (D,  Schroder's 
papiatisches  Mecklenburg  s.  1070)  :  Ribnits  even  decreed  in  1329  that 
all  property  which  had  accrued  to  the  Monastery  of  St  Clare  should  be 
alienated  within  three  months  (Lamberti  Schlaggert  chron.  coenobii 
Ribenicensis  in  de  Westphalen  iv.  857.)  The  Emperor  Charles  IV. 
in  1360  granted  to  the  cities  of  Lusatia  the  Privilege,  that  ecclesiastical 
persons  should  not  become  possest  of  landed  property  within  their 
limits  either  by  gift  or  by  will  (Reinhard  de  jure  Principum  Ger- 
maniae  circa  sacra  p.  222.)  Nevertheless  by  an  ordinance  of  1377  he 
annulled  all  those  Statuta,  which  nobles  and  cities  Dei  timore  post- 
posito,  had  issued  to  the  purport,  quod  nulla  bona  temporalia  in 
potestatem  ecclesiasticam  transferantur  (Eccard  ad  legem  Salicam  p. 
203)  :  however,  those  Statuta  remained  still  unaltered. 

«  Thus  in  Ulm  1367  (Ulm's  Verfassung  im  Mittelalter  v.  Jager  s. 
335),  K.  Wenzel's  Privilegium  fur  Frankfurt  (Senckenberg  selecta 
juris  et  hist.  i.  565),  Kopp  be  testaraentis  Gemianorum  p.  147. 

^  The  Consuls  decreed  in  1379  (Gobelini  Personae  cosmodrom.  vi. 
c.  70  in  Meibom  i.  286),  quod  quicunque  civis — in  exequiis  alicujus 
defuncti  otferret  plus  quam  ad  unam  Missam,  solveret  Consulibus 
marcam  argenti,  cum  prius  ad  tres  Missas  ut  plurimum  offerri  moris 
erat,  et  sic  duae  Missae  deinceps  in  exequiis  subtractae  sunt.  To  this 
was  added  in  1405  the  determination  (1.  c.  p.  289),  quod  cives,  volentes 
exequias  peragere  defunctorum,  debent  illas  dominicis  diebus  duntaxat 
peragere. 

^  Thus  many  cities  obtained  the  Privilege  that  any  Interdict  laid 
upon  them  on  account  of  individuals  should  be  removed,  so  soon  as  the 
excommunicated  persons  left  the  city.  Thus  Wolfhagen,  in  1395, 
(Kopp's  Nachr.  v.  d.  geistl.  u.  Civilgerichten  in  d.  Hessen-Casselischen 
Landen,  Th.  1  Beil.  s.  61),  Wismar  and  Rostock  in  1398  (Schroder's 
papist.  Mecklenburg  8.  1647.)  Wismar  received  in  1400  from  Boni- 
face IX.  the  right  that  no  citizen  should  be  summoned  before  a  forein 
ecclesiastical  court,  the  jus  de  non  evocando,  see  C.  F.  Crain's  Refor- 
mation d.  Kirche  in  Wismar  (Wismar  1841.  4)  s.  3. 

See  the  documents  in  Kurz,  Oesterreich  unter  Ilerzog  Albrecht  iv. 
Th.  1  (Ein/  1830)  s.  185. 


<'H.  II.     NATIONAL  CHrKrilES.  §  lOS.  KKLAT.  To  TIIR  STATE.    125 

to  the  encroachments  of  tlie  ecclesiastical  tribunals.^*^  In  Italy 
the  operation  of  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals,  like  the  condition  of 
the  whole  country,  was  very  fluctuating.  Under  Ghibelline 
Lords  they  were  often  quite  supprest.^^  In  France  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  had  reacht  its  greatest  extension  :  the  kings  connived 
at  it,  because  they  wisht  to  keep  their  Bishops  well  inclined  to 
themselves,  and  knew  how  to  tax  any  irregularities  of  the 
ecclesiastical  tribunals.  On  the  other  hand  the  Barons  were 
continually  at  issue  with  the  Prelates  on  this  point,  and  from 
both  sides  there  were  unceasing  complaints  of  usurpation.^'^  The 
remarkable  negotiations  which  were  instituted  by  command  of 

^'^  Tschudl's  Schweizerohronik  i.  472.  No  Ban  was  to  be  endured  in 
cases  of  debt  and  other  secular  matters.  No  clergyman  should  seek  a 
forein  court  whether  ecclesiastical  or  temporal :  Otherwise  meat  and 
drink  and  lodging  should  not  be  given  him,  no  man  should  have 
dealings  with  him  in  buying  or  seUing,  or  other  intercourse,  comp. 
Miiller's  Schweizergesch  (Leipz.  1825)  ii.  287. 

^'  Comp.  above  §  101,  note  10  and  19. 

1-  Complaints  on  the  side  of  the  clergy  :  Durandus  de  modo  Concilii 
generalis  celebrandi  P.  ii.  tit.  70  :  Quasi  per  quandam  alluvionem 
frustatim  domini  temporales  ad  se  omnia  trahunt.  Et  sicut  frustatiin 
lupus  agnum  comedit,  ita  per  ipsos  jurisdictio  ecclesiastica  frustatim 
quodammodo  devoratur,  quicquid  ad  ecclesiasticam  jurisdictionem, 
potissime  quoad  temporalia,  pertinet,  sibi  auferri  putantes  :  after  that 
comes  a  long  list  of  secular  encroachments. — Cone.  Avenionense  ann. 
1326  (Mansi  xxv.  739)  c.  8 — 10.  14  against  the  interference  of 
temporal  courts  with  regard  to  the  clergy,  c.  42.  43  against  hindrance 
of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 

On  the  complaints  of  the  secular  side  see  especially  the  66  Grava- 
mina in  the  work  of  Petri  Bertrandi  (Goldasti  monarch,  ii.  1362), 
quoted  in  note  13  :  I.  Officiales  Praelatorum  impediendo  jurisdictionem 
temporalem,  nituntur  sibi  attribuere  cognitionem  causarum  realium, 
specialiter  super  possessione  et  super  omnibus  interdictis.  II.  Item 
quando  laicus  turbatur  vel  impeditur  in  possessione  terrae  suae  per 
aliquem  clericum,  et  propter  hoc  impetrat  adiornamentum  (citation) 
a  judice  saccular!  in  casu  novitatis  vel  alias  :  Officiales  Praelatorum — 
faciunt  moneri  ad  instantiam  clerici  judicem  saecularem  et  partem,  ut 
post  adiornamentum  cessent  sub  poena  excommunicationis  et  certae 
pecuniae  quantitatis.  III.  Item  cum  cognitio  personarixm  laicarum 
pertineat  ad  judicem  saecularem,  exceptis  casibus  spiritualibus,  Offi- 
ciales Praelatorum  faciunt  cos  citari  coram  se  ad  instantiam  partis.  Et 
si  dictae  personae  laicae  declinant  jurisdictionem  dictorum  Officialium, 
— dicti  Officiales — compellunt  per  excommunicationem  partes  ad  pro- 
cedendum  coram  eis.  IV.  Item  Praelati  faciunt  concilia  provincialia, 
et   svnodalia   statuta,  in   quibus  plura   faciunt  et  ordinant  in  grande 


126  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  130.5— 1409. 

King  Philip  of  Valois,  with  the  Prelates  summoned  before  Par- 
liament (1329),^^  owing  to  the  King's^*  political  aims,  failed  of 

praejudicium  jurisdictionis  temporalis.  XIV.  Item  si  duo  laici  sint  in 
processu  in  curia  alicujus  domini  temporalis  super  actionereali  vel  per- 
sonal!, et  contingat,  quod  altera  partiura  diffugiendo  appellet  ad  curiam 
alicujus  Praelati  coram  Officiali  suo,  post  magnos  processus  factos  et 
litem  contestatam  Officiales — nituntur  retinere  cognitionem  talium 
causarum, — et  virtute  monitionum  et  sententiarum  faciunt  desistere 
dominum  temporalem  a  cognitlone  causae  post  appellationem  :  quod 
nisi  faciat,  excoraniunicatur  et  trahitur  ad  emendam. — XXIII.  Item 
ad  finem,  quod  dicta  curia  ecclesiastica  augnientetur,  dicti  Pi'aelati 
faciunt  magnam  multitudinem  tonsurarum  pueris  aetate  minoribus, — 
ac  hominibus  conjugatis  insufficientibus  et  illiteralis.— XXX.  Item  si 
contingat,  quod  gentes  regiae  capiant  aliquem  malefactoiem  pro  cri- 
miue  certo  per  eum  commisso,  et  idem  malefactor  dicat  se  clericum 
esse,  licet  nee  tonsuram,  nee  habitum  deferat  clericales,  Officiales  Prae- 
latorum  faciunt  in  continenti  detinentes  et  capientes  compelli  per 
monitiones  et  sententias  ad  restituendum  sibi  praedictum  malefactorem 
tanquam  clericum  suum.  XXXIV.  Item  quando  aliquis  malefactor 
redditur  judicibus  Ecclesiae  per  judices  saeculares  tanquam  clericus  ; 
amici  ipsius  malefactoris  veniunt  ad  Officiales  Praelatorum,  et  con- 
cordant cum  eis  :  et  sic  dimittunt  sine  punitione  :  et  sic  pejora  commit- 
tunt  quam  ante,  licet  crimina  cssent  notiora.  XLII.  Item  judices 
ecclesiastici  in  quocunque  casu  nituntur  habere  cognitionem  injuriarum, 
sive  in  verbis,  sive  in  faetis  commissa  sit  injuria  :  necnon  uxorum 
clericorum,  licet  sint  mercatrices,  et  eorum  mariti  similiter  mercatores. 
— XLII  I.  Item  volunt  habere  cognitionem  bonorum  tarn  mobilium 
quam  immobilium  viduarum. — LXV.  Item  testamenta  quoque  volunt 
per  manus  suas  executioni  tradere,  inventaria  facere  bonorum  defunc- 
torum,  eademque  servare  et  haeredibus  distribuere,  et  habent  officiales, 
qui  super  his  exequendis  duntaxat  deputati  existunt.  LXVI.  Item 
quod  aliquando  testamentis  coram  tabellionibus  faetis  noluut  adhibere 
fidem,  nisi  prius  per  ipsos  Officiales  fuerint  approbata. 

'^  See  Actio  Petri  de  Cugneriis,  consiliarii  regii,  et  Petri  Bertrandi, 
Episc.  Aeduensis  (after  1331  Cardinal)  de  jurisdictione  ecclesiastica  et 
politica  coram  Philippo  Rege  Franciae  habita  anno  1329  (in  Goldasti 
monarchia  ii.  1361,  and  Bibl.  PP.  Lugd.  xxvi.  109),  publisht  by 
Petrus  Bertrandus.  First  comes  the  royal  summons  occasioned  by 
complaints  from  both  sides.  Then  it  is  recorded,  that  in  the  assembly 
Petrus  de  Cugneriis — locutus  est  pro  Rege,  facto  themate  suo  :  Reddite 
quae  sunt  Caesaris  Caesari,  et  quae  sunt  Dei  Deo.  Et  prosecutus  est 
juxta  illud  thema  materiam  suam  includendo  ad  duo.  Prirao  quod 
Regi  debebatur  reverentia  et  subjectio,  secundo  quod  debebat  esse 
spiritualium  et  temporalium  divisio,  ut  spiritualia  ad  Praelatos,  et 
teniporalia  ad  Regem  et  Barones  pertinerent.  He  said  also  among 
other  things,  as  is  plain  from  the  f  )llowing  speech  of  Petrus  Bertrandus 
(in  Goldast.  p.  1373),  quod  talia  jura  regia  Rex  non  poterat  a  se  abdi- 
care,  cum  assent  juris  sui  regalis,  et  jurasset  in  coronatione   sua  jura 


CH.  11.— NATIONAL  CHURCHES,  g  108.  RELAT.  TO  THE  STATE.    127 

regni  non  alienare,  et  alienata  revocare,  et  quod  talia  erant  iniprae- 
scriptibilia. — Then  he  declared,  quod  intentio  Regis  erat  reintegrare 
temporale,  and  recited  tlie  Gravamina  quoted  in  note  12.  Another  day 
afterwards  the  Archbishop  of  Sens  endeavoured  to  defend  the  clergy 
in  a  speech  which  is  given  entire.  E.g.  Ille  ad  judicandum  videtur 
aptior  et  convenientior,  qui  est  Deo  proximior : — sed  persouae  ecclesi- 
asticae  sunt  Deo  proximiores,  ergo  etc. — Praeterea  nullus  dubitat,  quin 
cognitio  de  peccato  ad  personas  ecclesiasticas  pertineat :  cum  ergo  talia 
non  pcrpetrentur  sine  peccato  alterius  partis,  patet  quod  Ecclesia 
cognoscere  potest.  Item  cujus  est  judicare  de  fine,  ejus  est  judicare  de 
ordinatis  ad  finem  : — cum  igitur  corpus  oi'dinatur  ad  animam,  et  tem- 
poralia  ad  spiritualia  tanquam  ad  finem  ;  Ecclesia,  quae  hal;et  judicare 
de  spiritualibus,  potest  etiam  merito  de  temporalibus  judicare. — Et 
confirmatur,  quia  accessorium  sequitur  naturam  principalis,  et  hoc  satis 
apparet  exemplo :  cum  igitur  istae  duae  jurisdictiones  comparentur 
duobus  luminaribus,  soli  scil.  et  lunae,  et  tota  claritas  lunae  sit  a  sole, 
et  in  sole  forraaliter  et  virtualiter,  et  non  claritas  solis  a  luna  nee  in 
luna;  patet  quod  jurisdictio  spirituals,  quae  comparatur  soli,  habet  in 
se  formaliter  vel  virtualiter  jurisdictionem  temporaleni,  quae  compar- 
atur claritati  lunae.  Then  follow  proofs  ex  jure  civili,  viz.  from  the 
supposed  laws  of  Theodosius,  which  Charlemagne  had  establisht  (see 
Part  1,  §  9,  note  12),  and  ex  jure  canonico.  Sed  forte  ad  hoc  dicetur : 
quare  hoc  sibi  vindicat  Ecclesia  Gallicatia,  cum  aliae  Ecclesiae  sibi  in 
aliis  regionibus  hoc  minime  vindicare  noscantur  f  Ad  quod  potest 
faciliter  responderi.  Si  enim  Reges  Franciae,  quos  Deus  singularibus 
privilegiis,  gratiis  et  honoribus  prae  caeteris  Regibus  insignivit, — Ec- 
clesiae plures  libertates  concesserunt,  vel  concessis  uti  libere  permise- 
runt,  non  est  mirum  :  imo  tanta  fuit  ad  Ecclesiam  eorum  devotio,  quod 
Ecclesiae  quanto  eis  propinquiores,  tanto  pluribus  libertatibus  gaudent. 
Nee  ex  hoc  minus  habuerunt,  sed  plus,  sicut  rei  evidentia  manifestat, 
imo  hoc  redundat  in  magnam  nobilitatem  regni  et  Regis.  On  the 
Friday  after  Petrus  Bertrandus  spoke,  and  then  answered  one  by  one 
the  Gravamina  alledged  :  these  he  divided  into  three  parts,  quia  quidam 
articuli  tangebant  jura  Ecclesiae  perpetua ; — secunda  pars  articuloruni 
continebat  abusus  et  errores,  si  veri  essent,  et  illos  nulio  modo  volebant 
defendere,  imo  i)rovidere  ne  talia  fierent,  et  corrigere  si  quae  talia  facta 
erant.  Tertia  pars  continebat  aliqua,  quae  poterant  esse  justa,  et  aliqua 
injusta:  quantum  ad  justa  respondit  ut  de  contentis  in  prima  parte, 
quantum  ad  injusta,  ut  de  contentis  in  secunda.  The  spirit  of  these 
answers  may  be  seen  by  the  following  one  :  Ad  XXXIV.,  qui  loquitur 
de  clericis  maleficientibus,  quos  Ofticiales  Praelatorum  de  facili  expe- 
diunt  pro  poenis  pecuniariis,  dicit,  quod  hoc  esset  irrationabile,  ubi 
maleficium  esset  notoi'ium  vel  manifestum,  et  tale  vel  tantum,  propter 
quod  perpetua  poena  ei  deberet  imponi,  si  pro  poena  pecuniaria  tale 
crimen  transiret.  Sed  nullum  est  inconveniens,  si  pro  causa  justa  dicti 
Officiales  poenam  corporalem  in  pecuniariam  convertant :  quia  hoc  etiam 
A'olunt  jura  tarn  canonica  quam  civilia. 

1*  The  house  of  Valois  came  to  the  throne  with  Philip  in  1328, 
although  Edward  III.,  King  of  England,  was  more  nearly  related  to 
the  deceased  monarch,  and  had  numerous  adherents  in  France.     The 


128  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.   IV.— A. D.   1305—14011. 

their  intended  result.^^  Immediately  afterwards  the  clergy 
sought  to  establish  their  jurisdiction  still  firmer  by  decrees  of 
Councils.^^     On  the  other  hand,  a  powerful  resistance  to  these 

Bishops  now  made  it  understood,  that  if  Philip  persevered  in  this  per- 
secution of  the  Church,  they  would  lend  their  influences  to  the  side  of 
his  adversary.  Comp.  Brunei's  Letters  on  this  controversy  in  the 
Traites  des  droits  et  liberies  de  I'egl.  gall.  T.  i. 

^^  After  the  close  of  the  inquiry,  the  Prelates  entreated  the  King  (1. 
c.  p.  1381),  ui  pro  Dei  honore  in  statu,  in  quo  sui  boni  praedecessores 
tenuerunt  Ecclesiam,  ipse  earn  ieneai  ei  defendai,  nee  ei  faciat  aliquam 
novitaiem  :  ei  placeat  ei  proclamaiiones  ei  inhibiiiones  factas,  soil,  quod 
nuUus  laicus  trahai  alium  laicum  coram  judice  ecclesiastico,  revocare  : 
quia  hoc  esset  omnia  Ecclesiarum  jura  iollere.  Ei  licet  in  aliquibus 
locis  pro  toleranda  eorum  maliiia  in  talibus  proclamaiionibus  seu  inhi- 
bitionibus  verba,  quae  sequuntur,  appouani,  videlicet  quod  laicus  non 
trahat  alium  laicum  coram  Ecclesia  super  casibus  perllnentibus  ad 
judices  saeculares  ; — hoc  est  propter  jura  Ecclesiae  usurpanda,  quia 
multa  pertinent  ad  forum  laicorum,  quae  nihilominus  pertinent  ad 
ecclesiasticura.  Et  sic  jus  ei  consueiudo  tollerentur,  per  quae  in  elec- 
tione  laici  est,  quod  possit  alios  laicos  in  foro  Ecclesiae  convenire. 
Item  quia  tales  proclamaiiones  seu  inhibiiiones  factae,  licet  etiam 
esseni  bene  generales,  dani  occasionem  omnimode  jurisdictionem  eccle- 
siasiicam  perturbandi,  unde  reges  Franciae  semper  j)i"oliibuerunt  tales 
proclamathmes  seu  inhibitiones  Jieri,  et  factas  penitus  faciebant  revocari 
et  ad  nihilum  ^educi.  In  the  presence  of  the  King,  and  in  his  name, 
Petrus  de  Cugneriis  declared  to  them,  quia  intentio  domini  Regis  erat 
servare  jura  Ecclesiae  et  Praelatorum  ;  still  he  sought  again  to  prove, 
quod  causarura  civilium  non  poterat  ad  Ecclesiam  cognitio  periinere  : 
however,  in  a  second  audience  the  King  refused  to  acknowledge  these 
last  expressions,  quod  non  erani  faciae  de  suo  mandato,  nee  aliquid 
sciebat,  nee  eas  ratas  habebat,  and  contented  himself  with  the  promise 
of  the  Prelates  to  remedy  the  prevailing  abuses.  The  last  answer 
given  by  Petrus  de  Cugnei-iis  was,  quod  placebat  Regi,  si  Praelati 
emendarent  ea,  quae  esseni  emendanda  ei  corrigenda  :  ei  quod  Dominus 
Rex  exspectarei  usque  ad  festum  nativitatis  Domini  proximum  ven- 
turum,  infra  quern  terminum  nihil  innovaret.  Et  si  infra  dictum 
terminum  Praelati  non  emendassent  emendanda, — dominus  Rex  appo- 
neret  tale  remedium,  quod  essei  gratum  Deo  ei  populo.  Flacius 
believes  in  the  addition  in  Goldasi  p.  1383,  that  the  King,  after 
waiting  in  vain,  past  a  severe  law,  qua — se  ac  sues  in  liberiaiem 
asserit  (Cat.  test,  verii.  p.  391),  biit  this  is  historically  untrue.  Petrus 
Berirandus,  with  a  view  to  the  further  establishment  of  ecclesiastical 
claims,  wrote  afterwards  the  Scholastic  tract,  de  origine  et  usu  jurisdic- 
tionum,  s.  de  spirituali  ei  iemporali  potestaie  (in  Bibl.  PP.  Lugd. 
xxvi.  127.) 

^^  Cone.  Bituricense  ann.  1336  c.  12  (Mansi  xxv,  1062)  first  repre- 
sents the  injuries  of  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction :  viz.  Nonnulli 
temporale  dominium   obtinentes,   vel   saecularis  judiciariae   potestatis 


en.   11.— NATIONAL  CHUliCTIES.  g  108.  RELAT.  T()  THE  STATE.    129 

proceedings  was  being  developed  in  Parliament,  which  was  now 
transforming  itself  into  a  standing  corporation  ;^^  this  was 
especially  manifest  from  the  time  of  Charles  V,  Henceforth 
ecclesiastical  jirrisdiction  was  not  only  confined  to  its  proper 
limits,^^  but  Parliament  claimed  a  certain  degree  of  superintend- 

gerentes  officium — aliquotiens  palam, — aliquotiens  seorsum  ad  partem, 
proclamaverunt  et  inhibuerunt, — ne  aliquis  subjectorum  suorum  alter 
alteram  ad  forum  ecclesiasticum— trahere  praesumat, — ne  ipsi  subditi 
— super  recipiendis  contractibus  ad — notarios  curiae  ecclesiasticae 
recurrerent ; — literas  excommunicatorias — quandoque  lacerant, — lite- 
ras,  et  quod  detestabilius  est,  portitores  ipsos  inlerdum  capiunt,  ver- 
berant,  et  compellunt  comedere  literas  et  sigilla  ; — sacerdotes, — et 
personas  ecclesiasticas,  atque  ipsorura  uxores,  parentes  et  amicos — 
ceperunt,  arrestaverunt ; — licet  moneantur,  nolunt  restituere  etc.  All 
such  turbatores  jurisdictionis  ecclesiasticae  should  fall  under  excommu- 
nication and  interdict :  quos  omnes — norainatim  et  expresse — per 
curatos  totius  provinciae  omnibus  diebus  dominicis  in  Missa  ex- 
communicatos  denunciari  sub  poena  excommunicationis  praecipimus 
alta  voce.  Cap.  13  :  The  Bishop  alone,  either  in  person  or  per 
ejus  Officialem  vel  Commissarium  super  hoc  specialem  could  absolve 
these  excommunicated  persons,  and  then  only  after  they  had  given 
complete  satisfaction.  Comp.  Cone,  apud  Castrura  Gonterii  ann.  1336 
c,  1  and  2.  Cone.  Noviomense  ann.  1344  c.  1  and  2  (Mansi  xxvi. 
1 )  etc.  The  clergy  were  forbidden  with  especial  rigour  to  seek  justice 
before  a  secular  court.     Cone.  Bituric.  ann.  1336  c.  11. 

^^  Pasquier  recherches  de  la  France  liv.  ii,  chap.  3. 

^8  A  royal  edict  of  8.  March  1371  to  the  Bailif  of  Sens  (in  the 
Preuves  des  libertez  del'Egl.  Gallic,  chap.  vii.  no. 27)  after  enumerating 
the  encroachments  of  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  decrees  :  Quocirca 
nos  jura  et  libertates  jurisdictionis  nostrae  temporalis — servari  volentes 
illaesa,  Vobis,  prout  per  dictam  nostram  Curiam,  habita  super  his 
deliberatione  diligenti,  extitit  ordinatum,  tenore  praeseutium  commit- 
timus  et  mandamus,  quatenus  praefatis  Archiepiscopis  et  Episcopis,  ac 
eorum — Officialibus  etc. — ex  parte  nostra,  ac  sub  magnis  poenis  a 
nobis  applicandis,  injungatis, — ne  de  casibus  et  actionibus  realibus  ac 
aliis  superius  declaratis — de  caetero  amplius  cognoscere — praesumant, 
sed  facta  et  agitata  In  contrarium — revocent  penltus  et  annullent. 
Quod  si  facere  noluerint,  aut  plus  debito  distulerint,  ipsos  ad  hoc  per 
captionem  et  detentionem  eorum  temporalitatis,  ac  omnibus  aliis  viis  et 
modis  Ileitis,  quibus  melius  videbitur  et  poteritis,  virlliter  et  debite 
corapellatis  : — et  insuper  ne  usurpatlones  et  surprisiae  supradictae — 
illaesae  remaneant,  vos  de  et  super  usurpationlbus  et  surprisiis  ante- 
dictls,  eorumque  clrcumstantils  et  dependentlbus  unlversis  diligenter  et 
secrete  informetis,  et  quos  de  his  per  dictam  informatlonem  culpabiles 
reperietis,  Ipsos  ad  dies  Seneschalliarum  vel  Baillivarum  suarum  nostri 
futuri  proximi  Parlamenti  adiornetis  (vorladen)  etc.  The  Parliament 
kept  a  jealous  watch  over  these  resolutions  from  this  time.  Thus,  in 
VOL.  IV.  I 


130  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305—1409. 

ence  over  it/^  and  cli*ew  to  itself  the  right  of  decision  upon  many 
points,  which  were  at  that  time  universally  held  to  be  ecclesi- 
astical.^" 

the  year  1385,  it  condemned  the  Bishop  of  Chalons  to  a  fine  for  trans- 
gressing against  them  (ibid.  no.  29.) 

^^  When  the  Bishop  of  Mans  excommunicated  a  man  with  whom  he 
had  a  suit  before  the  King's  courts  pendente  lite,  and  afterwards  denied 
him  church  burial,  he  was  compelled  in  1396  per  arrestum  of  Parlia- 
ment to  have  his  body  i-emoved,  and  to  revoke  his  excommunication, 
Preuves  des  lib.  chap.  vi.  no.  2.  Likewise  also  the  Archbishop  of 
Rheims  ibid.  no.  4. — When  the  ecclesiastical  courts  had  severely 
punisht  certain  persons  upon  the  plea  quod  ipsi  feminas  aliasque  quam 
suas  desponsatas  carnaliter  cognoverant,  ipsos  ad  solvendum  emendas 
propter  hoc  compellendo  :  Philip  of  Valois  checkt  them  in  1336  by  the 
command  ipsum  episcopum  ad  desistendum  de  pi-aemissis  per  ipsius 
temporalitatis  captionem  compellere ;  so  also  Charles  V.  in  1388 
(Preuves  chap.  xxxv.  no.  10  and  11.) 

^•^  Parliament  maintained  its  right  to  take  cognizance  de  omnibus 
causis  ecclesiasticis  possessoriis  (Preuves  chap.  xxvi.  no.  1),  and  even 
Martin  V.  gave  in  his  express  consent  to  this  (ibid.  no.  2.) — Preuves 
chap.  xxxv.  no-  21  :  the  Archbishop  of  Bourges  decreed  at  a  diocesan 
synod  in  1369  :  Quoniam  ut  intelleximus  domini  saeculares  propter 
crimina  a  Clericis  commissa  bona  capiunt  Clericorum,  ut  sic  indirecte 
de  crimine  Clericos  puniant,  et  eosdem  Clericos  faciunt  compellare,  ut 
eis  eraendam  exsolvant  ratione  seu  occasione  criminum  commissorum, 
quod  est  directe  contra  ecclesiasticam  libertatem,  cum  illi  de  crimine 
criminaliter  seu  civiliter  distringi  seu  puniri  nequeant  per  judicem 
saecularem :  igitur  praedicta  fieri  prohibemus,  statuentes  quod  si  quis 
dominus  saecularis,  vel  alius  procedendo  de  caetero,  Clericos  ratione 
criminum  ah  eis  commissorum  per  captionem  bonorum  mobilium  vel 
immobilium  suorum  vexaverint,  seu  ad  emendam  compellaverint,  eo 
ipso  sententiam  excommunicationis  incurrat,  et  quaelibet  civitas  statim 
quod  hoc  siverit  habeat  cessare  penitus  a  divinis,  donee  bona  capta  vel 
ad  manum  saecularem  posita  libere  sint  dimissa,  et  amotum  impedi- 
mentum  quodlibet  ah  eisdem  :  et  nihilominus  illos,  qui  contra  praemissa 
fecerint,  ut  excommunicatos  habeatis  evitare.  The  Duke  of  Berri,  on 
the  contrary,  immediately  came  forward  as  the  King's  Lieutenant,  and 
publisht  on  this  point,  quod  dictus  rev.  Pater  postmodum  sufficienter 
informatus  et  certioratus,  dictas  suas  constitutiones  et  statuta  dictae 
jurisdictioni  temporali  et  dictae  Bituricensis  patriae  usibus  et  consue- 
tudinibus  existere  contrarias ; — in  nostri  praesentia  sponte  revocaverit 
et  totaliter  adnullaverit,  et  insuper  nobis  promiserit  dictam  adnulla- 
tionem  et  revocationem  in  sua  proxima  futura  Bituricensi  Synodo 
in  personis  dictorum  Curatorum  dictae  suae  dioecesis  fieri,  facere  pub- 
licare  etc.  Accordingly  under  the  conviction,  dictum  reverendum 
praedictas  constitutiones— non  dolo,  fraude  seu  malitia  aliqualiter 
edidisse, — he  released  him  fromomnem  poenam,  emendam  et  oft'ensam. 
The  King  at  once  approved  this  proceeding. 


CH.  II.— NATIONAL  (HlTKriTES.  ^  109.  INTERNAL  RELATIONS.    131 

§  109. 

INTERNAL  RELATIONS  OF  THE   DIOCESAN  HIERARCHY. 

The  earlier  encroachments  of  the  Popes  upon  episcopal  rights 
were  still  further  increast  by  the  fact  that  they  now  took  to 
themselves  entirely  the  appointment  to  ecclesiastical  offices,^  and 
exercised  the  right  of  exemtion  in  the  highest  degree  particularly 
during  the  schism.^  Thus  the  importance  of  the  Bishops  in  the 
Church  was  small  :^  they  compensated  themselves  for  this  by 

1  See  above  §  103  note  6,  ff. 

^  De  ruina  Eccl.  c.  31  (written  in  1401,  but  not  by  Nicol.  de  Cle- 
mangis  see  §  103  note  5)  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  iii.  31  :  Et 
hos  ergo  Canonicos  aliquis  vocabit,  qui,  sic  ab  omni  canone,  h.  e.  ab 
omni  regula  abalienati  sunt,  qui,  ut  licenter  et  impune  omnia,  quae 
fen-et  animus,  flagitia  admittere  possint,  ab  omni  se  castigatione  et 
disciplina  suorum  Praelatorum  maxima  ubique  redemptione  exeme- 
runt  ?  Fraudant  itaque  se  mutuo,  fraudant  subditos. — Quas  omnes 
fraudes  et  rapinas  cum  fecerint,  non  est,  qui  eos  puniat.  Ad  Papam 
enim,  quem  sokim  judicem  plevique  eorum  se  habere  jaetant,  quis 
circumvento  pauperi  accessus  est? — Martini  v.  bulla  a.d.  1418,  by 
which  the  exemtions  granted  during  the  schism  were  abolisht  (ibid, 
iv.  1535) :  a  tempore  obitus  felicis  recordationis  Gregorii  P.  xi.  prae- 
decessoris  nostri,  nonnulli  Romani  Pontifices,  et  pro  Romanis  Pontifi- 
cibus  se  gerentes — nonnuUas  Ecclesias,  monasteria,  capiiula,  conventus, 
prioratiis,  bemficia,  loca  et  personas — de  novo  a  dictorum  Ordinariorum 
jurisdictionibus  exemerunt,  in  grave  ipsorum  Ordinariorum  praeju- 
dicium. 

"^  Jo.  Gerson  de  modis  uniendi  ac  reform.  Ecclesiam  in  Coucil. 
univers.  written  in  1410  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  v.  90.  Ger- 
sonii  opp.  ii.  174) :  Quam  quidem  coactivam  potestatem  multi  summi 
Pontifices  per  successiones  temporum  et  contra  Deum  et  justitiam  sibi 
applicarunt,  privando  inferiores  Episcopos  potestatibus  et  auctoritatibus 
eis  a  Deo  et  Ecclesia  concessis :  qui  in  primitiva  Ecclesia  aequalis 
potestatis  cum  Papa  erant,  quando  non  fuerunt  papales  beneficiorum 
reservationes,  non  casuum  episcopalium  inhibitiones,  non  indulgentiarum 
venditiones,  non  Cardinalium  commendae,  et  distinctiones  beneficiorum, 
prioratuum  et  monasteriorum.  Tandem  per  tempera  successive 
crescente  Clericorum  avaritia  et  Papae  simonia,  cupiditate  et  ambitione, 
potestas  et  auctoritas  Episcoporum  et  Praelatorum  inferiorum  quasi 
videtur  exbausta  et  totaliter  diruta  ;  itaut  jam  in  Ecclesia  non  videan- 
tur  es.se  nisi  simulacra  depicta,  et  quasi  frustra:  jam  enim  Papa  Romanus 
reservavit  omnia  beneficia  ecclesiastica,  jam  advocavit  omnes  causas  ad 

I  2 


132  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— 1409. 

secular  honors  and  worldly  enjoyment.*  The  oppression  which 
fell  upon  them  from  above  they  knew  how  to  discharge  upon 
those  below,  and  so  the  lower  orders  of  the  clergy  groaned  beneath 
intolerable  burdens.^ 

Curiam  suam,  jam  voluit  Poenitentiariam  habere  ibidem,  jam  legiti- 
matlones  Clericorum,  jam  ordinationes  sacras  quorumcunque  sine 
differentia  vult  fieri  in  ejus  Curia :  et  illi,  qui  in  terra  propria  non 
possint  ovdinari,  in  eadera  Curia  ordinantur  de  facili. 

*  De  ruina  Ecclcsiae  c.  25  :  multi  ex  eis,  qui  pastorali  apice  potiun- 
tur,  perque  annosa  tempora  potiti  sunt,  nunquam  civitates  suas  intrave- 
runt,  suas  Ecclesias  viderunt,  sua  loca vel  dioeceses  visitaverunt,  nunquam 
peeorum  suorura  vultus  agnoverunt,  vocem  audierunt,  vulnera  sense- 
runt,  nisi  ea  forte  vulnei'a,  quae  ipsi  suis  uberibus  spoliis  per  alienos 
mercenarios  eis  intulerunt.  Alienos  dixi,  quia  et  ipsimet  mercenarii 
sunt,  qui  non  gregis  sui  custodiam,  salutem,  profectum  quaerunt,  sed 
solum  temporalis  mercedis  retributionem. — Cap.  26  :  At  enim,  dicet 
forsan  aliquis,  jure  eis  ignoscendum  est,  si  raro  suas  dioeceses  adeant, 
— quoniam  pro  consilio  a  Principibus  accersiti  magna  regni  negotia 
tractant. — Cap.  28  :  Sed  quid  eorum  tanto  tempore  a  suis  sedibus 
absentiam  accusamus  ?  cum  per  suam,  si  illic  adessent,  praesentiam 
verisimilius  obesse,  quam  prodesse  possent.  Quidnam  enim  ore  iili 
prosunt,  qui  toto  elabente  anno  suam  bis  aut  ter  intrant  Ecclesiam,  qui 
totos  in  aucupio  et  venatu,  in  ludis  et  palaestra  dies  agunt,  qui  in  con- 
viviis  accuratissimis,  in  plausibus  et  choreis,  cum  puelis  etiam,  effemi- 
nati  insomnes  transigunt  noctes,  qui  suo  turpi  exemplo  gregem  per 
devia  quaeque  abductum  in  praecipitium  traliunt,  qui  imberbes  adhuc 
adolescentuli,  vix  tum  ferulam  egressi,  ad  pastorale  convolant  magis- 
terium,  et  tantundem  de  illo,  quantum  de  nautico  sciunt  officio  ?  Diffi- 
cile itaque  satis  est  statuere,  qui  eorum  magis  incomraodent  suo  gregi : 
hi,  qui  deserto  eo  lupisque  exposito  cum  scurris  et  parasitis  in  aula 
versantur,  an  hi  potius,  qui  coram  positi,  eum  per  rapinam  vexant,  per 
incuriam  negligunt,  per  errorem  ductum  praecipitant.  Comp.  Andre 
bist.  politique  de  la  monarchic  pontificale  au  xiv.t-  siecle  p.  246.  The 
German  Bishops,  from  their  peculiar  circumstances,  were  constantly 
involved  in  feuds,  i.e.  in  disputes  with  their  freedom-loving  capitals, 
see  Schmidt's  Gesch.  d.  Deutschen  iv.  600. 

5  Nicolaus  Oresmius  (or  Orem,  a  theologian  of  Paris,  Dean  at  Rouen) 
in  a  sermon  preacht  in  1363  coram  Papa  Urbano  et  Cardinalibus  (ed. 
Flacius  cat.  test,  verit.  no.  cccvi.  Brown  appendix  ad  fasc.  rerum 
expetend.  et  fugiendarum  p.  489)  :  Non  puto,  posse  in  historiis  reperiri, 
quod  unquam  fuerit  aliqua  gentium  politia  bene  instituta,  in  qua  esset 
tanta  doctrina,  quam  nunc  sit  in  politia  sacerdotum,  ut  it  quidem  essent 
majores  quam  Princ/pes  saeculi,  caeteri  dejeetiores  vulgo. — In  corpore 
— idem  videamus  :  si  nutrimentum  fluat  ad  unum  membrum,  ita  ut 
enormiter  ingrossetur,  et  alia  iiimium  macerentur,  non  potest  diu 
vivere  :  sic  in  corpore  reipublicac  ccclesiasticae,  si  superiores  augmen- 
tatione  substantiae  ita  graves  in  statu  sunt,  quod  vix  possunt  ab 
inferioribus  suatineri,  hoc  est  signum  et  causa  propinquae  ruinae  etc. 


CH.  11.— NAT.  CHUKCHES.  g  110.  MUKALS  OF  THE  CLEKGY.     133 


§110. 


MORAL  CONDITION  OF  THE  CLKKGY. 

The  moral  condition  of  the  clergy  could  not  fail  to  degenerate 
still  more  in  this  period,  in  consequence  of  the  manner  in  which 
ecclesiastical  offices  were  generally  bestowed,  the  example  which 
the  Papal  court  gave,^  and  the  method  in  which  the  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction  was  administered.^  In  the  chapters,  where 
the  stalls  were  for  the  most  part  benefices  reserved  for  the 
nobles,^  as  well  as  among  the  parochial  clergy,  there  prevailed 

1  See  above  §  103,  note  5. 

■  Comp.  Part  2  §  63,  note  21.  Fresh  abuses  were  now  introduced : 
De  ruina  Eccl.  c.  20  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const,  I.  iii.  24) :  Corradendis 
omni  ex  parte  pecuniis  nostris  Praelati  suramopere  invigilant. — Si  quis 
apud  eos  Clericus  pro  furto,  pro  horaicidio,  pro  raptu,  aut  sacrilegio,  aut 
alio  quovis  enormi  crimine  in  carcerem  conjectus  sit,  tristisque  panis 
et  aquae  edulio  adjectus  :  tarn  diu  poenae  subjacebit,  et  tanquam  reus 
sua  commissa  luet,  donee  pro  modo  sui  census  aut  suorum  quaesitam  a 
se  pecuniam  persolverit.  Ubi  vero  id  egerit,  liber  et  velut  innocens 
abire  sinetur.  Omnis  noxa,  omnis  error,  omnia  maleficia,  etiamsi 
capitalia  sint,  per  pecuniam  laxantur  ac  delentur.  Comp.  the  Grava- 
mina §  108,  note  12,  no.  xxxiv.  and  the  answer  Petri  Bertrandi  ibid, 
note  13. 

^  De  ruina  Eccl.  c.  29  :  Quid  de  Capitulis  et  Canonicis  longum 
trahere  sermonem  necesse  est,  cum  uno  statim  verbo  dicere  liceat, 
similes  Episcoporum  pro  suo  modo  Canonicos  esse,  indoctos,  siraoniacos, 
cupidos,  ambitiosos,  aemulos,  obtrectatores,  suae  vitae  negligentes, 
alienae  curiosos  scrutatores  ac  reprebensores,  adhuc  autem  ebriosos, 
incontinentissimos,  ulpote  qui  passim  et  inverecunde  prolem  ex  mere- 
trice  susceptam  et  scorta  vice  conjugum  domi  tenent ;  vaniloquos,  prae- 
terea  garrulos,  tempus  in  fabulis  et  nugis  terentes,  quia  nihil  utile 
noverunt  aut  serium,  in  quo  occupentur.  Et  propterea  in  re  sua,  seu 
per  fas  seu  nefas  agenda,  in  cura  ventris  et  gulae,  in  carnis  voluptatibus 
hauriendis  suae  vitae  felicitatem,  ut  porci  Epicurei,  constituunt.  Cap. 
30 :  Quam  vero  pacem  inter  se  habeant,  aut  quam  fraternitatem, 
declarant  sectae  et  seditiones,  omnibus  modo  in  Ecclesiis  per  infernales 
furias  excitatae,  ut  jam  ilia  infernalis  hydra  scbismatica — omnia  fere 
collegia  suo  vipereo  semine  infecerit.  On  the  abuses  which  had  crept 
into  the  chapters,  see  Cone.  Const,  reformatorii  Decretales  lib.  iii.  tit. 
iii.  c.  1  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  xii.  695)  :  In  Ecclesiis  quibusdam, 
praesertim  cathedralibus,  et  etiam  quibusdam  regularibus  de  Ordine  s. 


134  THIRD  PERIOD.— UIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

a  depth  of  ignorance  and  an  immorality  which  awakened  indig- 
nation.**    The  continued  struggle  of  the    Synods    against   the 

Benedicti,  pessime  servatur  et  inolevit  consuetudo,  vel  potius  coiTup- 
tela,  sic  quod  in  eis  non  admittuntur  nisi  de  nobilium  aut  niilitarium 
genera  procreati  (see  Part  2,  §  64,  note  2.  The  cathedral  chapter  of 
Basle  came  to  the  same  decision  in  1337  with  the  consent  of  its  Bishop, 
the  records  are  in  Ochs  Gesch.  v.  Basel  II.  i.  49),  qui  velut  ex  militia 
geniti  nioribus  laicalibus  et  militaribus  imbuti  literarura  studia  non 
frequentant  neque  curant,  et  sic  ignari  remanent  et  idiotae  :  ex  quibus 
tunc  communiter  per  electionem  talem  qualera  ad  Ecclesias  cathedrales 
hujusmodi  militiae  dediti  in  Praelatos  proraoventur,  interdum  vix 
latinum  fari  scientes,  et  actus  militares  tarn  in  vestibus,  quam  in 
bellorum  conflictibus,  et  armorum  insultibus,  quia  exercitati  sunt  in 
illis,  magis  praetendentes,  quam  quod  actibus  pontificalibus — se  inge- 
rerent.  Cap.  2  :  damnabilis  usus  in  quibusdam — Ecclesiis  inolevit, 
quod  videlicet,  quoad  tractatus  capitulares  secretos  et  alios,  admittuntur 
interdum  Canonici  parvi,  ex  maturitate  annorum  inhabiles.  Cap.  3  : 
In  quibusdam  Ecclesiis  statutum  reperitur,  ut,  licet  numerus  Canonico- 
rum  praebendatorum  sit  satis  magnus,  ipsorum  tamen  Capitularium  ad 
satis  parvum  numerum  sit  restrictus,  in  finera,  ut  creditur,  quod  dicti 
pauci  Capitulares  ex  capitularibus  proventibus  uberius  valeant  impin- 
guari.  How  great  was  the  ignorance  prevailing  amongst  them  is 
shown  by  the  example  of  the  Chapter  of  Zurich,  in  a  document  of  1335, 
in  which  they  signified  to  the  Bishop  of  Costnits  the  selection  of  a 
People's- Priest  (Leutpriester),  they  had  to  make  a  declaration  by  the 
notary,  quia  singuli  de  Capitulo  scribere  nescimus,  see  Beitrage  zur 
Gesch.  d.  deutschen  Sprache  u.  Nationalliteratur,  London  (in  d. 
Schweiz)  1778  Th.  1.  S.  178. 

*  Comp.  Ruysbroek,  Prior  of  Griinthal  (-}-  1381),  in  Engelhardt's 
Richard  v.  St  Victor  u.  Joh.  Buysbroek  S.  326.  German  sermons  of 
the  13th  and  14th  century,  publisht  by  Leyser,  Einleit.  S.  xxviii.  De 
ruina  Eccl.  c.  7  :  Summi  Pontifices,  ut  aurei  rivuli — suam  uberius 
curiam  irrigarent,  omnibus  diocesanis  et  patronis  praesentandi  faculta- 
tem  conferendique  libertatem — ademerunt. — Quantus  vero,  Deus  op- 
time,  exspectantium  numenis  ex  illo  tempore,  et  qualium  undique 
affluxit,  atque  ibi  pi'aesto  fuit !  Non  tantum  a  studiis  aut  schola,  sed  ab 
aratro  etiam  et  servilibus  artibus  ad  parochias  regendas  caeteraque 
beneficia  passim  proficiseebantur,  qui  paulo  plus  latinae  linguae  quam 
arabicae  intelligerent,  imo  qui  et  nihil  legere,  et  quod  referre  pudor, 
alpha  vix  nossent  a  betha  discernere.  Ac  morum  in  illis  compositio 
banc  forte  ignorantiam  excusabat  ?  Imo  si  parum  docti,  negligentius 
— morati  :  utpote  qui  absque  literis  in  otio  educati,  nihil  nisi  impudici- 
tias,  ludos,  comessationes,  jurgia,  vaniloquia  consectentur.  Inde 
omiiibus  in  locis  tot  sacerdotes  improbi  et  miseri  atque  ignari,  qui 
ruinae  et  scandalo  sua  turpi  conversatione  subditis  sunt.  Cap.  24  :  De 
literis  vero  et  doctrina  quid  loqui  attinet?  Cum  omnes  fere  Presby- 
teres,  sine  aliquo  captu  aut  rerum  aut  vocabulorum,  morose  syllaba- 
timque  vix  legere  videamus.     Quem  ergo  fructum,  quam  exauditionem 


CH.    II.— NAT.  CHURCHES.  §  110.  MORALS  OF  THE  CLERGY.     135 
dissoluteness  of  Priests  remained  quite  fruitless.'^     The  Laity 

ex  suis  orationibus  sive  sibi,  sive  et  aliis  impetrabunt,  quibus  barbarum 
est,  quod  orant  ?  Quomodo  per  suas  preces  Dominum  alienis  propitia- 
bunt,  quem  sibi  ipsi  sua  ignorantia  et  suae  foeditale  vitae  per  suum 
ministerimn  infensum  faciunt  ?  Si  quis  hodie  desidiosus  est,  si  quis  a 
labore  abhorreus,  si  quis  in  otio  luxuriari  volens,  ad  sacerdotium 
convolat.  Quo  simul  ac  perventum  est,  fornices  et  cau])onulas  seduli 
frequentant,  potando,  comessando,  pransitando,  coenitando,  tesseris  et 
pila  ludendo,  tempora  tota  consuraunt.  Crapulati  vero  et  inebriati 
pugnant,  clamant,  tumultuantur,  nomen  Dei  et  Sanctorum  suorum 
pollutissimis  labiis  execrantur.  Sicque  tandem  compositi  ex  meretri- 
cum  suarum  complexibus  ad  divinum  altare  veniunt.  How  sorely  the 
clergy  were  wanting  in  proper  education,  and  the  people  in  religious 
instruction,  may  be  seen  in  Nic,  de  Clemangis  de  studio  theologico  in 
d'Achery  spicileg.  i.  473,  where  among  other  complaints  is  ttie  follow- 
ing, p.  478  :  Conterunt  infiniti  ovium  rectores  totam  in  studiis  (Uni- 
versities) aetatem. — Nee  tam  procul  dubio  discere  cupiunt,  quam  sub 
titulo  et  umbra  studii  multiplicaudis  ecclesiasticis  beneficiis  atque 
promotionibus  sine  ulla  unquam  satietate  inhiai-e.  As  to  the  frightful 
moral  degradation  of  the  clergy,  the  writings  of  Wycliffe,  Nicol.  de 
Clemangis,  Matthaeus  de  Cracovia,  Jo.  Huss,  Jo.  Gerson,  Theod.  a 
Niem  may  be  consulted,  and  the  sermons  preacht  at  the  Council  of 
Constance  by  several  preachers,  which  are  publisht  in  v.  d.  Hardt 
Cone.  Const.,  in  the  historia  literaria  Reformationis  P.  iii.  by  the  same 
author,  and  in  Walchii  monimentis  medii  aevi  fasc.  ii.  iii.  iv.  E.g. 
Bernhardi  Baptisati  (a  Benedictine  monk  from  Gascony)  invectiva  in 
corruptum  Clerum  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  xviii.  880)  :  In  Prae- 
latis  inclusa  est  malitia  et  iniquitas,  negligentia,  ignorantia  et  vanitas, 
superbia,  avaritia  et  pompositas  :  et  qui  solebant  esse  ovium  pastores, 
jam  effect!  sunt  lupi,  ovium  comestores. — Et  habeatis  pro  firmo,  quod 
revelatum  est  hie  cuidam  in  generali  concilio,  quod,  nisi  de  caetero 
tollatur  et  extirpetur  simonia  ab  Ecclesia  Dei,  rapacitas  et  tyrannia,  in 
brevi  erit  tanta  persecutio  Clericorura,  et  tam  terribilis,  qualis  non  fuit 
ab  initio. — Quare  hoc?  Quia  jam  supradicti  viri  ecclesiastici  continue 
palam  et  publice  concipiunt  lasciviam,  pariunt  ignominiam,  nutriunt 
avaritiam,  colligunt  superbiam,  divisiones  et  guerras  ipsi  generant,  in 
cautelis  et  deceptionibus  ambulant, — in  tantum  quod  jam  totus  fere 
Clerus  diabolo  est  subjectus. — Jo.  Gerson  de  simonia  cap.  4  (ibid  i.  iv. 
10) :  Sicut  et  alia  vitia  regnare  videmus  passim  apud  homines,  et  multo 
plus  apud  Clericos. — Recessit  enim  a  Clero  omnis  lex,  omnis  Veritas, 
omnis  verecundia,  ita  ut  haec,  audeant,  quae  etiam  latrones  et  similes 
horrent,  and  so  on. 

5  Comp.  the  Einfiihrung  der  erzwungenen  Ehelosigkeit  bei  den 
christl.  Geistlichen  u.  ihre  Folgen,  von  Dr.  J.  A.  Theiner  u.  A.  Theiner 
(Altenburg  1828.2  Bde  8.)  II.  ii.  591.  To  this  belongs  also  the 
Sermo  Mag.  Gerardi  Magni  (f  1384)  de  focariis,  first  publisht  by  Th. 
A.  Clarisse  in  Archief  voor  kerkelijke  Geschiedenis,  inzonderheid  van 
Nederland,  verzameld  door  Kist  en  Roijards  i.   364,  ii.  300,  viii.   1. 


136  THIRD  PERIUD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305—1409. 

were  only  too  glad  to  secure  their  wives  and  daughters  from  the 
sacerdotal  ravishers,  and  accordingly  favored,  at  times  even 
demanded  fixt  alliances  of  their  Priests  with  concubines.^  Thus 
in  many  countries  concubinage  was  publicly  allowed  among  the 
Priests,  who  were  supposed  to  be  too  sacred  for  a  matrimonial 
connexion/     The  fines  with  which  these  excesses  were  visited  by 

Moreover,  the  Satires  of  Juan  Ruitz,  Archbishop  of  Hita  in  Spain,  in 
the  middle  of  the  14th  century,  see  M'Crie's  Reformation  in  Spain, 
translated  by  Plieninger  S.  63. 

6  Cone.  Palentinum  ann.  1322  c.  7  (Mansixxv.  703)  :  QuianonnuUi 
laicorum  Clericos  compellunt,  in  sacris  praecipue  Ordinibus  constitutos, 
ut  aliquas  mulieres  concubinas  recipiant,  et  cum  eis  in  contubernio 
publice  vivant  contra  decorem  ordinis  clericalis  : — nos — excommunica- 
tionis  sententiae  ipso  facto  decemimus  subjacere  quemlibet, — necnon 
universitatem  seu  communitatem  quamlibet  sententiae  interdict!,  quae 
personam  quamvis  ecclesiasticam  duxerit  compellendara  ad  recipiendam 
in  concubinam  mulierem  quamcunque.  Nicol.  de  Clemangis  de  prae- 
sulibus  simoniacis,  in  0pp.  ed.  J.  M.  Lydius.  Lugd.  Bat.  1613.  4.  p. 
165  :  Taceo  de  fornicationibus  et  adulteriis,  a  quibus  qui  alieui  sunt, 
probro  caeteris  ac  ludibrio  esse  solent,  spadonesque  aut  sodomitae 
appellantur.  Denique  laici  usque  adeo  persuasum  habent,  nullos  caeli- 
bes  esse,  ut  in  plerisque  parochiis  non  aliter  velint  Presbyterum 
tolerare,  nisi  concubinam  habeat,  quo  vel  sic  suis  sit  consultum  uxori- 
bus,  quae  ne  sic  quidem  usquequaque  sunt  extra  periculum.  Thus 
Aeneae  Sylvii  (about  1440)  Europa  s.  Cosmographiae  lib.  ii.  c.  35  (in 
Freheri  scriptt.  Germ.  T.  ii.)  of  the  Frieslanders  :  Phrisones  sacerdotes, 
ne  aliena  cubilia  polluant,  sine  conjuge  non  facile  admittunt.  Vix 
enim  continere  hominem  posse,  et  super  naturam  arbitrantur. 

^  Alvarus  Pelagius  de  planctu  Ecclesiae  lib.  ii.  c.  27  :  ITtinam  nun- 
quam  continentiam  promisissent,  maxima  Hispani  et  Regnicolae,  in 
quibus  provinciis  in  pauco  majori  numero  sunt  filii  laicorum,  quam 
Clericorum. — Saepe  cum  parochianis  mulieribus,  quas  ad  confessionem 
admittunt,  scelestissime  fornicantur. — Multi  Presbyteri  et  alii  constituti 
in  sacris,  maxime  in  Hispania,  in  Austria  fAsturia  1)  et  Gallicia  et 
alibi,  et  publice,  et  aliquoties  per  publicum  instrumentum  promittunt  et 
jurant  quibusdam,  maxime  nobilibus  mulieribus,  nunquam  eas  dimit- 
tere  ;  et  dant  eis  arras  de  bonis  Ecclesiae,  et  possessiones  Ecclesiae : 
publice  eas  ducunt  cum  consanguineis  et  amicis  et  solemni  convivio,  ac 
si  essent  uxores  legitimae. — Theodor.  a  Niem  nemoris  unionis  tract,  vi. 
c.  35  :  Tn  eisdem  etiam  partibus  Hiberniae  et  Norwegiae  juxta  consue- 
tudines  patriae  licet  Episcopis  et  Presbyteris  tenere  publice  concubinas, 
et  eisdem  visitantibus  bis  in  anno  subditos  sibi  Presbyteros,  ac  Eccle- 
siasticorum  Parochialiumque  Rectores,  suam  dilectam  ducere  secum  ad 
domos  et  hospitia  eorundem  subditorum  Presbyterorum. — Et  si  forte 
aliquis  ipsorum  visitatorum  casu  vel  fortuna  non  habeat  focariam,  ut 
praevaricator  paternarum  traditionum,  Episcopo  visitanti  proinde  pro- 
curationes  duplices  minietrabit.     Ac  etiam  presbyteronim  araasiae  seu 


CH.  II.— NAT.  CHURCHES,  g  110.  MORALS  OF  THE  CLERGY.     I37 

many  synods,^  were  quickly  changed  into  a  welcome  gratmty  to 
the  avarice  of  the  Bishops.*     Nevertheless,  every  attempt  of  the 

uxores  in  eisdera  partibus,  statu  et  gradu,  in  Ecclesiis  ac  in  raensis, 
eundo,  sedendo  et  stando  caeteris  doininabus,  etiam  militaribus,  prae- 
ponuntur.  Et  paene  idem  modus,  scilicet  quoad  luxuriam,  circa 
preabyteros  Gasconiae,  Hispaniae  ac  Portugaliae,  necnon  contiguarum 
regionum  versus  Africam  in  omnibus  observatur.  Unde  quodammodo 
plures  naturales  ex  foedo  complexu  nati,  quam  fiHi  legitimi  in  omnibus 
illis  partibus  in  ecclesiasticis  titulis  concedendis  praeferuntur,  et  plures 
legitimis  apertissime  promoventur.  The  Synods  accordingly  confined 
themselves  almost  entirely  to  decrees  against  the  concuhinarii  publici, 
comp.  Theiner  in  the  work  quoted  above.  The  Clerici  conjugati,  who 
are  frequently  mentioned  in  this  period  (e.g.  §  108,  note  12.  16)  are 
Clerici  minorum  ordinum,  who,  if  they  were  married,  could  hold  no 
benefice  (see  Part  2,  §  65,  note  3),  but  still  on  condition  of  wearing 
ecclesiastical  clothing  and  the  tonsure,  continually  enjoyed  the  privi- 
legia  clericalia,  see  Thoraassini  vetus  et  nova  Ecclesiae  discipl.  P.  i. 
lib.  ii.  e.  66. 

^  Part  2,  §  65,  note  6.  Cone.  Posoniense  (in  Presburg)  ann.  1309 
c.  5  :  The  concuhinarii  publici  were  to  pay  quartam  partem  redituum 
beneficiorum  suorum  as  a  fine  :  confidimus  enim,  quod  spirituali  poena, 
excommunicationis  videlicet,  quae  quamvis  sine  comparatione  pericu- 
losior,  minus  tamen  peccatis  exigentibus  formidatur,  in  temporalem 
rautata  vindictam,  subditorum  mutabuntur  et  mores.  Fines  of  this 
nature  were  especially  exacted  by  the  Italian  councils.  Thus  by  the 
Cone.  Pergam.  ann.  1311  rubr.  6,  10  librae  Papienses  were  required 
from  a  prelate,  5  from  another  ecclesiastic.  Ravenn.  ann.  1317  rubr. 
4.  Benevent.  ann.  1331  c.  55.  Constit.  Eccl.  Ferrar.  ann.  1332  c. 
31  (24  librae)  and  so  forth. 

^  Cone.  Moguntin.  ann.  1310  (Mansi  xxv.  313) :  Cohabitationis 
vitium — quorundam  negligentia  Praelatorum,  immo  quod  detestabilius 
est,  aliquorum  malitia,  qui  quaestum  aestimant  pietatem,  sentitur  iterum 
pullulare. — Si  qui — ob  quaestum  turpem  hujusmodi  ad  se  delatum  in 
subditis  suis  favere  vel  dissimulare  praesumpserint  (the  archdeacons 
and  deans  are  meant),  illi  per  sues  Praelatos  ab  honoribus  dejiciantur. 
But  the  taxes  afterwards  establisht  rose  from  the  fines,  as  had  happened 
before  in  the  case  of  many  penalties  inflicted  by  the  synods  (Part  2, 
§  85,  note  3.)  Thus  the  lower  house  in  England  petitioned  the  King 
in  1372  (Rotuli  Parliamentorum  tempore  Edwardi  III.  p.  313)  :  de 
remedie  de  ce  que  les  Prelatz  et  Ordinares  de  seint  Eglise  pristrent 
sommes  pecuniers  de  gentz  de  seint  Eglise,  et  autres,  pur  redemption 
de  lour  pecche  de  jour  en  jour,  et  an  en  an,  de  se  que  ils  tiendrent 
overtement  lours  concubines.  De  ruina  Eccl.  c,  22  (in  v.  d.  Hardt 
Cone.  Const.  I.  iii.  23) :  Jam  illud,  obsecro,  quale  est,  quod  plerisque 
in  dioecesibus  rectores  parochiarum  ex  certo  et  conducto  cum  suis 
Praelatis  pretio  passim  et  publice  concubinas  tenent  ? — Theobaldi  publ. 
conquestio  in  Cone.  Const.  (1.  c.  i.  xix.  909) :  Ipsi  (sacerdotes) — non 
solum  tabernas,  sed  etiam  lupanaria  intrare,  puellas  maritatas  atque 
moniales  corrumpere,  concubinas  in  domibus  publice  tenere,  et  cum  eis 


138  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

secular  power  to  check  these  scandals  was  resisted  by  the  Church 
as  an  invasion  of  her  rights.^'' 

procreare,  atque  alias  superinducere,  statirnque  post  celebrare  non 
adhorrent.  Episcopi  autem  qiioniam  eodem  vitio  laborant,  talia  com- 
pere non  praesumunt.  Imo  aliquid  annnatim  ah  eis  reclpiunt^  et 
omnes  in  tali  miseria  stare  permittunt.  Under  these  circumstances 
want  of  chastity  in  Priests  past  for  a  small  offence.  Accordingly 
Gerson  de  visitatione  Praelatorum  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin.  ii.  564) :  denun- 
cietur  lecipientibus  sacros  Ordines,  quod  faciunt  votum  castitatis 
solemne,  ne  putent  se  liberos  ad  fornicandum,  sicut  fatui  quidara 
putant. 

^^  The  Emperor  Charles  IV.,  notwithstanding  his  deep  reverence  for 
the  clergy,  found  himself  driven  to  such  attempts  :  but  comp.  Innocentii 
P.  iv.  ep.  ad  Carolum  (in  Raynald.  ann.  1359  no.  11)  :  Habet  fide 
digna  insinuatio  facta  nobis,  quod  tua  Serenitas,  attendens  quosdam 
Clericos  et  ecclesiasticas  personas — effrenata  quadam  vivendi  licentia 
contra  ecclesiasticae  religionis  decentiam,  et  clericalis  habitus  hones- 
tatera  saecularibus  sese  actibus  immiscentes,  ad  coercendos  iilorum 
errores  et  transgressiones  temerarias  refrenandas  imperialis  sollicitu- 
dinis  operam  adhibere  fervore  devotionis  intendit,  jamque  super  his 
nonnullis  Praelatis — certas  literas  destinavit,  comminationes  sequestra- 
tionis  ecclesiasticorum  proventuum  faciendae  per  saeculares  Principes 
continentes,  ne  Clerici  ipsi,  qui  tanquam  Dei  ministri  esse  debent 
caeteris  modestiae  et  gravitatis  exemplar,  in  suam  et  aliorum  perniciem 
incorrecti  ulterius  per  vitiorum  lubricum  gradiantur.  Siquidem, 
carissime  fili,  zelum  tuum,  quern  babes  ad  domum  Domini  multipli- 
citer,  commendamus  etc. — verum  cum  tu  defensor  egregius  et  zelator 
praecipuus  ecclesiasticae  libertatis  existas,  decet  excellentiam  tuam 
accurata  diligentia  providere,  ne  per  id,  quod  ortura  ex  puritate  devo- 
tionis accepit,  debitos  transeundo  terminos,  nostro  et  apostolicae  sedis 
honori,  ac  praefatae  libertati  ecclesiasticae-  -possit  in  aliquo  derogari. 
Ideoque  magnitudinem  tuam  rogaraus  et  hortamur  attente,  quatenus 
ab  hujusmodi  comminationibus  sequestrationis  ecclesiasticorum  proven- 
tuum faciendae,  quod  absit,  per  saeculares  Principes,  de  caetero  absti- 
nens,  et  si  quid  per  comminationes  ipsas  attentatum  forsan  extiterit, 
quod  non  credimus,  cum  id  proculdubio  foret  illicitum, — in  statum  pris- 
tinum  reformare  procurans,  Praelatos — debita  caritate  sollicites  et 
inducas,  ut  contra  eosdem  transgressores  sui  officii  debitum  exequantur 
etc.  The  free  towns  could  venture  further  on  this  ground.  Comp. 
Conr.  Justinger's  (-J-  1426)  Berner  Chronik,  publisht  by  Stierlin  and 
Wyss,  Bern  1819,  S.  254.  Da  man  zalt  von  Gottes"'Geburt  1405 
Jare,  warent  viel  Pfaffendirnen  im  Lande.  Nu  hattent  die  von  Bern 
gem  gesechen,  dass  sie  die  Dirnen  von  ihnen  gelassen  hJitten.  Da 
meintent  die  Pfaffen,  die  Leigen  hattent  sie  nit  ze  strafen,  noch  ze 
wisen.  Da  gebuttent  aber  die  von  Bern  alien  Pfaffendirnen,  dass  sie 
von  ihnen  kehrtent,  bi  einer  Pene.  Also  giengent  sie  von  ihnen  etwas 
Zites.  Zehand  kehrten  sie  wiederumb.  Die  hiess  man  alle  fachen, 
und  wurdent  in  die  Kefien  geleit. 


CH.  111.— MONASTICISM.  §  111.  EARLIER  ENDOWED  ORDERS,    l^cj 


THIRD    CHAPTER. 

HISTORY   OF   MONASTICISM, 

§111. 

STATE  OF  THE  EARLIER  ENDOWED  ORDERS. 

The  same  causes  which  produced  the  deep  decay  of  the  secular 
clergy,  furthered  also  an  universal  licentiousness  amongst  the  en- 
dowed orders/  where  the  fondness  for  good  hving  and  independ- 
ence was  already  of  old  standing.  Thus  we  find  in  them  few  traces 
of  scientific  pursuits,'  but  on  the  contrary,  so  much  the  more 

^  For  instance,  discipline  was  hindered  by  the  grants  in  Commen- 
dam,  Gerson  de  modis  uniendi  ac  reform.  Ecclesiara  in  Cone.  (0pp.  ed. 
du  Pin  ii.  174)  :  Jam  monasteria  Ordinum  quoruracunque — dantur  in 
commendas  dictis  Cardinalibus,  qui  vix  habent  in  quolibet  decimam 
partem  monachormn  ibidem  olim  existentium,  aut  paucos  aut  nullos 
omnino.  Unde  videbis,  aliquos  nepotes  aut  consanguineos  laicos  Cardi- 
nalium  in  ipsa  Romana  Curia  otiose  vacare,  et  nisi  luxuriis  et  deliciis 
inhaerere  : — et  pauperes  religiosi,  de  quorum  fructibus  talis  pompa  fit, 
— grandi  semper  rerura  penuria  laborant. 

2  These  orders  did  not  contribute  one  man  of  distinction  to  the  sciences 
of  the  time,  scholastic  Theology  and  Philosophy.  How  it  fared  with 
the  monastic  libraries  may  be  gathered  from  the  fate  of  one  of  the  most 
famous,  that  of  Monte  Cassino.  See  Benvenuti  Imolensis  comm.  in 
Dantis  paradisum  cant.  xxii.  v.  74  (written  in  1386  in  Muratori  anti- 
quitt.  Ital.  medii  aevi  i.  1296) :  Venerabilis  praeceptor  meus  Bocca- 
cius  de  Certaldo  (the  famous  romancer  -J-  1375)  dicebat,  quod  dum 
esset  in  Apulia, — accessit  ad  nobile  monasterium  Montis  Casini. — Et 
avidus  videndi  librariam,  quam  audiverat  ibi  esse  nobilissimam,  petivit 
ab  uno  monacho  humiliter, — quod  deberet  ex  gratia  sibi  aperire  biblio- 
thecam.  At  ille  rigide  respondit,  ostendens  sibi  altam  scalam  :  ascende, 
quia  aperta  est.  Ille,  laetus  ascendens,  invenit  locum  tanti  thesauri 
sine  ostio  vel  clavi  :  ingressusque  vidit  herbam  natam  per  fenestras,  et 
libros  omnes  cum  bancis  coopertos  pulvere  alto.  Et  mirabundus  coepit 
aperire  et  volvere  nunc  istum  librum,  nunc  ilium,  invenitque  ibi  multa 
et  varia  volumina  antiquorum  et  peregrinorum  librorum.  Ex  quorum 
aliquibus  erant  detracti  aliqui  quinterni,  ex  aliis  recisi  margines  char- 
tarum,  et  sic  multipliciter  deformati.  Tandem  miseratus,  labores  et 
studia  tot  inclytorum  ingeniorum  devenisse  ad  manus  perditissimorum 


140  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

debauchery,^  which  overstept  all  bounds,  especially  during  the 
schism,*  and  to  which  the  nunneries  gave  themselves  up  in  the 
most  scandalous  manner.^ 

hominum,  dolens  et  illacrymans  recessit.  Et  occurrens  in  claustro 
petivit  a  monacho  obvio,  quare  libri  illi  pretiosisaimi  essent  ita  turpiter 
detruncati.  Qui  respondit,  quod  aliqui  monachi  volentes  lucrare  duos 
vel  quinque  solidos,  radebant  unum  quaternum,  et  faciebant  psalteriolos, 
quos  vendebant  pueris,  et  ita  de  marginibus  faciebant  brevia  (magic 
charms  against  sickness  and  such  like),  quae  vendebant  mulieribus. 
Nunc  ergo,  o  vir  studiose,  frange  tibi  caput  pro  faciendo  libros. 

^  Clement  V.,  at  the  Council  of  Vienne,  prescribed  several  reforms 
to  the  nigris  monacbis  (Clementin.  lib.  iii.  tit.  10  c.  1),  and  forbad 
especially,  many  times  over,  offensive  dress  and  bunting.  Benedict 
XII.  commanded  a  still  more  extensive  reform  for  the  Cistercians  by 
the  Bull  Fulgens  sicut  stella  in  1335,  for  the  Benedictines  by  the  Bull 
Summi  magistri  in  1336,  and  for  the  other  orders  by  Dudum  pro  bono 
in  1340.  (These  Bulls  are  in  the  Bullaria.)  But  Clement  VI.  (Tertia 
vita  in  Baluz  i.  285)  constitutionis  per — I3enedictum  P.  xii. — editae 
super  reformatione  monachoruin  nigrorum  rigorem  attendens,  illam  oleo 
suae  clementiae  misericordis  adspergens  moditicavit  in  multis,  et  eam 
discretionis  lima  reformans,  ad  jugi  doniinici  suavitatem  et  levitatem 
oranes  cum  aequitate  reduxit. 

*  De  ruina  Eccl.  c.  32  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  iii.  33)  :  De 
monacbis  autem  et  monasteriis  late  patet  ad  loquendum  materia. — 
Quid  autem  commendabile  de  ipsis  dicere  possumus,  qui — quanto 
magis  inter  caeteros  Ecclesiae  filios  ex  votis  suae  religionis  perfect! 
esse  debebant : — tanto  ab  his  omnibus  rebus  licet  eos  videre  magis 
alienos,  magis  videlicet  tenaces,  magis  avaros,  magis  saccular!  rei — 
immixtos,  magis  insuper  lubricos,  indisciplinatos,  dissolutos,  inquietos, 
magis  per  loca  publica  et  inhonesta  (si  modo  freno  laxantur)  discur- 
santes  :  ita  ut  nihil  illis  aeque  odiosura  sit,  quemadmodum  cella  et 
claustrum,  lectio  et  oratio,  regula  et  religio.  Quocirca  monachi  quidem 
sunt  exteriori  habitu,  sed  vita,  sed  operibus,  sed  internae  conscientiae 
spurcitia  a  perfectione,  quam  habitus  ille  demonstrat,  longissime 
disjunct!.  Fallit  autem  illos  nimium  sua  opinio.  Nam  quanto  sua 
professione  rejecta  terrenis  magis  adipiscendis  inhiant,  tanto  pauciora 
habent,  tantoque  dotes  et  reditus  ipsorum  magis  semper  in  nihilum 
fluunt.  Ecce  omnium  coenobiorum  uberrimos  olim  fructus  ita  hodie 
attenuates  cernimus,  ut  unde  centum  homines  vivere  solebant,  vix 
decern  nunc  aegerrime  vivant.  Cuno,  abbot  of  St  Gall,  about  1400 
kept  openly  "  ein  Husfrowen,"  so  also  did  the  monks  (Reimcbronik 
des  Appenzellerkrieges,  publisht  by  J.  v.  Arx,  St  Gall  1830,  S.  4.) 
The  monks  of  the  monastery  of  Abdinghof  in  Paderborn  bad  divided 
the  property  of  their  house  amongst  themselves,  led  a  dissolute  life, 
and  in  1409  resisted  their  Bishop  who  wisht  to  reform  them.  (Annal. 
Paderborn.  ii.  353.) 

^  Alvarus  Pelagius  (de  planctu  Eccl.  (see  §  99,  note  18)  lib.  ii.  c. 
45)  brings  as  the  101st  charge  against  the  women  :  aliquae  supponunt 


oil.  III.— MONASTICISM.  §  111.  EARLIER  ENDOWED  r)RDER8.    141 

se  daemoni  transfigurato  incubo,  sicut  in  quodain  coenobio  sanctiinoni- 
allum  earn  daeinoniacam  vexationera  post  multas  poenitentias  et  consi- 
milia  et  praedicationes  non  usquequaque  de  eis  potui  extirpare  :  tantam 
enim  familiaritatem  cum  quibusdam  ex  eis  isti  daemones  contraxeiaat, 
quod  ad  eoruin  adspectum  non  terrebantur,  sed  absque  pavore  cum  eis 
loquebantur  et  contractabantur,  sicut  ex  earum  judiciali  confessione 
habui.     Compare  the  representation  of  nunneries  in  Rulman  Mers win's 
Buche  V.  d.  neun  Felsen  (11.   Suso's   Leben  u.   Schriften  v.  Diepen- 
brock   S.  519).     De  ruina  Eccl.  c.  3G  :  De  monialibus  autem  plura 
dicere,  etsi  plura,  quae  dici  possent,  suppetebant,  verecundia  prohibet ; 
ne  non  de  coetu  virginum    Deo  dicatarum,   sed  magis  de  lupanaribus, 
de  dolis  et   procacia    meretricum,  de    stupris  et  incestuosis   operibus 
pudendum   sermonem  prolixe   trahamus.      Nam  quid,   obsecro,   aliud 
sunt  hoc  tempore  puellarum  monasteria,  nisi  quaedam,  non  dico  Dei 
sanctuaria,  sed  Veneris  execranda  prostibula,  sed  lascivorum  et  impu- 
dicorum  juvenum  ad  libidines  explendas  receptacula ;    ut  idem  hodie 
sit  puellam  velare,  quod  ad  pulilice  scortandum  exponere.     Thus  also 
Jo.  Gerson  declaratio  defectuum  virorum  ecclesiasticorum  (0pp.  ed.  du 
Pin    ii.    317)   demands:  inquirite,   si  quae   hodie  claustra  monialium 
facta  sunt  quasi  prostibula  meretricum.     Comp.  Gregory's  XII.  letter 
A.D.  1408  to  an  abbot  of  Friesland  on  the  condition  of  the  Benedictine 
nunneries  there  (in  Theod.   de   Niem  nemus  unionis   tract,  vi.  c.  34)  : 
nuper  ad  nostrum  pervenit  auditum,  quod  in  partibus   Frisiae   XXII 
monasteria  Ordinis  s.  Benedicti,  Bremensis,  Monasteriensis  et  Trajec- 
tensis    dioeceseos    consistunt,    in  quibus   olim — tanturaraodo  moniales 
dicti  ordinis  degebant,  sed  successu  temporis  contigit,  quod  in  eisdem 
etiam  mares   ejusdem   professionis   in   magno  numero  qualitercunque 
cum  monialibus — degei-ent,  prout  degunt  ad  praesens. — In  quibus  [mo- 
nasteriis]  paene  omnis  religio  et  observantia  dicti  Ordinis,  ac  Dei  timor 
abscessit,  libido  et  corruptio  carnis  inter  ipsos  mares  et  moniales,  necnon 
alia  multa  mala,  excessus  et  vitia,  quae  pudor  est  effari,  per  singula 
succreverunt. — Fornicantur  etiam   quam  plures  hujusmodi  monialium 
cum  eisdera  suis  Praelatis,  monachis  et  conversis,  et  in  iisdem  monas- 
teriis  plures  parturiunt  filios  et  filias. — Filios  autem   in  monachos,  et 
filias  taliter  conceptas  quandoque  in  moniales  dictorum  monasteiicrum 
recipi   faciunt  et  procurant :  et  quod  miserandum  est,   nonnullae  ex 
hujusmodi  monialibus  maternae  pietatis  oblitae,  ac  mala  malis  accu- 
mulando,  aliquos  foetus  eorum  mortificant,  et  infantes  in  lucem  editos 
trucidant. — Insuper  quasi  singulae  moniales  hujusmodi  singulis  mona- 
chis et  conversis — ad  instar  ancillarum  seu  uxorum — sternunt  lectos, 
lavant  etiam   eis  capita  et  pannos, — necnon    decoquunt  ipsis   cibaria 
delicata,  ac  die  noctuque  cum  ipsis  monachis  et   conversis  in  comessa- 
tionibus  et  ebrietatibus  creberrime  conversantur  etc.     Theobaldi  sermo 
in  Cone.  Const,  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  xix,  909) :  Loca  sanc- 
timonialium — quasi  publica  loca,  plus  quam  theatra  ad  omnes  vanitates, 
etiam  a  magnis,  non  sine  maximo  scandalo  frequentantur.     Et  si  qui 
forte  alti  status  propter  verecundiam  temporalem  intrare  non  audeant, 
sua  munuscula,  fercula  et  literas   eis    mittunt,  casque  cum   maximo 
scandalo  ad  se  invitant.    Quae  autem  ex  his  sequuntur,  turpe  est  dicere, 
sed  multo  turpius  est  facere. 


142  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.  D.  1305— 1400. 

§112. 
AGENCY  OF  THE  MEDICANT  ORDERS. 

The  Mendicant  friars,  on  the  other  hand,  preserved  more  of 
that  outwai'd  decency  which  was  necessary  for  the  maintenance 
of  their  multifarious  agency  than  the  wealthier  orders.  The 
sciences  which  commanded  the  greatest  respect  at  that  time, 
scholastic  Philosophy  and  Theology,  were  nowhere  more  zealously 
cultivated  than  among  the  mendicants.^     Accordingly  they  con- 

1  De  ruina  Eccl.  c.  33  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  iii.  33)  :  Venio 
nunc  ad  Mendicantes,  qui  ex  professione  arctissimae  paupertatis  veros 
SB  Christi  diseipulos  verosque  imitatores  esse  jactant  atque  gloriantur  : 
—  qui  eruditi  praeterea  in  divinis  Uteris,  quibus  paene  soli  hodie  insu- 
dant,  pabulum  verbi  Dei,  quo  populi  reficiantur,  assidua  praedicatione 
ministrant,  viam  eis  salutis  aeternae,  quam  nemo  alius  docet,  aperiunt, 
— denique  soli  ipsi,  ut  asserunt,  caeterorura  omnium  Ecclesiae  ministro- 
runi  segniter  dormitantium  officia  peragixnt,  rainisteria  exercent,  eorum 
delicta,  ignorantias  et  negligentias   supplent.     Cap.  34  :   Sed  libet  ab 
eis  quaerere  :  si  hunc  gradum  supremae  perfectionis — attigerunt,  quid 
est,  quod  suis  cam  verbis  ita  magnificant,  quod  insolenter  adeo  inde  se 
jactant,  quod  universis  propterea  inani  gloriatioue  se  praeferunt,  imo 
quod  alios  omnes  sui  status  comparatione  ab  omni  perfectione  evacuant  ? 
Decebat  enim,  ut  alieno  ore,  et  non  proprio  suo,  ilia  aetherea  et  angelica 
in  terris  perfectio   laudaretur,  si   modo  solidam  laudem,   non  vanam, 
suspectam    et   odiosam  cupiebant. — Cap.    35 :    Videtur    autem    haec 
parabola  (of  the  Pharisee  and  publican)  contra  hos  quaestuarios  verbi 
Dei   adulatores  congruentissime  inducta.     Quia  sicut  Synagoga  suos 
Pharisaeos  habuit,  adversus  quos  in  Evangelio  acerrime  Christus  semper 
invehit,  ita  nimirura  hi  novi  et  subintroducti  Apostoli   Ecclesiae  Pha- 
risaei  censendi  sunt,  quibus  omnia  a  Christo  de   Pharaisaeis  dicta,  et 
forte  alia  plurima,  nescio  an  deteriora,  conveniunt. — With  reference  to 
the  words  of  Christ  Attendite  a  falsis  prophetis,  qui  veniunt  ad  vos  in 
vestimentis    ovium,    intrinsecus   autem   sunt    lupi    rapaces,   he    asks : 
Annon  lupi  rapaces  sunt,  ovicularum  vellere  amicti,  qui  vita^.  austeri- 
tatem,  castitatem,  humilitatem,  sanctam  simplicitatem   exteriori  specie 
simulant,  intus  vero  exquisitissirais  deliciis   et  variarum  copia  volup- 
tatum  ultra  omnem  mundanorum  luxuriam  exuberant  ?     Annon  lupi 
rapaces  sunt,  sub  ovili  imagine  latitantes,  qui  more  sacerdotum  Belis  in 
suis  penetralibus  oblata  devorant,  raero  se  ac  lautis  epulis  cum  non 
suis  uxoribus,  licet  saepe  cum  suis  parvulis,  avide  satiantes,  cunctaque 
libidinibus,  quarum  torrentur  ardore,  poUuentes  ?     Annon  lupi  rapaces 
sunt,  foris  ovem  mentientes,  qui  ea,  quae  facienda  dictant,  non  faciunt. 


CH.  III.— MONASTICISM.  §  112.  AGENCY  OF  THE  MEND.  ORD.    14;^ 

tinued  to  enlarge  their  sphere  of  operation  both  in  the  uni- 
versities^ and  among  the  common  people,  at  the  expense  of 
the  secular  clergy  who  were  held  by  them  in  contempt.  The 
stout  resistance  of  the  University  of  Paris  in  particular  to  the 
immoderate  privileges  of  these  orders,  remained  without  effect :  ^ 

et  cum  aliis  praeclicaverint,  sua  pracdicatione  reprobi  efficiuntur  ?  etc. 
— Satis  eorum  perfidiam,  quantum  ad  nostram  pertinet  brevitatem, 
detegere  videmur.  De  qua,  si  quem  juvat  ampliora  agnoscere,  Cyrillum 
videat,  ct  illic  mira  de  eis  inveniet,  ad  fidelium  instructionem  longe 
antequam  orirentur  Spiritu  sancto  revelante  praedicta  (Cyril,  who  is 
regarded  by  the  CarmeHtes  as  their  third  general,  on  21.  Oct.  1192, 
received  from  an  angel  upon  Mount  Carmel  two  tables  of  silver,  with 
prophecies  in  the  Greek  language,  which  were  afterwards  translated, 
and  interpreted  by  the  Abbot  Joachim  and  Gilbert  the  Great,  general 
of  the  Cistercians,  about  1280,  Acta  SS.  Mart.  i.  498.  Bibliotheca 
Carmelitana,  Aurelianis  1752  fol.  i.  357).  Quamquam  nee  aliqui  alii 
scriptores  etiam  defuerunt,  qui  de  his  subdolis  illusoribus  multa  valde 
utilia  et  praeclara  post  eorura  introitum  ad  Ecclesiae  praemonitionem  et 
praemunitionem  prodiderunt, 

2  Out  of  the  29  Doctors  of  Divinity  who  were  assembled  by  Philip  of 
Valois  at  Vincennes  in  1332  (see  §  99,  note  41),  13  were  Mendicant 
Friars.  Oxford  as  well  as  the  University  of  Paris  had  many  disputes 
with  them  (x'\.nt.  a  Wood  hist,  et  antiquitt.  Univers.  Oxon.  p.  150 — 
196).  For  instance  there  was  a  common  complaint  that  they  enticed 
the  students  into  their  order,  and  parents  hesitated  for  this  reason  to 
send  their  sons  to  the  University,  see  Ricardi  Archiep.  Armachanide- 
fensorium  Curatorum,  in  Brown  app.  ad  fasc.  rerum  fugiend.  et  expe- 
tend.  p.  473, 

^  By  the  Decretal  Dudum  Clement  V.  confirmed  in  1311  the  decretal 
Super  eathedram  of  Boniface  VI II!  (see  Part  2,  §  69,  note  3),  which 
esstablisht  the  privileges  of  the  Mendicant  Friars  against  Bishops  and 
Parish  Priests.  In  the  year  1321  John  XXII.  by  the  Bull  Vas 
electionis  (Extravagg.  comm.  lib.  v.  tit.  iii.  c.  2)  condemned  the  three 
positions  of  John  de  Poliaco,  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne :  quod  confess! 
Fratribus,  habentibus  licentiam  generalem  audlendi  confessiones, 
tenentur  eadem  peccata,  quae  confess!  fuerant,  iterum  ccnfiteri  proprio 
sacerdoti ;  secundo,  quod  stante  Omnis  utriusque  sexus  edicto  in  Cdn- 
cilio  general!,  see  Part  2,  §  83,  note  5)  Romanus  Pontifex  non  potest 
facere,  quod  Parochian!  non  teneantur  omnia  peccata  sua  semel  in  anno 
proprio  saeerdot!  confiteri, — immo  nee  Deus  posset  hoc  facere,  quia — 
implicat  contradictionem  :  tertio,  quod  Papa  non  potest  dare  potestatem 
generalem  audiendi  confessionem,  immo  nee  Deus,  quin  confessus 
habent!  licentiam  teneatur  eadem  confiteri  proprio  sacerdoti.  Joh.  de 
Poliaco  had  advanced  these  assertions  in  his  Quodlibetis  (Ms.  in  Paris 
see  d'Argentre  coll.  judiciorum  !.  302)  from  which  Jo.de  Turrecre- 
rnata  (about  1450)  quotes  !n  his  Summa  de  Ecclesia  lib.  ii.  c.  59.  The 


144  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

fundamental  principles  from  which  he  started,  were  those  which  had 
been  universally  adopted  by  the  Parisian  divines  since  the  time  of 
Philip  the  Fair  in  opposition  to  the  Papal  system  (comp.  Part  2,  §  62, 
note  27)  :  Status  et  potestas  et  jurisdictio  LXXII.  discipulorum  con- 
tinuatur  in  sacerdotibus  Curatis,  sicut  status  et  potestas  et  jurisdictio 
Apostolorum  in  Episcopis. — Sed  status  discipulorum  a  Christo  institutus 
est,  et  ipsi  ab  eo  instituti  et  missi,  potestatem  immediate  ab  ipso  acci- 
pientes,  non  ab  aliquo  Apostolorum.-— Ergo  et  status  Curatorum  et  ipsi 
sunt  immediate  a  Christo  instituti,  et  ab  ipso  immediate  potestatem 
habent. — Quare  enim  potestas  collata  Petro  est  continuata  in  Romano 
Pontifice  ;  et  potestas  collata  aliis  Apostolis  non  est  continuata  in  aliis 
Episcopis,  et  potestas  collata  discipulis  non  est  continuata  in  Curatis, 
non  potest  dari  ratio.  Et  ideo  Curati  sunt  veri  ordinarii,  habentes 
jurisdictionem  ordinariam,  non  jure  humano  sibi  datam,  sed  a  Christo 
immediate  in  prima  institutione  Ecclesiae  ; — et  etiam  non  sunt  vicai'ii 
Episcoporum,  sed  Jesu  Christi, — inferiores  tamen  et  minores  Episcopis  : 
nee  ab  ipsis  possunt  destitui,  nisi  ex  rationabili  causa,  sicut  nee  Epis- 
copi  a  Papa. — Item  Episcopi  habent  inferiorem  potestatem  a  Deo  im- 
mediate, sub  Papa,  sed  non  a  Papa. — Ex  quo  patet,  quod  nee  Papa 
Praelatis  potest  potestatem  datam  a  Christo  eis  auferre,  et  aliis  non 
Praelatis  dare,  nee  statura  Ecclesiae  a  Christo  institutum  destruere  et 
mutare.  Petrus  Paludanus,  the  Dominican,  who  was  lecturing  at  the 
same  time  in  Paris,  wrote  against  John  de  Poliaco,  as  to  his  works 
extant  in  Ms.  see  d'Argentre  i.  302.  Corap.  Petri  Paludani  tract,  de 
causa  immediata  ecclesiasticae  potestatis,  Paris.  1506. — The  Conti- 
nuator  chronici  Guil.  de  Nangis  in  d'Achery  Spicileg.  iii.  112,  relates 
a  remarkable  attempt  made  against  the  Mendicants  :  Anno  Dom. 
1351  insurrexerunt  domni  Cardinales  et  Praelati  alii  multi  cum  magna 
multitudine  Curatorum  contra  Religiosos  Mendicantes  in  Curia  Ro- 
mana,  volentes  et  petentes  a  domino  Papa  Clemente  VI.  eorum  annul- 
lationem,  et  quod  deficerent  in  se :  Episcopi  allegantes  fortiter  in 
Consistorio,  quod  ipsi  Mendicantes  non  erant  ab  Ecclesia  vocati  et 
electi,  et  quod  eis  non  incumbebat  fidelibus  praedicare,  neque  confes- 
siones  audire,  sed  neque  sepulturas  recipere  alienas :  unde  requirebant 
dicti  Praelati  cum  curatis,  quod  ipsi  Mendicantes  cassarentur,  vel  quod 
saltern  cessarent  a  praemissis,  aut  ad  minus  quod  non  solum  quarta 
portio  de  sepulturis  alienis  daretur,  sed  totura  emolumentum  ipsis 
Curatis  ex  integro  redderetur,  quia  nimis  erant  ditati  ipsi  Mendicantes 
de  talibus  sepulturis.  But  the  Pope  forthwith  pleaded  for  the  Men- 
dicants :  objecit  etiam  domnus  Papa  ipsis  Praelatis  et  Curatis,  de  quo, 
si  ipsi  Mendicantes  tacerent,  de  quo  ipsi  populo  praedicarent  ?  quia  si 
de  humilitate  praedicaveritis,  vos,  inquit  domnus  Papa,  estis  super 
omnes  status  mundi  magni,  superbi  et  elati  et  pomposi  : — si  de  pau- 
pertate,  vos  estis  magis  tenaces  et  cupidi,  unde  non  vobis  sufficiunt 
omnes  praebendae  ac  beueficia  mundi :  si — de  castitate,  de  hoc,  inquit, 
nos  tacemus,  quia  Deus  scit,  qualitcr  quilibet  agit,  et  qualiter  quam- 
plurimi  in  deliciis  nutriunt  corpus  suum  etc. — Richard,  Archbishop  of 
Armagh  (see  concerning  him  Baluzii  not.  ad  vit.  PP.  Aven.  p.  950) 
was  accused  by  the  Mendicants  before  the  Pope  for  many  assertions 
injurious  to  their  order,  and  defended  them  in  1357  before  Innocent 


CH.  111.— MOiNAJSTIClSM.  g  112.  AGEJSCV  OF  THE  MENDICANTS.  145 

VI.  in  a  speech  which  is  still  ex(ant,  defensorium  Curatoruin  in  Gol- 
dasti  monarchia  ii.  1392  and  Brown  append,  ad  fascic.  rerura  expet.  et 
fug.  p.  466) :  IV.  quod  Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus  docuit,  non 
debere  hominera  spontanee  mendicave  ;  V.  quod  nuUus  potest  prudenter 
et  sancte  spontaneam  raendicitatem  super  se  assumere  perpetuo  obser- 
vandam  ;  VIII.  quod  pro  confessione  parochianorum — eligibilior  est 
parochialis  Ecclesia,  quam  Fratrum  oratorium  sive  ipsorum  Eccbsia ; 
IX.  quod  ad  confessionem  parochianorum  —  eligibilior  est  persona 
Ordinarii  quara  Fratris  persona.  Richard  remained  some  time  in 
Avignon  (Prima  vita  Innocent.  VI.  in  Baluzii  vit.  PP.  Aven.  i.  338) 
duravit  quaestio  hujusmodi  per  aliquod  tempus.  Sed  tamen  indecisa 
remansit  pi'opter  obitum  suum  (Richard  died  at  Avignon  in  1360),  qui 
supervenit ;  de  quo  dicti  Frati-es  potius  de  Gaudeamus  quam  de  Requiem 
cantaverunt.  Comp.  d' Argentre  coUectio  judiciorum  de  novis  erroribus 
i.  378.  Against  him  wrote  the  Franciscan  and  Professor  of  Theology  in 
Oxford,  Rogerus  Chonoe  or  Connovius  de  confessionibus  per  Regulares 
audiendis  in  Goldast.  ii.  1410,  and  the  Carmelite  at  Cologne,  .Joannes 
de  Hildesheim,  defensorium  IV.  Ordinum  mendicantium  (Trithemii 
chron.  Hirsaug.  ii.  245.) — On  the  2d  Jan.  1409  (more  Gallicano  1408) 
the  Franciscan  Joannes  de  Gorello  was  compelled  by  the  Sorbonne  to 
revoke  the  following  opinions  maintained  by  him  (Bulaei  hist.  Univ. 
Paris,  v.  189,  d' Argentre  collectio  judiciorum  I.  ii.  178)  :  I.  quod 
sacraraentum  poenitentiae  nihil  agit  in  habente  gratiam  virtute  sacra- 
menti ; — II.  quod  debite  confessus  non  possit  obligari,  ut  iterum 
confiteatur  eadem  peccata ; — III.  Curatis  non  competit,  ut  tales  sunt, 
praedicare,  confessare,  extremam  unctionem  dare,  sepulturas  dare, 
decimam  recipere.  Fundatur  in  hoc,  quod  Curati  non  sint  de  institu- 
tione  Christi  et  Ecclesiae  primariae,  sed  per  Dionysium  Papam  fuerunt 
ordinati  (according  to  the  liber  pontificalis  and  the  Pseudo-Isidore.) 
Item  quia  stat  Curatos  esse,  qui  non  sunt  sacerdotes  ; — IV.  Fratribus 
competit  principalius,  vel  essentialius,  praedicare  et  confessiones  audire, 
quam  Curatis.  Fundatur,  quia  Fratribus  competit  ex  I'egula  etc.  In- 
stead he  had  to  acknowledge  the  following  propositions  :  I.  DD.  Curati 
sunt  in  Ecclesia  minores  Praelati  et  Hierarchae  ex  prima  institutione 
Christi,  quibus  competit  ex  statu  jus  praedicandi,  jus  confessiones 
audiendi,  jus  sacramenta  ecclesiastica  secundum  exigentiam  sui  status 
Parochianorum  ministrandi,  jus  sepulturas  dandi,  jus  insuper  decimas 
et  alia  jura  parochialia  recipiendi ;  II.  Item,  quod  jus  praedicandi  et 
confessandi  competit  Praelatis  et  Curatis  principaliter  et  essentialiter, 
et  Mendicantibus  per  accidens  ex  privilegio  :  quoniam  sunt  introducti, 
vel  admissi  ex  concessione  et  beneplacito  dd,  Praelatorum  ;  III.  Item 
quod  eadem  peccata  possunt  licite  et  meritorie  pluries  confiteri  in  multis 
casibus,  et  quod  virtute  s.  Sacramenti  poterit  eis  prodesse  quaelibet  talis 
reiterata  confessio  etc.  In  order  to  avenge  themselves,  the  Minorites 
obtained  from  Alexander  V.  the  Bull  Regnans  in  excelsis  of  12.  Oct. 
1409  (in  Bulaeus  V.  196),  in  which  the  privileges  of  the  Mendicants 
were  confirmed  afresh,  and  the  following  propositions,  which  were  no 
doubt  maintained  in  Paris,  were  condemned  :  I.  Confessus  Fratri  adraisso 
in  forma  Dudum  (Clement.  Ill,  7,  2)  tenetur  eadem  peccata — iterum 
Curato  confiteri. — II.  Conclusiones  Joannis  de  Poliaco  damnatae  per 
VOL.  IV.  K 


146  THIRD  I'EKIUD.— DIV.  IV^A.U.  laor.— 1109. 

they  often  even  exceeded  these  privileges  with  impunity.*     Tlie 

Joannem  XXII.  sunt  satis  verae. —  III.  Statutum  Joannis  XXII. 
editum,  Vas  electionis,  est  irritum  et  inane,  quia,  cum  illud  fecit,  erat 
haereticus.  -IV.  Stante  statuto,  Oinnis  ut?^iusque  sexus,  nee  Deus,  nee 
Papa — potest  faceve,  qiiin  confessus  Fratri  inendicanti  admisso  iteruia 
teneatur  confiteri  suo  Curato.  V.  Confessio  Fratribus  admissis  facta 
est  dubitabilis.  Quapropter  oranes  tenentur  dimittere  incertum,  et  sic 
solum  confiteri  suis  sacerdotibus  coram  animarum  liabentibus  sub  poena 
peccati  mortalis.  VI.  Quamvis  Fratres  admissi  habeant  auctoritatem 
absolvendi  et  audiendi  confessiones,  tamen  popuhis  subjectus  non  habet 
potestatem  accedendi  ad  Mendicantes  admissos  sine  licentia  proprii 
sacei'dotis  ;  et  Fratres  petentes  privilegia  pro  confessionibus  audiendis 
et  sepulturis  habendis  sunt  in  peccato  mortali  et  excommunicati ;  et 
Romani  Pontifices,  talia  privilegia  concedentes  Mendicantibus,  aut 
eisdem  confinnantes,  sunt  in  peccato  mortali  et  excommunicati.  VII. 
Fratres  non  sunt  aut  fuerunt  Pastores,  sed  fures,  latrones  et  lupi. 
VIII.  Sacerdos  Curatus  dans  licentiam  Mendicantibus  audiendi  con- 
fessiones magis  dispensat  cum  statuto  Omnis  utriusque  sexus,  quam 
Papa  Fratribus  dans  licentiam  juxta  formam  Decretalis  Dudum.  The 
University  of  Paris  was  roused  to  the  greatest  indignation  by  this 
Bull :  Clerson  preacht  against  it  (opp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  431),  and  com- 
posed a  Censura  of  it  (1.  c.  p.  442)  :  the  Sorbonne  declared  it  intolera- 
bilis  et  totius  status  ecclesiastici  turbativa  (Bulaeus  V.  201)  and  bo 
forth.  John  XXIII.  was  accordingly  compelled  to  revoke  the  Bull  in 
1410  (Bulaeus  V.  204),  cf.  d'Argentr'e  I.  ii.  180. 

*  Thus  at  the  Council  of  Vienne  the  following  complaints  de  excessi- 
bus  exemptorura,  which  principally  related  to  the  mendicant  friars, 
were  brought  forward  by  a  Bishop  (Raynald.  ann.  1312  no.  24)  :  ipsi 
— publice  excommunicatos  a  suis  Ordinariis  ad  sacramenta  et  sacramen- 
talia  admittunt  in  suis  Ecclesiis  et  Capellis.  In  eisdem  etiam 
dispensationes  clandestinas  et  benedictiones,  quamquam  inter  personas 
excominunicatas  aut  consanguinitate  vel  affinitate  conjunctas,  sen  alias 
personas  matrimoniali  vinculo  confoederatas  celebrare  non  verentes. — 
Et  dum  a  talibus  excessibus — ab  Ordinai-iis  arguuntur,  de  sua  exemp- 
tione  confisi  reddunt  pro  verbis  humilibus  verba  tumida  et  supei'ba  etc. 
Reformatorii  Cone.  Constantiensis  decretales  lib.  iii.  tit.  x.  c.  12  (v.  d. 
Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  xii.  715)  :  Multorum  querela  Curatorum  ad  hoc 
sacrum  Concilium  deducta,  qualiter  Fratres  Ordinum  inendieantium 
limites  apostolici  privilegii — multipliciter  excedant :  sic  quod  superiores 
dictorum  Fratrum  non  eo  modo,  sicut  deberent,  sed  in  scriptis,  imo 
interdum  nomine  non  expresso,  Ordinariis  locorum  sues  terminarios,  ut 
plurimum  idiotas,  et  interdum  minus  quam  Presbyteri  curati  scientes, 
praesentant ;  praesentati  soli  absque  socio  per  parochias  velut  vagi 
transcurrunt,  absolutiones  suas,  ultra  Curatorum  efificaciores,  tanquam 
apostolica  auctoritate  concessas,  praedicant  saepius  ;  quod  in  casibus  eis 
non  commissis  absolvunt,  pecuniaria  etiam  pactione  praecedente  aut 
interveniente  ;  decedentibus  et  testari  volentibus  secretins  ingerunt ;  sibi 
et  non  Curatis  legari  et  apud  suos  conventus  sepeliri :  quibus  omnibus 


I'll.   HI.— M()NA8TICISM.  g  111'.  AGENCY  OF  THE  MENDICANTS.    147 

original  jealousy  betwixt  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans  derived 
in  fact  fresh  nourishment  fr'oni  doctrinal  controversy  :^  Still  any 
scandalous  outbreak  was  hindered  by  the  fact  that  these  two 
principal  orders  gradually  formed  for  themselves  separate  circles 
of  operation.  The  Dominicans,  left  in  almost  entire  possession 
of  the  Inquisition,  and  the  cure  of  souls  among  the  higher  ranks, 
gradually  lost  the  character  of  a  mendicant  order."  The  Fran- 
ciscans, on  the  contrary,  strove  more  for  influence  over  the 
masses,   and  wrought  in  every  way,  even  by  pious  frauds,'  to 

secretius  ingestis  et  practicatis  canonicam  ipsis  Curatis  non  exhibent 
portionem  etc. 

^  Compare  Part  2,  §  75,  especially  upon  the  immaculate  conception 
of  Mary,  and  the  evangelical  poverty.  The  two  orders  likewise  vied 
with  each  other  in  the  exaltation  of  tlieir  founders.  In  imitation  of 
the  Franciscans  (see  Part  2,  §  70,  note  2),  the  Dominicans  also  began 
to  rank  their  Dominic  with  Christ,  cf.  Vita  s.  Catharinae  Senensis  (of 
the  tertiary  order  of  St  Dominic,  -j-  1380),  written  by  Raimundus 
Capuanus,  General  of  the  Dominicans,  P.  ii.  c.  7  (Acta  ss.  Aprilis  iii. 
904) :  Catherine  had  seen  in  a  vision  summum  et  aeternum  Patrem,  de 
ore  suo  (ut  videbatur)  coaeternum  sibi  Filium  producentem. — Quod 
dum  attenderet,  ex  alia  parte  vidit  beatissimum  Patriarcham  Domini- 
cum  ex  ejusdem  Patris  produci  pectore,  luce  ac  splendoribus  circum- 
datum  :  audivitque  ex  eodem  ore  prolatam  vocem,  quae  verba  infrascripta 
formabat :  Ego,  dulcissima  filia,  istos  duos  filios  genui,  unum  naturaliter 
generando,  alium  amabiliter  et  dulciter  adoptandx). — Sicut  hie  filius  a 
me  naturaliter  et  aeternaliter  genitus,  assumpta  natura  humana,  in 
omnibus  fuit  perfectissime  obediens  mihi  usque  ad  mortem ;  sic  filius 
adoptivus  mens  Dominicus,  omnia  quae  opei'atus  est  ab  infantia  sua 
usque  ad  terminum  vitae  suae  fuerunt  regulata  secundum  obedientiam 
praeceptorum  meorum,  nee  unquam  semel  fuit  transgressus  quodcunque 
praeceptum  meum. — Et  sicut  filius  naturalis  hie,  tamquam  verbum 
aeternum  oris  mei,  locutus  est  palam  mundo  ; — sic  filius  mens  adoptivus 
Dominicus  veritatem  verborum  meorum  praedicavit  palam  mundo. — 
Sicut  filius  meus  naturalis  misit  discipulos  sues, — sic  iste  adoptivus 
misit  Fratres  sues  etc. 

^  Compare  the  tract  of  the  Dominican  Petrus  Paludanus  in  Paris 
(about  1330)  quod  fratres  Praedicatores  possunt  habere  possessiones  et 
reditus. 

"^  Compare  especially  the  growth  of  the  Portiuncula  Indulgence  (Part  2, 
§  69,  note  9.)  The  Cardinal  Bonifacius  de  Vitaliniis  (oftener  de  Amana- 
tis,  see  Baluzii  PP.  Aven.  i,  1340)  records  in  his  Comment,  in  Clemen- 
tinas A.D.  1388,  that  the  Franciscans  asserted,  that  as  many  souls  might 
be  released  from  purgatory  every  2d  of  August  as  went  in  or  out  of  the 
Church  of  Portiuncula,  see  J.  B.  Thiers  traite  des  superstitions,  qui 
regardent  les  sacremens  (Paris   1701.  4  voll.  12)  iii.  259, — Hermanni 

K  2 


148  THUM)  PERI()D.-1)1V.   [^  .   -A.D.  1:505— 14(i9. 

win  among  them  respect  for  their  order,  and  larf^e  charitahle 
bequests . 

§  113. 

INTERNAL  HISTORY  OF  THE   FRANCISCAN  URI^KR. 

The  abolition  of  the  Coelestine-Eremites  by  Boniface  VIII, 
(Part  2,  §  70,  note  16)  had  no  other  result  than  to  renew  and 
increase  the  division  of  the  Franciscans  into  Spirituales  and 
Fratres  de  communitate.  For  the  former,  in  spite  of  all  the 
efforts  of  the  Popes,  could  not  be  induced  to  unite  themselves 
as-ain  with  the  order  :^  and  when  John  XXII.  invoked  the  aid 
of  the  Inquisition^  against  a  party  of  them  in  Narbonne  and 
Beziers,  many  chose  rather  to  be  thrust  from  the  Church  as 

Corneri  (Dominican  at  Lubeck)  chron.  ad  ann.  1359  (in  Eccardi  corp. 
hist,  raedii  aevi  ii.  1101)  :  The  Franciscan  Arnaldus  de  Villa  Preodii 
Vercellensis  dioecesis  maintained  the  erroneous  notion  quod  nullus 
possit  damnari,  deferens  habitum  Ordinis  s.  Francisci,  asseruitque  con- 
stanter,  b.  Franciscum  omni  anno  semel  descenders  de  caelo  ad  pnrga- 
torium,  et  ei'ipere  inde  animas  omnium  illorum,  qui  illo  anno  defuncti, 
in  habitu  Ordinis  sui  extiterunt  sepulti,  et  ad  purgatorium  fuerant  missi. 
(This  Franciscan  was  Arnaldus  Montanerius  de  Villa  Podii  Ceritani 
dioec.  Urgellensis,  see  Eymerici  directorium  Inquisitorum  P.  ii.  qu.  11 
in  fine.  Even  Wadding  ann.  Minoinim  ann.  1371  no.  28  considers  the 
annual  descent  of  St  Fi-ancis  into  purgatory  not  improbable.)  Hujus 
auteni  erroris  assertores  nedum  sed  et  publici  pronunciatores  ac  praedi- 
catores  plures  in  Ordine  praedicto  impraesentiarum  existunt,  qui  ausu 
temerario  talia  figmenta  et  mendacia  non  verentur  populo  intimare. 
Imo  temporibus  meis,  me  praesente^  in  provinciali  synodo  in  ui-be  Ham- 
meburgensi  celebrata  anno  Dora.  1406 — dominus  Joannes  Episcopus 
Lubicensis — hunc  errorem  in  publico  consistorio  ipsis  fratribus  Minori- 
bus  ibidem  praesentibus  objecit, — tanquam  per  dictos  fratres  publice 
praedicatum  in  urbe  Lubicensi, 

1  A  controversy  between  the  two  parties  was  held  before  Clement  V. 
Wadding,  ann.  1310  no.  1  ss.)  In  consequence,  Clement  publisht  a 
new  interpretation  of  the  rule  in  the  Constitution  Exivi  de  paradiso  (Cle- 
mentin.  lib.  v.  tit.  11  c.  1),  in  which  be  made  concessions  to  both  parties 
in  order  to  effect  an  union. 

2  How  they  made  themselves  masters  of  the  monasteries  at  Narbonne 
and  Beziers,  see  Wadding  ann.  1314  no.  8,  John's  XXII.  proceed- 
ings against  them  ibid.  ann.  1317  no.  11  ss.     Baluzii  miscell.  i.  195. 


Cll.  111.— xMOxNxVSTlCISM.  §  113.  INT.  HIST.  OF  THE  FliANCIHC.    149 

heretics  (1317)  than  to  be  persuaded  to  yield.  These  persons 
thus  cast  out  (fratricelH),  together  with  a  numerous  appendage 
of  Tertiaries,  increast  the  motley  crowd  of  heretical  Beghards  f 

^  On  the  earlier  connexion  of  the  Spiritualists  with  the  Beghaitls  see 
Part  2,  §  71,  note  12.  John's  XXII,  Bull  Sancta  Roinana  of  30. 
December  1317  (in  Extravagg.  Jo.  XXII.  tit.  vii.)  :  Nonnulli  profanae 
multitudiiiis  viri,  qui  vulgariter  FratriceW,  seu  Fratres  de  paupere 
vita,  Bizochi  she  Beguini  vel  aliis  noniinibus  nuncupantur  in  partibus 
Italiae,  necnon  in  insula  Siciliensi,  comitatu  provinciae,  Narbonensi  et 
Tolosana  civitatibus — habitum  novae  religionis  adsumere,  congrega- 
tiones  et  conventiculas  facere,  et  superiores  sibi  ipsis  eligere,  quos 
ministros,  seu  custodes,  vel  gardianos,  aut  nominibus  aliis  appellant, 
plurimos  ad  eorum  sectam  recipere, — publice  mendicare,  quasi  eorum 
secta  foret  una  de  religionibus  per  sedem  apostolicam  approbatis,  teme- 
ritate  damnabili  praesumpserunt,  et  praesumunt  etiam  incessanter.  Et 
ut  ipsorum  error  Veritas,  et  impietas  religio  reputetur ;  plurimi  eorum 
regulam  seu  ordinem  fratrum  Minorum,  quem  s.  Franciscus  instituit,  se 
profiteri  et  ad  literam  conservare  confingunt,  quanquam  in  obedientia 
Generalis,  vel  provincialium  ministrorum  ipsius  Ordinis  non  morentur, 
praetendentesseasanctae  memoriae  Coelestino  P.V. — hujus  status — pri- 
vilegium  habuisse.  Quod  tamen,  etsi  ostenderent,  non  valeret ;  cum 
bonae  memoriae  Ronifacius  P.  viii. — omnia  ab  ipso  Coelestino — concessa 
— viribus  penitus  vacuaverit. — Nonnulli  etiam  ex  ipsis  asserentes,  se  esse 
de  tertio  Ordine  b.  Francisci,  Poenitentium  vocato,  praedictum  statum 
et  ritum  eorum  sub  velamine  talis  nominis  satagunt  palliare  :  cum 
tamen  in  regula  ipsius  tertii  Ordinis  talis  vivendi  ritus  nullatenus  sit 
concessus. — Ipsorum  quam  plurimi — a  veritate  catholicae  fidei  devi- 
antes,  ecclesiastica  saeramenta  despiciunt  ac  errores  alios  student 
multipliciter  seminare.  Then  follows  a  stern  prohibition  of  this  me- 
thod of  life  under  threat  of  excommunication. —  In  the  Bull  Gloriosam 
Ecclesiam  of  23-  Jan.  1318  (in  the  Bullarium  Rom.  and  in  Raynald. 
ann.  1318  no.  45)  the  Bishops  were  accordingly  required  to  imprison 
the  pseudo-minorites,  who  had  escaped  to  Sicily,  and  constituted  there 
a  small  community,  distinguishing  themselves  by  wearing  quosdam 
habitus  cum  parvis  caputiis  curtos,  strictos,  inusitatos  et  squalidos,  and 
to  deliver  them  over  to  the  Franciscan  order  for  punishment.  In  this 
also  there  is  a  brief  account  of  the  past  controversy,  and  a  statement 
of  the  errors  of  the  separatists,  viz. :  I.  Primus  error — duas  fingit  Ec- 
clesias,  unam  carnalem,  divitiis  pressam,  effluentem  deliciis,  sceleribus 
maculatam,  cui  Romanum  Praesulem,  aliosque  inferiores  Praelatos 
dominari  asserunt :  aliam  spiritualem,  frugalitate  mundam,  virtute 
decoram,  paupertate  succinctam,  in  qua  ipsi  soli  eorumque  complices 
continentur,  cui  etiam  ipsi  spiritualis  vitae  merito,  si  qua  fides  est  men- 
daciis,  principantur, — II.  Secundus  error  —  venerabiles  Ecclesiae 
sacerdotes — sic  jurisdictionis  clamitat  auctoritate  desertos,  ut  nee 
sententias  ferre,  nee  saeramenta  conficere,  nee  subjectum  populum 
instruere  valeant ; — quia  apud  ipsos  solos,  ut  ipsi  somniant,  sicut  spiri- 


150  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  130o~140'J. 

tliey  mutually  interchanged  their  superstitions,''  and  were  sacri- 
ficed together  wholesale  by  the  Inquisition.^ 

With  the  larger  portion  of  the  Franciscans  (Fratres  de 
communitate)  the  renunciation  of  all  property  even  of  such  as 
was  held  in  common,  had  been  reduced  to  a  mere  pretence  by 
the  Papal  interpretation  of  the  Rule.  However  the  order  attacht 
so  high  a  value  to  this  pretence,  that  at  the  instigation  of  a 
certain  Beghard  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Inquisition  at 

tualis  vitae  sanctitas,  sic  auctoritas  perseverat. — III, — in  nullum 
eventum  assei'unt  fore  jurandum,  dogmatizantes,  mortalis  criminis 
contagions  pollui  et  poena  teneri,  quos  contigerit  juramenti  religione 
constringi.  IV. — sacerdotes  rite — ordinatos,  quibuslibet  tamen  crimini- 
bus  presses,  non  posse  conficere  vel  conferre  ecclesiastica  sacramenta. 
V. — Evangelium  Christi  in  se  solis  hoc  in  tempore — esse  conipletum, 
quod  hactenus,  ut  ipsi  somniant,  objectum  fuerat,  immo  prorsus  extinc- 
tum. — Multa  sunt  alia,  quae  isti  praesumptiosi  homines  contra  conjugii 
venerabile  sacramentum  garrire  dicuntur,  multaque  de  cursu  temporum 
et  fine  saeculi  somniant,  multaque  de  Anticbristi  adventu,  quern  jamjam 
instare  asserunt,  flebili  vanitate  divulgant  etc.  Compare  Culpae  Beguin- 
orum  in  the  Liber  sententiarum  Inquisitionis  Tolosanae  ab  anno  1307 — 
1323,  p.  298,  as.  Under  Ph,  a  Limborch  bist.  Inquisitionis.  Among 
these  Beguins  the  Postilla  Fr.  Petri  Olivi  (part  2.  §  70  note  12)  which 
they  had  in  the  language  of  their  country,  were  held  in  high  esteem. 
Accordingly  the  Church  of  Rome  was  to  them  Babylon  meretrix  magna, 
John  xxii.  mysticus  Antichristus,  praeparator  viae  majoris  Anticbristi 
(p.  304),  regula  s.  Francisci  unum  et  idem  cum  evangelio  Christi  (p. 
302),  viz.  vita  Christi,  quam  in  hoc  mundo  servavit  et  servandam 
Apostolis  suis  tradidit  (p.  303.)  S.  Franciscus  sen  Ordo  ejus  debebat 
Ecclesiam  renovare  naturally  enough  the  only  order  considered  genuine 
among  the  spiritualists.  A  Beguin  examined  in  1321  (p.  298)  cre- 
didit,  informatus  per  scripturam  dicti  fratris  P.  Jobannis  (Olivi),  quod 
infra  XIV.  annos  computandos  a  praesenti  tempore  Antichristus  major 
complevisset  cursum  suum  etc. 

*  Alvarus  Pelagius  de  planctu  Eccl.  lib,  ii.  c.  51  de  erroribus  Be- 
gardorum  says  with  regard  to  the  tertius  error  Begardorum  de  spiritu 
libertatis  (see  part  2  §  90  note  33)  :  Tempore  meo  in  provincia  b. 
Francisci  multi  saeculares  et  fratres  Minores  pro  isto  carnali  spiritu 
libertatis  per  inquisitores  haereticae  pravilatis  incarcerati  fuerunt. — 
tales  valde  spirituales  videbantur  in  lucis  angelum  transformati.  Ac- 
cordingly Wadding's  efforts  (ann.  Minorum  ann.  1317  no.  24  ss.)  to 
deny  the  rise  of  the  Fratricelli  from  his  order  were  facilitated, 

'^  These  victims  were  considered  martyrs  by  their  party.  Thus 
Mosheim  (Institutt.  hist,  eccl.  p.  583  note  z)  had  a  Martyrologium 
Spiritualium  et  Fratricellorum,  in  which  113  martyrs  were  recorded 
to  have  been  executed  from  the  year  1318  down  to  Innocent  VI. 


CII.    111.— MONASTICISM.  g  113.  INT.  HIST.  OF  THK    FRANCISC.  151 

Narbonne  (1321)  it  engaged  in  a  most  violent  contest  with  the 
Dominicans  on  the  question  whether  Christ  and  the  apostles  held 
property  in  common.^  John  XXII.,  weaiy  of  the  disputes  about 
the  rule  of  poverty,  declared  himself,  notwithstanding  all  the  re- 
monstrances of  the  Franciscans,^  on  the  side  of  the  Dominicans, 
characterized  the  Franciscan  doctrine  as  heresy,^  and  denounced 

*  The  account  of  the  contemporary  Nicolans  Minoritain  Baluz.  PP. 
Aven.  i.  598  :  Anno  Doin.  MCCCXXI — quidam  Beguinus  seu 
Bizotus  fuit  captus  in  civitate  Narbona  pro  facto  haeresis  per  Archie- 
piscopum  Narbouensem  et  fratrem  Johannein  de  Belna,  Ordinis  fratruni 
Praedicatorum  Inquisitorem  baereticae  pravitatis.  Qui  Beguinus  inter 
alia  asserebat,  quod  Christus  et  Apostoli  viam  perfectionis  sequentes 
nihil  habuerunt  jure  proprietatis  et  dominii  in  speciali,  nee  etiam  in 
coniinuni.  Qui  Inquisitor  volens  judicare  dictum  Beguinum  conv^oca- 
vit  ad  consilium  omnes  Priores,  Gardianos  et  Lectores  Religiosorum  et 
quamplures  alios  sapientes,  inter  quos  aftuit  frater  Berengarius  Taloni 
Lector  in  conventu  fratrum  Minorum  de  Narbona.  Et  inter  caetera 
praefatus  Inquisitor  fecit  legi  praefatura  articulum  de  paupertate  Christi 
et  Apostolorum  ejus,  pro  quo  volebat  Begardum  bujusmodi  tanquam 
haereticum  judicare.  Praelibatus  frater  Berengarius  Lector  super 
dicto  articulo  requisitus  respondit,  quod  hoc  dicere  non  erat  haereticum, 
sed  dogma  sanum,  catholicum  et  fidele,  maxime  cum  hoc  esset  per 
Ecclesiam  in  decretali  Exiit  qui  seminat  (Nicolai  iv.  see  part  2  §  70  note 
IJ)  diffinitum.  Quo  facto,  ac  si  asseruisset  baeresim  dictus  Lector, 
praefatus  Inquisitor  eidem  praecepit,  ut  dictum  suum  statim  in  prae- 
sentia  omnium  revocaret.  Qui  Lector  revocare  noluit  quoquo  modo, 
sed — ad  sedem  apostolicam  solemniter  appellavit,  et  cum  appellatione 
sua  venit  apud  Avinionem. 

''  Compare  the  two  Declarations  of  the  general  chapter  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans assembled  in  Perusium  in  June  and  July  1322,  in  Wadding 
ad  h.  a.  no.  5i  ss. 

*  As  Nicholas  IV.  in  his  Bull  Exiit  bad  forbidden,  under  pain  of 
excommunication,  all  comment  upon  it,  so  John  XXII.  allowed  it  at 
first  with  a  view  to  a  further  inquiry  into  the  circumstances,  in  the 
Bull  Quia  nonnunquam  (Extravagg.  Jo.  XXII.  tit.  xiv.  c.  2)  :  After- 
wards be  decided  in  the  Bull  Cum  inter  nonnuUos  12.  Nov.  1322  (ibid. 
c.  4)  :  in  posterum  pertinaciter  adfirmare,  quod  Redemtori  nostro 
ejusque  Apostolis  iis,  quae  ipsos  babuisse  Scriptura  sacra  testatur, 
nequaquam  jus  ipsis  utendi  competierit,  nee  ilia  vendendi  seu  donandi 
jus  babuerint,  aut  ex  ipsis  alia  adquirendi,  quae  tamen  ipsos  de  prae- 
inissis  fecisse  Scriptura  sacra  testatur,  seu  ipsos  potuisse  facere  supponit 
expresse :  cum  talis  adsertio  ipsorum  usum  et  gesta  evidenter  includat 
in  praemissis  non  justa,  quod  utique  de  usu,  gestis  seu  factis  Redem- 
toris  nostri,  Dei  Filii,  sentire  nefas  est,  sacrae  Scripturae  contrarium, 
et  doctrinae  catbolicae  inimicum  :  adsertionem  ipsam  pertinacera  de 
fratrum  nostrorum  consilio  deinceps  erroneara  fore  censendam  merito 
ac  baereticam  declaramus.      As  to  the  manner  in  which  the  champions 


152  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.  A.D.  1S05— 1400. 

forthwith,  in  the  name  of  the  Roman  Church,  the  tenure  of 
Franciscan  property  (1322.)^  The  most  zealous  Franciscans^ 
and  at  their  head  Michael  of  Cesena,  General  of  the  Order, 
betook  themselves  at  length  to  Lewis  the  Bavarian,^"  and  per- 
secuted the  heretical  Pope  to  the  day  of  his  death. ^^     The  greater 

of  Papal  infallibility  explain  away  the  open  contradiction  of  the  Bulls 
of  Nicholas  IV.  and  John  XXII.  see  Bellarrainus  de  Romano  Pontifice 
lib.  iv.  c.  14, 

9  By  the  Bull  Ad  conditorem  canonum  8.  Dec.  1322  (Extravagg. 
Jo.  XXII.  tit.  xiv.  c.  3.)  Here  he  discovers  the  fallacy  which  lay 
in  the  former  right  of  property  of  the  Roman  Church  :  Constat,  quod 
post  ordinationem  praedictam  (Exiit,  Nicolai  IV.)  non  fuerint  in 
af^quirendis  ac  conservandis  bonis  in  judiciis  et  extra  minus  solliciti, 
quam  ante  illam  fuerant  Fratres  ipsi. — Adhuc  nee  utique  profuit  dictis 
Fratribus  ordinatio  supra  dicta,  quantum  ad  hoc,  quod  propter  caren- 
tiam  talis  proprii  se  pauperiores  dicere  valeant,  quam  si  res  ipsas  cum 
illo,  quo  carere  se  dicunt,  dominio  obtinerent.  Licet  etiam  praede- 
cessor  noster  praedictus  dominium  earura  rerum,  quae  ipsis  Fratribus 
ofFerri  seu  conferri,  aut  alias  obvenire  contigerit, — in  se  Romanaraque 
Ecclesiam  recipiendum  duxerit ; — attento  tamen  ipsorum  Fratrum 
utendi  modo  et  ejus  eifectu, — non  ipse  usus  Fratrum  dici  debet,  sed 
potius  Romanae  Ecclesiae  dominium  esse  simplex.  Quis  enim  simpli- 
cem  usuarium  dicere  poterit,  cui  rem  usuariam  licet  permutare,  vendere 
acdonare?  Accordingly  nolentes  in  posterum  sub  praetextu — talis 
dominii  temporalis  verbalis,  nudi  ac  aenigmatici  tanta  bona,  quanta 
dicti  Fratres  faciunt,  infici, — sancimus,  quod  in  bonis,  quae  in  posterum 
conferentur, — Fratribus  seu  Ordini  supra  dictis  (exceptis  Ecclesiis, 
oratoriis,  officinis  et  habitationibus,  ac  vasis,  libris  et  vestimentis 
divinis  officiis  dedicatis) — nullum  jus  seu  dominium  aliquod — Romanae 
Ecclesiae  adquiratur,  sed  quoad  hoc  habeantur  prorsus  ordinationes 
hujusmodi  pro  non  factis.  Et — districtius  inhibemus,  ne  deinceps  pro 
recipiendis,  petendis,  extorquendis,  defendendis  seu  administrandis  bonis 
— quisquam  nominetur — nomine  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  procurator  etc. 
Fr.  Bonagratia  appealed  against  this  Bull  before  the  Papal  consis- 
tory in  the  name  of  the  Order  14.  Jan.  1323,  but  he  was  thrown  into 
prison  (Wadding  ann.  1323  no.  1.) 

10  See  above  §  99  note  32. 

11  Compare  Michaelis  Caesenatis  tract,  contra  errores  Jo.  xxii.  (in 
Goldasti  monarchia  ii.  1236),  ejusd.  litterae  ad  omnes  Frati-es  ordinis 
Minorum  a.d.  1333  (ibid.  p.  1338  ss.)  and  ad  Regem  Rom.  et  Prin- 
cipes  Alemaniae  (ib.  p.  1344.) — Guil.  Ockami  compendium  errorum 
Papae  (ibid.  p.  957),  ejusd.  opus  nonaginta  dierum  contra  errores  Jo. 
xxii.  (ibid.  p.  993.)  On  the  other  hand  the  Dominicans  defended  the 
Papal  decision,  especially  Petrus  Paludanus  at  Paris  (1330  Patriarch  of 
Jerusalem  ■]-  1342)  tract,  de  paupertate  Christi  et  Apostolorum  contra 
Michaelem  de  Caesena  (Ms.  in  bibl.  Colbert.)  As  to  other  works  see 
Raynald.   ann.  1823  no.  38   ss.     So  early  as  1324  John  XXII.  had 


CH.  Ill  — MONASTICISM.  g  U;).  INT.  HIST.  OF  THE  FKAN(;it-C.    I53 

portion  of  the  order,  however,  submitted  and  chose  a  general 
acceptable  to  the  Pope  (1329.)^^ 

The  decrees  of  John  XXII.  necessarily  caused  the  observance 
of  the  rule  of  St  Francis  to  be  still  further  relaxt  in  the  greater 
portion  of  the  Order.^^  So  much  the  less  could  the  Spiritualists 
who  remained  true  to  the  Churcii  be  reconciled  acrain  to  the 
Order.  Accordingly,  throughout  the  14th  century,  they  con- 
stantly repeated  their  endeavour  to  unite  in  small  retired  estab- 
lishments, in  order  to  observe  their  beloved  rule  in  its  purity, 
and  to  indulge  the  hope  of  a  Reformation  in  the  Church  such  as 

defended  his  constitution  himself  in  a  new  Bull  Quia  quorundam  (Ex- 
travagg.  Jo.  xxii.  tit.  xiv.  c.  5)  and  placed  his  opponents  under  Ban. 
Petrus  Rogerius  (Benedictine  Monk  and  Professor  of  Theology  at 
Paris,  afterwards  Pope  Clement  VI.)  records  in  his  Lecture  on  this 
Bull  (see  Baluzii  note  ad  Antonii  Augustini  de  emendatione  Gratiani 
dialog,  lib.  i.  dial.  17),  that  at  that  time  a  theologian  at  Paris,  no 
doubt  a  Dominican,  had  advanced  so  far  as  to  maintain  :  adserere 
Christum  et  Apostolos  nihil  habuisse  est  magis  haereticum,  quam 
adserere  Deum  non  esse  incarnatum.  Viz.  :  illud  est  magis  haereti- 
cum, quod  est  contra  majorem  evidentiara  fidei. — Sed  adserere,  quod 
Christus  et  Apostoli  nihil  habuerunt  in  proprio  vel  communi,  est  contra 
majorem  evidentiam  fidei. — IIH  enim,  qui  erant  tempore  Christi  et 
Apostolorum,  clare  videbant,  quod  Christus  et  Apostoli  habebant 
aliqua  vel  in  proprio,  vel  in  communi ;  non  tamen  ita  clare  videbant, 
quod  Deus  esset  incarnatus,  quia  non  videbant  clare  Christum  esse 
nisi  purum  hominem.     Ergo  etc. 

^'  At  a  general  chapter  in  Paris  Wadding  ann.  1329.  The  Fran- 
ciscans went  back  to  the  old  fiction  that  the  property  in  their  posses- 
sions remained  with  the  giver  (see  Part  2,  §  70,  note  6),  see  Alvarus 
Pelagius  de  planctu  Eccl.  lib.  ii.  c.  55  :  Fratres  Minores  possunt 
habere  usum  quemlibet  separatum  a  proprietate,  cujus  proprietas 
Romanae  Ecclesiae  erat  olim,  et  nuncdantium,  propter  Extravagantem, 
quam  fecit  Papa  Joannes  XXII.  contra  fratres  Minores,  quae  incipit 
Ad  Conditorem. 

1^  See  the  Confession  of  the  Franciscan  Alvarus  Pelagius  ii.  c.  GG, 
that  his  brethren  frequently  de  pecunia,  quae  pro  eis  deponitur,  emunt 
et  faciunt  superflua. — Item  non  pro  necessitatibus  ingruentibus — 
faciunt  pecuniara  deponi,  sed  pro  futuris  necessitatibus  et  non  necessi- 
tatibus.— Item  vadunt  aliqui  per  terras  et  villas, — eleemosynas  pecu- 
niarias  procurando  et  petendo,  et  importunitates  frequenter  ingerendo, 
famulum  retro  ducendo,  et  denariis  pixides  et  loculos  implendo. — Item 
ponunt  aliqui  cippos  et  areas  in  eorum  Ecclesias,  ut  ibi  saeculares 
ponant  pecunias. — Item  tangunt  pecunias  vel  cum  cera  vel  cum  ligno 
vel  cum  palea.  Portant  etiam  quidam  eorum  pecunias  sutas  in  habiti- 
bus  et  tunicis.  Quidam  etiam  eorum  faciunt  sibi  pccuniam  poni  in 
capitiis  etc. 

2 


154  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. 1).  1305—1400. 

Petrus  Johannes  Olivi  had  foretold  them  (Part  2,  §  70,  note  12.) 
Accordingly^  they  bore  a  great  resemblance  to  the  Fratricelli 
(the  passage  quoted  above,  note  9  and  16),  without  falling  into 
their  heresies.  At  first  their  communities  were  frequently 
disperst,  but  afterwards  they  found  protection  ^*  from  certain 
generals  of  the  Order,  and  increast  to  such  a  considerable 
number,  that  at  length  the  Council  of  Costnits  establisht  them 
in  form  as  Fratres  regularis  observantiae,  in  contradistinction  to 
the  Fratres  conventuales.^^ 

The  more  the  Franciscans  relaxt  the  severity  of  the  so-called 
evangelical  life  restored  by  Francis,  so  much  the  more  extrava- 
gant were  they  in  his  praise,  as  if  for  the  purpose  of  propitiating 
the  saint,  and  so  much  the  more  profane  mockery  they  practised 


^*  Thus  Philip  of  Majorca  was  refused  by  John  XXII.  (Wadding, 
ann.  1328,  no.  28),  and  afterwards  by  Benedict  XII.  (ibid.  ann.  1340, 
no.  23),  when  he  requested  permission  to  form  a  society  of  strict  Francis- 
cans, and  the  latter  ( Benedict  XII.)  declared  to  Robert,  King  of  Sicily, 
who  pleaded  for  Philip,  quod  idem  Philippus  sectae  Beguinorum — 
promoter,  defensor,  rector  et  conservator  extitit, — et  his  nequaquam 
contentus  tani  contra  Joannem  P.  xxii. — quam  sedempraedictam  multa 
enormia  et  haeretica — publice  asseruit,  et  etiani  praedicavit  interdum. 
— Johannes  de  Vallibus  formed  a  small  society  of  this  kind  in  1334, 
with  the  consent  of  the  general  of  the  order  at  Brngliano  (Wadding 
ann.  1334,  no.  24)  ;  however,  when  it  began  to  spread,  it  roused  the 
jealousy  of  the  order,  was  accused  of  heresy  (spiritum  libertatis  inter 
COS  dominari, — cos  receptasse  aliquos  haereticos),  and  dissolved  by  the 
Pope  (Wadding  1355,  no.  1  ss.)  Cola  Rienzi  (§  101,  note  3)  united 
himself  as  a  Tertiary  to  one  of  these  societies  on  Monte  Majella  in  the 
Appenines,  and  lias  left  behind  him  a  description  of  their  mode  of 
living  (Papencordt's  Cola  di  Rienzo,  S.  208.)  Fra  Angelo,  one  of 
the  chiefs  of  these  Spiritualists,  believed  that  he  recognised  Cola  by 
revelation  from  heaven  as  the  instrument  of  renovation  for  the  woidd 
and  the  Church  ;  accordingly  he  sent  him  to  the  Emperor  Charles  IV. 
in  1350  (Papencordt  S.  211.)  Throughout  this  time  the  congregation 
of  the  Clarists,  which  Angelus  de  Cingulo  had  formed  a.d.  1302  in 
the  march  of  Ancona  from  the  remnant  of  the  Celestines,  maintained 
its  existence  (Wadding  ad.  h.  a.  no.  8)  ;  and  that  of  Paulutius  also 
(Paolucci  von  Foligni),  a  disciple  of  Joannes  de  Vallibus,  who  settled 
himself  again  in  the  ruined  monasteiy  of  Brugliano  with  the  permis- 
sion of  the  general  of  the  order  (Wadding  ann.  13G8,  no.  10),  and 
enlarged  his  society  to  such  an  extent  (Wadding  ann.  1380,  no.  29. 
1384,  no.  4.  1385,  no.  4.  1388,  no.  1.  1390,  no.  1),  that  he  was 
luokt  upon  as  the  founder  of  the  regular  observance. 

1^  Sess.  xix.  d.  23.  Sept.  1415  (v.  d.  llardt  Cone.  Const,  iv.  515.) 


CH.  III.— MONASTICISM.  §  113.  INT.  HIST.  OF  THE   FUANCISC.    155 

ill   the  comparison    of  him  with  Christ.^*'     The  prophecies  of 
John  cle  Rupescissa  testify  to  the  fact  that  the  expectation  of  an 

1^  Compare  Part  2,  §  70,  note  2.  At  this  time  appeared  the  noto- 
rious Liber  conformitatum  Bartholomaei  Albicii  or  Barth.  de  Pisis,  the 
Franciscan,  written  in  1385,  presented  to  the  general  chapter  held  at 
Assisi  in  1399,  and  there  approved  (the  only  complete  edition  is  that 
of  Milan  1510,  fol.  Auszug  v.  Erasmus  Alberus  mil  einer  Vorrede 
V.  Luther  :  Der  Barfiisser  Monche  Eulenspiegel  u.  Alcoran  1531, 
also  1573  and  1614.  12,  further  enlarged  in  the  translations  :  I'Alcoran 
des  Cordeliers  and  Alcoranus  Franciscanorum,  which  have  been  often 
publisht.)  This  notorious  work  is  composed  of  3  books,  and  points 
out  40  conformitates  of  St  Francis  with  Christ,  which  are  every  time 
briefly  announced  in  the  headings,  e.g.  lib.  i.  1.  Jesus  prophetis  cog- 
nitus  Franciscus  declaratur  (Prophecies  de  Francisco  tam  ante  ortum, 
quam  in  ortu  et  post  ortum  declarato  et  agnito).  2.  Jesus  emissus 
caelitus,  Franciscus  destinatur.  3.  Jesus  laete  progenitus,  Francisco 
vir  laetatur  (viz.,  Prophets  and  angels  rejoiced  at  the  birth  of  Francis 
as  at  the  birth  of  Christ.)  6.  Jesus  abjectus  cernitur,  Franciscus 
separatur.  e.  g.  Nam  Apostoli  etsi  navem  et  alia  relicpxerunt,  non  tameu 
vestimentum,  quod  in  dorso  habebant :  beatus  vero  Franciscus  non 
solum  omnium  terrenorum  facultati  abrenunciavit,  sed  et  pannos  et 
femoralia  rejecit,  nudum  corpore  et  mente  se  ofterens  brachiis  Cruci- 
fixi,  quod  de  nullo  alio  Sancto  mundum  abrenunciante  alicubi  legitur, 
et  sic  in  hoc  b.  Franciscus  singularis  ab  omnibus  I'eperitur.  For  this 
reason  the  Brother  Pacificus,  also,  bad  seen  in  a  vision  many  seats  in 
heaven,  inter  quas  vidit  unam  eminentiorem  aliis  et  prae  omnibus 
gloriosius  fulgentem,  et  ornatam  omni  lapide  pretioso,  et  admirans 
ejus  pulchritudinem  coepit  cogitare,  cujus  esset,  et  statim  vocem 
audivit  dicentem  sibi  :  haec  sedes  fuit  Luciferi,  et  loco  ejus  sedebit 
humiHs  Franciscus. — Lib.  ii.  conf.  13,  Jesus  signis  mirificus,  Fran- 
ciscus divulgatur.  The  following  prophecy  was  also  fulfilled  in  Francis  : 
omnia  subjecisti  sub  pedibus  ejus  et  constituisti  eum  super  omnia  opera 
manuum  tuarum,  as  also,  quod  cantatur  in  Evangelio  sui  festi :  omnia 
mihi  tradita  sunt  a  patre  meo.  Lib.  iii.  conf.  37  :  Jesus  transcendens 
angelos,  Franciscus  subliniatur,  with  the  conclusion  :  sic.  b.  Franciscus 
super  angelos,  archangelos,  thronos,  dominationes,  virtutes,  potestates, 
principatus  et  cherubim  est  elevatus,  et  in  ordine  seraphico  in  sede 
Luciferi  locatus  et  sublimatus,  quo  concluditur,  quod  omnes  inferiores 
ordines,  tam  quoad  angelicos  spiritus  quam  humanos,  b.  Franciscus 
sublimatus  in  ordine  supremo  excessit  gratia  et  meritis.  True,  the 
author  was  placed  upon  the  Index  librorura  prohibit,  of  1564  with  the 
especial  designation  Bartholomaeus  Conformi :  but  still  the  Franciscan 
Henr.  Sedulius  declares,  in  his  Apologeticus  adv.  Alcoranum  Francis- 
canoriun  pro  libro  conformitatum,  Antwerp.  1607.  4.  in  the  Prolego- 
menis  :  Pudere  nos  libri  conformitatum,  tam  hoc  est  falsum,  quam, 
quod  scribit  Lutherus,  verum,  nos  pro  hac  abominatione  necdum 
poenitentiam  agere,  banc  non  recantare.  Comp.  (Baumgarten's) 
Nachrichten  von  eiuer  hallischen  Bibliothek  i.  286. 


156  THIRD  PEIIIOD.— DIV.   IV.— A.l).    1305—1409. 

approaching  renovation  in  the  Chm'ch  to  be  brought  about  by 
Francis  and  his  disciples  was  not  quite  eradicated,  at  least  from 
the  Order." 

^^  He  was  thrown  into  prison  by  Clement  VI.  in  1349  at  Avignon, 
as  a  false  prophet  and  heretic  (Brown  append,  ad  fasciculum  rerum 
expetendarum  et  fugiend.  p.  494.  Contin.  chronici  Gull,  de  Nangis 
ad  ann.  1356  in  d'Achery  spicil.  iii.  114),  but  afterwards  was  releast, 
and  always  considered  innocent  by  his  order  (Wadding  ann.  1357  no. 
15.)  In  the  year  1356  he  announced  in  his  Liber  inscriptus  Vade 
mecum  in  tribulatione  (in  Brown  1.  c.  p.  496)  in  20  intentionibus  the 
near  approach  of  Antichrist,  the  renovation  of  the  Church,  and  so  forth. 
The  following  passage  is  characteristic  :  Intentio  secundaest,  universum 
clerum  ac  dominos  supremos, — et  universae  Ecclesiae  Papas  et  Cardi- 
nales  etc.  cum  subditis  clericis  eisdem  reducere  ad  modum  vivendi  sanc- 
tissimum  Christi  et  Apostolorum  sanctorum  :  quoniam  impossibile  foret 
p]cclesiae  aliter  i-ecuperare  praefatum  saeculum  perditum  et  execratum 
quoniam  impossibile  foret  infidelium  populorum,  Judaeorum,Tartarorum, 
Saracenorum  et  Turcarum  ad  Christi  religionem  repugnantem  carnem  et 
sanguinem  reducere,  nisi  per  viros  spiritualissimos,  legem  spiritualissi- 
mam  Christi  non  tarn  verbo  quam  opere  praedicantes  :  si  enim  Praelati 
Ecclesiae  incederent  ad  praedicandam  paupertatem  Christi  cum  200 
vel  300  equis,  sicut  nonnuUi  ex  eis  hodie  incedunt ; — talibus  utique 
praedicatoribus  dicerent  infideles  illud  Evangelii:  Vade  caece,  medere 
el  cura  teipsum.  Quare  omnino  necesse  est  ad  reparationem  mundi, 
modum  vivendi  Christi  et  Apostolorum  suorum  inchoari  a  summis  et 
omnibus  Praelatis  Ecclesiae  generaliter. — Et  ad  hunc  modum  vivendi 
reducentur  cum  flagellis  durissimis,  videlicet  infra  annum  Dom.  1370. 
— Intentio  septima  est  intelligere  modum  denudandi  Ecclesiam  univer- 
sam  ab  omnibus  teraporalibus  rebus.  Indignabitur  siquidem  mundus 
ante  annum  Dom.  1365  contra  fastum  divitiarum,  tempoi-alem  gloriam 
mundanae  superbiae  clericorum,  et  tyrannici  ac  laici  populi  subito  et 
insperate  consurgent  et  auferent  ab  eis  dominia  temporalia, — et  ipsos 
relinquent  in  puris  et  nudis  Evangelicis  declaratis,  et  insuper  multis 
tribulationibus  et  derisionibus  eos  afficient,  nee  ipsis  quibuscunque 
excommunicationibus  aut  bellicosis  insultibus  poterint  obviare  etc. — 
Intentio  deciraa  est  super  apparitione  duorum  admirandorum  propheta- 
rum  induendorum  factis,  qui  Apoc.  c.  10  resistent  bestiae  ascendenti 
de  mari :  quoniam  antequam  perveniat  mundus  ad  annum  Dom.  1365, 
mittet  Deus  miraculose  duos  pauperrimos  Cordelarios  {cordeliers),  ab- 
jectos  fratres  Minores,  qui  ad  literam  sunt,  de  quibus  dicit  Dorainus 
Jesus  Christus  Apoc.  ll*  Dabo  duobus  testibus  meis,  et  prophetabu7it  dies 
MCCLX.  etc. — unus  autem  horum  duorum  erit  Papa  Romanus,  gene- 
rails  Christi  vicarius,  et  alter,  ejus  socius,  Romanae  Ecclesiae  Cardinalis. 
— Hi  igitur  duo  pauperculi  sacratissimi  Minores  abjecti,  Cordelarii 
abjecti,  sunt  mystice  Elias  et  Enoch  etc. 


(MI.   HI.— MONASTICISM.  §  114.  NEW  ORDKRvS.  I57 

§  114. 

NEW  ORDERS. 

Even  now  Monasticism  was  increast  with  many  new  orders, 
but  in  these,  instead  of  a  new  spirit,  there  was  nothing  more 
than  new  forms,  which  fell  into  disuse  as  fast  as  those  before. 
On  the  olive-hill  of  Siena  John  Tolomei  founded  the  Olivetans, 
a  congregation  of  Benedictines^  (Congregatio  S.  Mariae  Montis 
Oliveti,  confirmed  by  John  XXII.  in  1319)  :  John  Colombino, 
likewise  at  Siena,  founded  the  order  of  Jesuates  (Jesuati,  con- 
firmed by  Urban  V.  in  1367),  a  mendicant  order,  consisting 
only  of  laymen  living  according  to  the  rule  of  S.  Augustine.^ 
In  Spain  and  Italy  there  rose  several  orders  of  Hieronymites.' 
About  1363  St  Birgitta  establisht  in  the  Monastery  of  Madstena 
an  order  called  by  her  own  name  (Ordo  S.  Birgittae  or  S.  Sal- 
vatoris  confirmed  by  Urban  V.  in  1370),  which  united  nuns  and 
monks  in  a  peculiar  manner  in  the  same  houses.'* 

1  Raynald.  ann.  1320  no.  50. 

2  On  the  life  of  John  Columbinus  and  the  origin  of  the  order,  see 
Acta  SS.  ad  d.  31.  Jul.  (Jul.  T.  vii.  p.  333). 

3  For  instance  in  Spain  there  were  the  Eremitae  s.  Hieronymi, 
founded  about  1370  by  Peter  Ferdinand  Pecha,  Chamberlain  to  Peter 
the  cruel  King  of  Castile ;  they  were  confirmed  by  Gregory  XI.  in 
1373,  and  governed  by  the  rule  of  S.  Augustine,  with  the  additions 
which  it  had  received  in  the  Monastery  s.  Mariae  de  s.  sepulcro  at  Flo- 
rence (the  proofs  are  in  the  neuen  Beitragen  v.  alten  u.  neun  theol. 
Sachen,  1754,  S.  592).  Their  third  general,  Lupus  Olivetus,  with  the 
consent  of  Martin  V.,  a.d.  1424,  formed  among  them  a  peculiar  con- 
gregation, to  which  he  gave  a  rule  drawn  from  Jerome's  works  (see  in 
Lucae  Holstfcinii  codex  regularum  monast.  ed.  M.  Brockie  iii.  43).  In 
the  year  1595  this  Order  was  reunited  in  Spain  with  the  rest  of  the 
Hieronymites,  but  in  Italy  it  continued  under  the  name  Congr.  Mo- 
nacorum  Eremitarum  s,  Hieronymi  de  observantia  s.  de  Lorabardia,  see 
Holstenius-Brockie  iv.  1. — In  Italy  Peter  Gambacorti  or  Petrus  de 
Pisis,  after  the  year  1377,  establisht  the  Pauperes  Eremitae  Petri  de 
Pisis,  or  Eremitae  S.  Hieronymi.  Besides  there  was  also  the  Congre- 
gatio Fesulana  founded  by  Charles  of  Montegranelli  (f  1417)  see 
Helyot  hist,  des  ordres  monastiques  iii.  423.  iv.  18. 

*  On  the  Life  of  St  Birgitta  see  Acta  SS.  ad  d.  23  Jul.  Jo.  Vastovii 
vitis  Aquiloaia,  s.  vitae  Sanctorum  in  Scandinavia,  ed.  cum  notis 
Ericl  Benzel,  Upsal.  1708.  4. — Her  Revelationes  have  been  often 
publisht,  e.g.  Romae  et  Colon.   1628.     Monachii   1680  fol. — Her  rule, 


158  Tiiini)  rKUH)!).— nn".  iv.— a.d.  i;505— iu)o. 

§115.     ■ 

INDEPENDENT  ECCLESIASTICAL   COMMUNITIES. 

Although  Clement  V.  would  not  henceforth  hear  of  the  tole- 
ration of  Beghards  and  Beguines  (see  Part  1,  §  71),  on  the  plea 
of  then-  being  thoroughly  tainted  with  heresy,^  although  the  most 
violent  persecutions  were  employed  against  them,  and  although 
the  Inquisitors  were  very  mistrustful  of  all  ecclesiastical  societies, 
which  lived  according  to  no  definite  monastic  rule  f  still  the 
inclination  to  a  freer  ecclesiastical  union,  a  manifest  token  that 
monasticism  was  sunken  in  public  estimation,  could  not  be 
supprest,  especially  in  the  Netherlands  and  in  Germany.  John 
XXII.    took    the   female    communities  of   orthodox   Beguines 

confirmed  by  Urban  VI.  in  1379,  is  in  Holstenius-Brockie  iii.  100, 
According  to  cap.  10  each  cloister  was  to  hold  60  sisters,  and  13 
Priests  for  their  service,  juxta  nurnerum  XIII.  Apostoloriim,  quorum 
Paulus  tertius  decimus  non  minimum  laborem  sustinuit,  4  Deacons  and 
8  Laybrothers,  so  that  tantus  omnium  personarum  erit  numerus, 
quantus  erat  XIII.  Apostolorum  et  LXXII.  discijDulorum.  These 
male  persons  a  monasterio  Sororum  omnino  sint  separati,  unam  habentes 
pro  se  curiam,  in  qua  habitabunt  etc.  Cap.  12  :  Abbatissa  eligatur  a 
Conventu,  legitime  vero  electa  ab  Episcopo  confirmetur,  quae  ob  reve- 
rentiam  beatissimae  Virginis,  cui  hie  Ordo  dedicatus  est,  caput  et 
Domina  esse  debet,  quia  ipsa  Virgo,  cujus  Abbatissa  gerit  vicem  in 
terris,  ascendente  Christo  in  caelos,  Caput  et  Regina  extitit  Aposto- 
lorum et  Discipulorum  Christi.  Pragraat.  Gesch.  d.  vornehmsten 
Monchsorden  ii.  1. 

^  Compare  the  two  constitutions  publish t  at  the  Council  of  Vienna  in 
1311,  Clementin.  lib.  iii.  tit.  xi.  c.  1,  and  lib.  v.  tit.  iii.  c.  3.  In  the  first  : 
statum  earundem  (Beguinarum)  perpetuo  duximus  prohibendura,  et  a 
Dei  Ecclesia  penitus  abolendum.  cf.  Mosheim  de  Beghardis  et  Begui- 
nabus  p.  244  ss. 

2  Thus  devout  laymen,  who  did  not  unite  themselves  with  the  monks, 
were  particularly  hated  by  them,  see  Matthiae  de  Janow  lib.  de  sacer- 
dotum  et  monachorum  abhorrenda  abominatione  (in  the  year  1392) 
cap.  84  in  .1.  Hussii  hist,  et  monum.  i.  590:  Habent  nescio  quam 
causam  latentis  odii  contra  illos,  qui  sunt  manifeste  devoti  in  plebibus, 
utpote  sunt  virgines  et  viduae,  et  ex  utroque  sexu  in  paupertate 
cupientes  Christo  Jesu  deservire,  et  ipsos  miris  modis  subtilibus  et  ex- 
quisitis  persequuntur,  ita  quod  nihil  boni  possunt  loqui  de  ipsis,  sed 
conviciando  et  apud  plebes  deturpando  in  publico  per  sermones  et  in 
privato. — Quare  autem   devotis  pauperibus,  qui  sunt   in  plebe,  male 


(11.  ill.— MUiNASTKi.'^xM.  ^  llfi.  HEGHAKDS  AND  l.ol.LAUDS.   i;,!) 

under  liis  protection^  again,  to  shield  tliem  from  persecution.  In 
Germany  and  the  Netherlands  the  Society  of  the  Alexiani  or  Fra- 
tres  Cellitae,  called  Lollards  by  the  folk,  spread  itself  abroad ;  this 
society  had  constituted  itself  at  Antwerp  not  long  after  the  year 
1300  for  works  of  charity  towards  the  sick  and  dead  ;*  Lollard 
also  soon  became  synonymous  with  Beghard,  and  a  name  for 
heretics.^  Heresies  were  undoubtedly  continually  discovered 
among  the  Beghards   and  Beguines."     Not  unfrequently  their 

faveant — et  ipsis  detrahant,  pessima  oinnium  contra  ipsos  mentiendo, 
eosdem  haereticos,  Picardos,  fictos  nequam^  et  aliis  quam  plurimis 
blaspbemiis  lacei'ando,  dift'amando,  et  sic  aliis  laceranduiii  exhibendo  : 
non  bene  causara  aliani  invenio,  nisi  quod  hoc  cupiunt,  quod  omnes 
tales,  qui  volunt  esse  devoti,  ad  ipsos  confluerent,  ut  majorem  laudem 
et  quaestum  perinde  consequautur,  seipsos  per  hoc  coniraendando  ad 
plebes.  Et  idcirco  inanifeste  dicere  solent :  si  hie  vel  ilia  ciq)it  virgo 
pennanere,  quare  nostrum  religionem  non  intrat  ?  quid  vultfacere  talis 
in  saeculo  ?  quare  non  fugit  ad  claustra  monialium  vel  luonadiorum 
de  medio  Babylonis  ? 

^  Extrav.  comm.  lib.  iii.  tit.  ix.  a.d.  1318  (not  1325  see  Mosheim  1. 
c.  p.  627)  :  quia  in  multis  mundi  partibus  plurimae  suntmulieres,  quae 
similiter  vulgo  Beghinae  vocatae,  segregatae,  quandoque  in  parentum, 
aut  suis,  interdum  vero  aliis — domibus  insimul  babitantes,  vitas  ducunt 
honestas,  Ecclesias  devote  frequentant, — nee  se  vel  alium — praemissis 
opinionibus  erroribusque  involvunt : — nos  Beghinasbujusmodi  non  cul- 
pabiles — sub  prohibitione  et  abolitione  {Clementis  V.)  praemissis — 
voluraus  non  includi,  locorum  ordinariis  nibilominus  injungentes,  ut  eas 
sub  praetextu  hujusmodi  nullatenus  molestari  permittant. — Caeterum 
statuni  Beghinarum  hujusmodi,  quas  esse  permit timus, — nullatenus  ex 
praemissis  intendimus  approbare.  Compare  the  Bull  addrest  to  the 
Bishop  of  Strasburg  in  1318  in  Mosheim  1.  c.  p.  630.  In  another  to 
the  Italian  Bishops  a.d.  1326,  ibid.  p.  638,  he  takes  under  his  especial 
protection  the  mulieres,  Beguinas  vulgariter  nuncupatas,  seu  de  poeni- 
•tentia  b.  Dominici,  in  Lombardiae  et  Tusciae  partibus. 

''  Lollard  is  derived  from  lollen  or  lullen,  meaning  to  sing  low.  An- 
nales  Holland,  et  Ultraject.  in  A.  Matthaei  analect.  vet.  aevi  i.  431  : 
Die  Lollardtjes  die  brochten  de  dooden  by  een,  of.  Matthaei  ii.  345. 
643.  Jo.  Bapt.  Gramaye  Antwerpia  lib.  ii.  c.  6,  p.  16.  Ejusd. 
Lovanium  in  his  Antiquitt.  Belgicis,  Lovan.  1708  fol.  p.  18.  Mo- 
sheim institt.  hist.  eccl.  p.  589  not.  y.  Ejusd.  comm.  de  Beghardis 
p.  583  SB. 

^  SeeJo.Hocsemii(Canon  at  Liege  about  1348)  gesta  Pontiff.  Leodien?!. 
lib.  1  c.  31  (in  Chapeavilli  gestorum  Pontiff.  Leod.  scriptores  ii.  350)  : 
Eodem  anno  (1309)  quidam  hypocritae  gyrovagi,  qui  Lollardi  sive 
Deum  laudantes  vocabantur,  per  Hannoniam  (Hennegau)  et  Braban- 
tiam  quasdam  mulieres  nobiles  deceperunt. 

^  Detmar's  Chronik.,  publisht  by  Grautoff,  i.  290  :  "  In  deme  Jahre 

2 


160  THIRD  PERIOD.— UIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

mere  name  incited  the  inquisitors  to  unrighteous  persecutions, 
and  they  sought  the  Pope's  protection.^     On  the  other  hand,  in 

Christi  1368  na  Twelften  do  wart  vorbannen  dat  Levent  der  Bigharde 
unde  del'  Beghinnen  in  dudeschen  Landen  van  Kettermesteren  de  dar  - 
weren  to  ghesettet  van  deme  Pavese.  Se  weren  so  sere  gewokert  in 
den  Landen  unde  vormeret,  dat  in  der  Stadt  to  Erphorde  weren  mer 
dan  veerhundert.  Do  se  dat  Levent  mosten  vorlaten  bi  des  Paves 
Banne,  de  do  wolden  in  der  Stadt  bliven,  de  mosten  openbare  Bote 
untfan  mit  sunderliken  Tekenen,  de  se  droghen  an  erera  Kleide ;  unde 
der  weren  bi  twen  hunderden,  de  dat  deden  unde  bleven  an  der  Stadt, 
De  anderen  makeden  sik  en  weeh,  unde  bleven  an  deme  Banne.  Vele 
hemeliker  Ketterye  van  en  beschreven  sint  an  den  sevenden  Boke  des 
gestlichen  Rechtes  (in  the  Clementines  see  above  note  1),  wante  se 
brochten  vele  Bolkes  in  Dwelinge."  Two  of  them  were  burnt  to  death. 
7  There  are  two  Bulls  of  Gregory  XI.  dated  7.  Apr.  1374  and  2. 
Dec,  1377  addrest  to  the  Bishops  of  Germany  and  the  Netherlands, 
in  Mosheim  de  Beghardis  p,  396  and  401,  In  the  second  we  find : 
Ad  audientiam  nostram  pervenit,  quod  in  vestris  civitatibus  et  dioece- 
sibus  sint  nonnulli  pauperes  utriusque  sexus,  qui  humiliter  et  honeste 
in  fidei  puritate  et  honestis  vestibus  aut  habitibus  in  paupertate  et 
castitate  vivunt,  et  Ecclesias  devote  frequentant.  Et  quod,  licet  hujus- 
modi  pauperes  nobis  et  Romanae  Ecclesiae  et  eorura  Praelatis  et 
Curatis  reverenter  obediant,  nullis  erroribus  se  involvendo, — ^tamen 
nonnulli — Inquisitores  haereticae  pravitatis — hujusmodi  pauperes  occa- 
sione  vestium  indebite  et  injuste  perturbant,  ipsorum  vestes  simplices 
et  honestas  decurtari,  transformari — faciendo,  necnon  oecasione  hujus- 
modi vestium  sacramenta  ecclesiastica  inhibendo,  et  alia  gravamina 
inferendo. — Quocirca  fraternitati  vestrae  per  apostolica  scripta  manda- 
mus, quatenus  quilibet  vestrum  in  dioecesi  sua  pauperes  ipsius  oecasione 
— vestium  nullatenus  molestet,  nee  ah  aliis  molestari — permittatis. 
Boniface  IX,  issued  a  Bull  7.  Jan.  1394  with  the  same  end  in  view, 
and  addrest  to  the  same  Bishops  (in  Mosheim  p.  653),  which,  in  its 
description  of  these  personae  pauperes,  besides  those  mentioned  above, 
gives  also  the  following  traits  peculiar  to  the  original  Lollards  :  pauperes 
et  miserabiles  personas,  petentes,  ad  eorum  recipiunt  hospitia,  et  alia 
exercent,  prout  possunt,  opera  caritatis,  infirmos  scilicit  visitando,  et,  si 
opus  sit,  in  eorum  infirmitatibus  eos  forsitan  requisiti  custodiendo  et 
fovendo,  ac  decedentium  corpora  fidelium — rogati  ad  sepulturam  eccle- 
siasticam  deferendo.  Quamvis  circa  praemissa  Vos  et  Inquisitores 
haereticae  pravitatis — personis  ipsis  auxilio  in  praemissis  esse  deberetis, 
verumtamen  ipsae  personae  per  vos  ac  plerosque  ex  inquisitoribus  ipsis, 
ac  etiam  per  Officiales  et  Vicarios  vestros  in  spiritualibus  generales — 
circa  praemissa  pia  opera  et  modum  vivendi  raultipliciter  minus  debite 
frequentius  tribulantur,  et  eisdem  circa  praemissa  diversa  gravamina 
inferuntur.  The  Bishops  were  accordingly  charged  if  these  persons 
in  their  diocese  were  free  from  the  heresy  of  the  Beghards,  to  allow 
them  to  live  according  to  their  own  way,  citra  tamem  formam  et  ritum 
religionis  aut  alium  modum  vivendi  reprobatura.     In  these  decrees  the 


CH.  HI— MONASTICISM.  §  115.  BEGIIARD.S  AM)  LOLLARDS.    101 

many  places  of  Switzerland  and  the  Rhine,  where  they  iiad 
united  themselves  as  Tertiaries  with  the  Mendicant  orders, 
the  female  Beguines  drew  upon  themselves  universal  hatred 
from  their  lazy  beggary,  interference  in  family  affairs,  and  un- 
chastity.^ 

A  new  kind  of  free  ecclesiastical  fellowships  originated  with 

pauperes  personae  who  were  to  be  tolerated  were  only  described,  not  men- 
tioned by  name  :  true  the  people  called  them  Beghards  and  Lollards,  but 
these  names  to  the  Popes  only  betokened  heretics,  against  whom  they 
renewed  continually  the  severest  laws  of  persecution.  Thus  Boniface 
IX.  31.  Jan.  1395  (in  Mosheim  p.  409)  :  Cum,  sicut  pro  parte  dilec- 
torum  filiorum,  universorum  Inquisitorum  haereticaepravitatis  auctori- 
tate  apostolica  per  Alemanniam  deputatorum,  propositum  extitit  coram 
nobis,  in  partibus  illis  sint  nonnullae  sectae  utriusque  sexus  hominum, 
vulgo  Beghardi,  seu  Lullardi  et  Zwesti'iones,  a  se  ipsis  vero  pauperes 
Fratricelli,  seu  pauperes  pueruli  nominati,  qui  —  novum  religionis 
seu  conformem  habitum  assumere,  congregationes  et  conventicula  facere, 
in  communi  habitare,  superiores,  quos  Procuratores  vel  seiwos  Fra- 
trum,  aut  Marthas  Sororum  nuncupant,  sub  ipsis  eligere  et  publice 
gregatim  mendicare  praesumunt,  sub  quorum  etiam  habitu  et  ritu  vi- 
vendi — semper  haereses  et  haeretici  latitarunt : — cum  autem,  sicut 
etiam  accepimus,  hujusmodi  Beghardi,  seu  Lullardi,  seu  Zwestriones 
exemptionibus  et  concessionibus  a  sede  praefata  jactent  se  fulcitos  ; — nos 
igitur  —  omnes  et  singulas  exemptiones  et  concessiones  hujusmodi 
eisdem  Beghardis,  seu  LuUardis  et  Zwestrionibus — per  nos  vel  quos- 
cunque  praedecessores  nostros — forsan  factas — penitus  revocamus,  ac 
volumus  quod  hujusmodi  Beghardi  seu  Lullardi  et  Zwestriones,  quo- 
cunque  etiam  nomine  nuncupentur,  in  et  super  haeresibus — conveniri, 
et  per  Inquisitores — puniri  possint  et  debeant.  This  Bull  is  certainly 
directed  only  ^"against  the  heretical  Beghards,  without  revoking  the 
protection  guaranteed  to  the  orthodox  Pauperes.  However,  in  fact, 
these  two  classes  were  hardly  distinguishable  from  each  other,  and  so  the 
heretical  Beghards  availed  themselves  of  the  Papal  laws  of  protection. 
Thus  the  treatment  of  all  these  communities  depended  entirely  upon 
the  decision  of  the  Bishops  and  Inquisitors,  and  these  Papal  protective 
laws  guaranteed  to  the  orthodox  pauperes  no  more  security  than  they 
had  without  them. 

^  Thus  in  Basle  where  they,  in  number  1500,  and  the  female  tertia- 
ries of  the  Franciscans,  lived  as  their  concubines.  Their  adversaries 
were  the  Dominican  and  Augustin  monks.  The  struggle  lasted  from 
1401  to  1411  :  then  the  Beguins  were  banisht,  Ochs.  Gesch.  v.  Basel 
iii.  24.  Miiller's  Schweizergesch.  ii.  584.  There  were  similar  com- 
plaints about  them  in  Strasburg,  where  they  belonged  to  the  Tertiary 
order  of  St  Dominic,  and  were  sheltered  by  the  Dominicans  :  Here  at 
the  command  of  the  Council  they  had  to  leave  off  their  peculiar  costume 
and  mendicancy.  Rbhrich's  Gesch.  d.  Reform,  im  Elsass  i.  44. 
VOL.  IV.  L 


162  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV,  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409, 

Gerard  Groot,  an  Ecclesiastic  at  Deventer  (t  1384).^  When, 
after  preaching  to  the  people  with  great  success,  but  without  any 
fixt  appointment,^^  he  had  given  up  this  sphere  of  duty  at  the 
command  of  the  hierarchy ;  then  he  gathered  round  him  at  De- 
venter  a  circle  of  young  men,  who  had  dedicated  themselves  to 
the  ecclesiastical  office,  that  l^e  might  be  of  service  to  them  in 
securing  a  maintenance  and  in  the  acquisition  of  true  clerical 
attainments  :^^  pious  laymen  soon  after  miited  themselves  to  this 
circle. 

9  Thomas  a  Kempis  has  written  the  life  of  Gerard  and  his  imme- 
diate successor;  from  1400 — 1471  he  belonged  to  his  foundations  first 
in  the  Fraterhaus  at  Deventer,  afterwards  as  a  canon  of  St  Agnes  at 
Zvvoll,  see  Thomae  opp.  ed.  H.  Sommalii,  Antv.  1607.  4.  p.  765. — 
Jo.  Buschii  (after  1419  canon  at  Windesbeim,  afterwards  Prior  at 
Sulta  in  Hildesheim  f  1479)  cbronicon  Canonicorum  regularium  Ord. 
s.  Augustini  capituli  Windesemensis  (written  in  1464)  ed.  Herib.  Ros- 
weydus,  Antverp.  1621.  8.  G.  H.  M.  Delprat  Verhandeling  over  de 
Broederscbap  van  G.  Groote, Utrecht  1830  (in  German  with  additions  by 
Dr  G.  Mobnike,  Leipzig  1840.)  Th.  A.  Clarisse  over  den  Geest  en  de 
Denkwijze  van  G.  Groote,  in  Kist  en  Roijaards  Arcbief  voor  kerkelijke 
Gescbiedenis  i.,  355  ii.,  245.  iii,  Bijlagen  p.  1,  viii.  3.  Ullmann's  Re- 
formatoren  vor  der  Reformation  ii.  62. 

^^  Gerard  bad  studied  theology  in  Paris,  and  lectured  with  distinc- 
tion at  Cologne,  afterwards  be  chose  a  life  devoted  to  religious  exercises 
and  practical  ministerial  activity.  On  the  impression  which  bis 
sermons  made,  see  Thomas  a  Kempis  in  vita  Gerardi  Magni  c.  15 : 
tantus  aflFectus  audiendi  vei-bum  Dei  in  populo  fuit,  ut  turbam  conve- 
nientem  Ecclesia  vix  caperet.  Nam  multi  sua  prandia  relinquebant, 
et  negotia  necessaria  suspendentes,  ad  ejus  sermonem  pia  prorsua 
aviditate  tracti  eoncurrebant.  Saepe  namque  duos  sermones  uno  die 
praedicavit,  et  quandoque  spiritu  fervoris  concepto  tribus  boris  aut  am- 
plius  sermonem  continuavit.  Praedicavit  autem  in  principalioribus 
civitatibus  dioecesis  Trajectensis — primum  sermonem  teutbonicum.  cf. 
Buschii  cbron.  Windesem.  lib.  i.  e,  1. 

11  Buschii  cbron.  Windesem.  lib.  i.  c.  2  :  Daventriae  cum  in  diebus 
suis  partieulare  studium  plurimorum  suppositorum  in  pleno  esset 
vigore,  ubi  juvenes  et  adolescentes,  majores  et  minores,  de  diversis 
mundi  partibus  accumulate  confluentes,  in  suis  fundamentalibus  optime 
imbuebantur  :  ven.  pater  Magister  Gerardus  plures  bujusmodi  clericos 
scriptores  meliores  in  unum  recollectos,  libros  ss.  Patrum  in  forma 
meliori,  salvo  pretio  condlgno,  per  eos  exscribi  fecit  et  excopiari.  They 
earned  their  living  by  this  employment.  On  tbe  proposal  of  Floren- 
tius,  to  wbicb  Gerard  agreed  they  began  a  life  in  community.  Con- 
siderantes  autem  bujusmodi  communem  vitam  viam  esse  perfectionis,  in 
Ecclesia  primitiva  sub  s.   Spiritus   gubernatione  ab  ApostoHs  sanctia 


VU.  III.— MONASTiriBM.  g  115.  FRATRES  VITAE  COMMUNIS.     1  (53 

His  disciple,  Florentius  Kadewini  (f  1400)/^  completed  and 
set  in  order  the  work  that  he  had  begun,  by  founding  at  Win- 
desheim  in  Zwoll  (1386)  a  chapter  of  regular  canons,^^  which 
soon  became  the  centre  of  the  well  known  Windeslieim  congre- 
gation, and  afterwards  granted  to  the  Society  a  Fraterhaus  in 
Deventer,^*  in  which,  under  the  superintendence  of  priests,  young 

institutani  ; — bene  dellberata  et  bona  sua  voluntate,  de  Magistri  Ge- 
rardi  consilio,  auxilioet  favore,  conimuni  omnium  decreto  proposueruut, 
concordaverunt  et  firmaverunt,  deinceps  in  tali  communi  vita  sub  vera 
domini  Florentii  obedientia  (quamvis  solemniter  uon  pvomissa)  cunctis 
diebus  vitae  suae  perpetuo  remanere,  victum  et  vestitum,  caeteraque 
corporum  suoruin  correquisita  de  labore  m.anuum  suaruin  in  communi, 
praesertim  scripturarum,  indefesse  procurando.  Dei  etenim  caritate  et 
proximi  dilectione  divinitus  inspirati,  affectuosius  se  mutuo  diligere,  et 
plures  secum  bomines,  non  solum  clericos,  sed  etiam  laicos  bonae  volun- 
tatis, conditionis  cujuscnnque,  ad  amorem  Dei  mundique  contemptum 
verbis  et  exemplis  suis  Sanctis  sedulius  attraheie,  omnes  in  communi 
pai-iter  statuerunt.  Pater  itaoue  devotus,  dominus  Florentius  praefatus, 
cum  suis  Presbyteris  et  clericis,  in  vita  communi  pariter  commoran- 
tibus,  de  consilio  Magistri  Gerardi  formam  et  modum  in  communi 
vivendi,  loca  et  tempora  laborandi,  vigilandi,  dormicndi,  orandi,  legendi 
et  corpora  reficiendi,  aliorumque  saluti  aliquando  insistendi,  statui  suo 
optime  convenientia  salubriter  et  compendiose  componentes,  cunctis  per 
orbem  religiosis,  virisque  et  feminis  saecularibus  apostolicae  vitae 
formam,  et  evangelicae  perfectionis  exemplar  formale  et  bene  imitabile 
oculata  fide  se  praebuerunt,  ut  omnium  in  se  oculos,  vitam  eorum  prae 
sanctitate  collaudantinm,  redderent  attonitos.  Hujusmodi  igitur  occa- 
sione  omnes  ubique  congregationes  devotae  Presbyterorum,  clericorum 
etsororumprimitivum  suscepisse  dignoscuntur  exordium,  per  orbem  jam 
Almanicum  plurimum  dilatatae. 

1-  Thomas  a  Kempis  in  vita  Florentii. 

^^  Buschii  chrcn.  Windcsem.  lib.  i.  c.  6.  Gerard  upon  his  death- 
bed had  already  desired  tlie  institution  of  such  a  monastery,  and  recom- 
mended it  to  his  followery  (Busch.  lib.  i.  c.  5.)  :  Aliqui  vestri;m 
Ordinem  ab  Ecclesia  approbatuui  debent  assumere,  ad  quos  omnes 
devoti  utriusque  sexus  in  cunctis  suis  necessitatibus  securum  habere 
debent  recursum,  consilium  et  auxilium,  defensionis  pracsidium  pe- 
tentes  recepturi.  And  thus  his  followers  acknowledged  after  his  death 
as  William  Vornken,  Prior  at  Windesheira  (-|-  1455)  allows)  Archicf 
voor  kerkel.  Geschiedenis  viii.  262  anm.),  that  the  institution, 
commenced  by  Gerard  could  only  be  lasting,  si  constitucretur  monas- 
terium  alicujus  probatae  Religionis,  et  praecipue  Canonicorum  regu- 
larium,  sub  cujus  umbra  possent  omnes  devotae  turtures  ab  insiiltation- 
ibus  accipitrum  tutissime  habei-e  refugium.  To  the  number  of  these 
hawks  belonged  especially  the  pseudodoetores  et  praedicatores,  qui 
omnia,  quae  ipsi  nesciebant,  rabido  ore  carpere  et  persequi  satagebant 
(the  mendicant  friars.) 

^*  It  was  the  gift  of  a  widow,  the  deed  of  gift  dated  17th  November 

l2 


164  THIRD  PEKIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.  D.  1305—1409. 

men  were  preparing  for  the  ecclesiastical  office  (Clerici)/'"*  and  pious 
laymen,  who  plied  then'  different  trades,  lived  together  as  brethren 
in  community  of  goods,  but  without  a  perpetual  vow  (Fratres 
vitae  communis,)  ^^  endeavoured  to  promote  Christian  piety 
among  themselves  and  others,^^  and  workt  for  their  end  by  fixt  de- 

1396,  Is  in  van  Heussen  hist,  episcopatus  Daventriensis  (Hist,  episcopa- 
tuum  Trajectinensiiim  ii.  41.) 

^^  The  distinguisht  school  at  Deventer  had  indeed  no  connexion 
with  the  Fraterhaus  of  that  place,  either  in  origin  or  constitution. 
But  the  brethren  maintained  a  friendly  intercourse  with  it  by  provid- 
ing spiritual  and  bodily  entertainment  for  such  of  the  pupils  as  betook 
themselves  to  them.  Thus  Thomas  a  Kerapis  (lib.  de  discipulis.  dom. 
Florentii.  c.  1),  records  that  when  be  studii  causa  in  annis  adolescen- 
tiae  (1393)  was  come  to  Deventer,  he  betook  himself  to  Florentius,  who 
ad  scholas  (me)  instituit,  datis  insuper  libris,  quibus  me  egere  putavit. 
Demum  hospitium  cum  quadam  honesta  et  devota  matrona  gratis  im- 
petravit,  quae  mihi  et  aliis  multis  clericis  (pupils)  saepius  bene  fecit. 
Then  he  gives  the  character  of  the  brethren :  nunquam  prius  tales 
homines,  tarn  devotes  et  ferventes  in  caritate  Dei  et  proximi  me  vidisse 
raemini,  qui  inter  saeculares  viventes,  de  saeculari  vita  nihil  habebant, 
nihilque  de  terrenis  negotiis  curare  videbantur.  Nam  domi  quiete 
raanentes  libris  scribendis  operam  sollicite  dabant,  sacris  lectionibus 
et  devotis  meditationibus  frequenter  insistentes  &c. — Cap.  14  de  Ar- 
noldo  Schoenhoviae  :  He  also  came  to  Deventer  propter  doctrinae 
studium,  Dominus  Florentius— concessit  ei  mansionem  in  antiqua 
domo  sua,  ubi  plures  clerici  niimero  fere  viginti  in  communi  bursa 
stabant,  unam  communera  mensam  et  sumptum  habentes,  et  in  magna 
devotione  domino  famulantes.  Eodem  tempore  adjuvante  domino 
Florentio  et  consulente  domum  illam  inhabitare  coepi,  et  fere  per 
annum  in  congregatione  ilia  cum  Arnoldo  permansi. — Ibi  quippe  didici 
scribere,  et  sacram  Scripturam  legere,  et  quae  ad  mores  spectant,  de- 
votosque  tractatus  audire. — Quicquid  tunc  scribendo  lucrari  potui,  in 
sumptus  communes  tradldi,  et  quod  mihi  defuit,  larga  pietas  dilecti 
domini  mei  Florentii  pro  me  persolvit,  et  paterne  in  omnibus  sub- 
venit. 

^^  They  are  also  called  Fratres  bonae  voluntatis,  Fratres  collationarii, 
Collatienbriider,  Fraterherrn,  in  dififereut  places,  also  Fratres  Hierony- 
miani  or  Gregorian!  according  to  their  patron  saint. 

^^  Compare  the  Conclusa  et  proposita,  non  vota,  in  nomine  Domini  a 
Mag.  Gerardo  edita  (in  Gerardi  vita  scripta  a  Thom.  a  Kempis  c.  18, 
and  in  the  Archief  voor  kerkel.  Geschied.  viii.  371),  whieb  may  be 
considered  as  the  fundamental  rule  of  this  Society :  Ad  gloriam  et 
bonorem  et  servitium  Dei  intendo  vitam  meam  ordinare,  et  ad  salutem 
animae  meae.  Nullum  bonum  temporale,  sive  corporis,  sive  honoris, 
seu  fortunae,  seu  scientiae  praeponere  saluti  animae  meae. — Primum 
est  nullum  amplius  beneficium  desiderare. — Quanto  plura  beneficia  et 
plura  bona  habeo,  tanto  pluribus  ego  servio, — et  est  contra  libertatem 
spiritus,  quae  est  principale  bonum  in  vita  spirituali.     Rarissime  est, 


■    €H.  III.— MONASTICISM.  g  115.  FRATRES  VITAE  COMMUNIS.    1(35 

quod  qui  scientiis  lucrativis,  vel  medicinae,  vel  legibus,  vel  decretis 
inhaeret,  rectus  sit  vel  aequus  in  ratione,  vel  Justus  vel  quietus  vel 
recte  vivens.  Item  tu  nullum  tempus  consumes  in  geometricis,  arith- 
meticis,  rhetoricis,  dialecticis,  grammaticis,  lyricis  poetis,  judicialibus, 
astrologis.  Haec  enim  omnia  per  Senecam  reprobantur,  et  retracto 
oculo  bono  viro  respicienda  sunt,  quanto  magis  spirituali  vel  Christiano 
respuenda  ?  Item  inutilis  temporis  consnmptio  est,  et  nihil  prodest 
ad  vitam.  Item  inter  omnes  scientias  gentilium  moralia  minus  abhor- 
renda  sunt,  quae  saepe  sunt  multum  utilia  et  proficua,  tarn  in  propria 
persona,  quam  in  docendo  alios.  Unde  sapientiores  omnem  philoso- 
phiam  ad  mores  retorquebant,  sicut  Socrates  et  Plato.  Et  si  de  altis 
rebus  dixerunt,  etiam  sub  levi  moralitate  ea  figurative,  secundum  b. 
Augustinum  et  experientiam  suam,  tradiderunt,  ut  et  inveniri  posset 
semper  mos  juxta  cognitionem.  Unde  et  Seneca  haec  secutus  in 
quaestionibus  naturalibus  totiens  admiscet  moralia.  Quiquid  enim 
meliores  nos  non  facit,  vel  a  malo  non  retrahit,  nocivum  est. — Nun- 
quam  capies  gradum  in  medicina ; — similiter  nee  gradum  in  legibus 
vel  canonibus,  quia  finis  graduum  est  vel  lucrum,  vel  beneficia,  vel 
inanis  jactantia. — Item  nuUam  artem  studere,  nullum  librum  facere, 
nullum  iter  arripere  vel  laborem,  nullam  practicam  scientiam  exercere 
ad  dilatandam  famam  meam  et  nomeu  scientiae  meae  etc. — Item 
omnem  disputationem  publicam  vitare  et  abhorrere,  quae  est  litigiosa 
vel  ad  triumphandura  vel  ad  apparendum,  sicut  sunt  omnes  disputa- 
tiones  theologorum  et  artistarum  Parisii :  immo  nee  ad  discendum 
interesse.  Patet,  quia  contra  quietem  sunt, — et  inutiles  et  semper 
curiosae,  et  ut  plurimum  superstitiosae,  animales,  diabolicae  et  ter- 
renae. — Item  nunquam  dispufabo  cum  quocunque  private,  nisi  pi'aeor- 
dinetur  certus  finis  evidentis  boni.  Radix  studii  tui  et  speculum  vitae 
sint  primo  evangelium  Christi,  quia  ibi  est  vita  Christi :  deinde  vitae 
et  collationes  Patrum  :  deinde  epistolae  Pauli  et  canonicae  et  actus 
Apostolorum :  deinde  libri  devoti,  ut  meditationes  Bernardi,  et 
Anselmi  horologium,  de  conscientia  Bernardi,  soliloquia  Augustini,  et 
consimiles  libri :  item  legenda  et  flores  Sanctorum,  instructiones 
Patrum  ad  mores,  sicut  pastorale  Gregorii,  de  opere  monachali  b. 
Augustini,  Gregorius  super  Job,  et  similia  :  homiliae  evangeliorum  ss. 
Patrum  et  quatuor  Doctorum  :  intellectus  ss.  Patrum,  et  postillae  super 
epistolas  Pauli,  quia  continentur  in  capitulis  Ecclesiae :  studium  in 
libris  Salomonis  parabolarum,  et  ecclesiastae,  et  ecclesiastici,  quia  con- 
tinentur in  F^cclesia  in  lectionibus  et  capitulis :  orabo  spivitu,  orabo  et 
mente  :  studium  et  intellectus  psalterii,  quia  continetur  in  Ecclesia  ss. 
Patrum  :  psallam  spiritu,  psallam  et  mente  :  librorum  Mosaicorum 
studium,  historiarum  Josuae,  Judicum  et  Kegum,  prophetarum,  et  ex- 
positiones  Patrum  in  his.  De  modo  transcurrendi  decreta  propter  scire 
instituta  majorum  et  Ecclesiae,  non  ad  incorporandum,  seJ  transcur- 
rere,  ne  ignorantia  juris  pietatem  vertas  in  inobedientiam,  ut  videas 
grossos  Ecclesiae  primltivae  fructus,  ut  scias  a  quibus  debes  cavere,  et 
a  quibus  monere  cavendum.  Omni  die,  quando  potes,  debes  audire 
Missam  usque  ad  finem  etc. — Vita  Florentii  c.  14  :  Quod  a  venerabili 
magistro  Gerardo  didicit  et  accepit,  hoc  diligenter  observavit,  cujus 
sententia  fuit,  ut  nemo  ad  congregationem  suscipi  deberet,  nisi   secun- 


1(J6  THIRD  PERIOD. -DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— 140'J, 

votional  exercises  (collations)^^  to  which  every  one  had  fi'ee  access. 
These  brethren  soon  spread  themselves  in  the  Netherlands,  and 
also  in  Northern  Germany.  From  their  resemblance  to  the  Beg- 
liards,^^  they  quickly  fell  under  the  suspicion  of  the  Inquisitors,^*^ 

dum  b.  PauH  dictum  manibus  laborare  vellet.  Est  namque  operatic 
sancta  ad  omnem  spiritualem  profectum  utilissima,  per  quam  carnis 
lascivia  domatur,  et  ab  evagandi  levitate  mens  dissoluta  citius  refraen- 
atur. — Igitur  ars  scribendi  libros,  quae  clericis  melius  convenit,  et 
quietius  exerceri  potest,  a  Fratribus  donius  ejus  est  raaturius  arrepta, 
et  pro  communi  bono  'servando  iisitatius  introducta.  Ipse  vero  vene- 
randus  pater  Florentius,  ne  vacuum  uomen  gereret  rectoria, — dedit 
scriptoribus  exemplum  clarura,  membranas  pumicando,  quaterniones 
lineando,  et  componendo.  Quia  licet  minus  bene  scribere  sciret,  in 
praeparando  tamen  aliis  necessaria,  quam  plurimum  scriptores  adjuvit 
manu  sua  oleo  sancto  consecrata.  Interdum  cum  opus  esset, — assumpto 
socio  libros  jam  scriptos  perlegit  et  correxit  etc. 

^^  Hence  also  their  name  Collatienbriider.  With  regard  to  the  col- 
lations sec  Dumbar  analecta  i.  22.  85.  Faquot  Mem.  litteraires  iv. 
164.  Delprat  translated  by  Mohnike  s.  104.  These  devotional  exer- 
cises were  in  the  native  language  :  the  Brethren  also  distributed  pious 
tracts  written  in  the  same  language.  There  are  extant  some  exhor- 
tations written  by  one  of  them,  Gerard  Zerbolt  or  Gerard  of  Ziit- 
phen  (-f-  1396),  on  the  advantage  of  reading  Holy  Sci'iptures  in  the 
mother-tongue,  and  on  the  necessity  of  praying  in  it,  see  in  Revii 
Daventria  illustrata  p.  41.  Delprat- Molmike  s.  140.  Comp.  IIU- 
mann's  Reformatoren  vor  der  Reform,  ii.  115. 

^^  The  Augustine-eremite  John  Schiphovver  (1504)  in  his  Chron. 
Oldenburg,  c.  13,  Meibom.  rer.  Germ.  ii.  165  speaks  of  Gerard  Groot 
as  domus  fratrum  Lulierdorura  primatum  gerens. 

-^  Even  Gerard  Groot  had  to  defend  the  society  against  the  attacks 
of  the  mendicant  friars,  Busch.  chron.  Windesh.  lib.  i.  c.  3.  Compare 
the  opinion  obtained  from  the  faculty  of  law  at  Cologne  in  1398  of  the 
persons  persecuted  as  Gerardini,  Beghardi  etc.  in  Mosheim  de  Beghar- 
dis  p.  433  :  Sequentes  quaestiones  cum  suis  solutionibus  super  casu, 
qui  sequitur,  sunt  scriptae  et  formatae  pro  munimine  Beghardorum  etc. 
Casus :  In  aliquibus  partibus  plures  personae  se  simul  receperunt  ad 
cohabitanduui  aliquo  modo,  sicut  Clerici  in  una  domo,  in  qua  libros  pro 
pretio  scribunt,  alii  vero  non  scientes  scribere,  scientes  tamen  opera 
diversa  mechanica,  quae  similiter  exercent  pro  pretio  in  alia  domo,  aut 
etiam  aliud  faclunt  opus  manuale.  Et  istae  personae  laborant  manibus, 
et  de  his,  quae  laboribus  acquirunt,  vel  de  suis  propriis,  si  quae  habent, 
vivunt,  et  omnia  sibi  invicem  pro  majore  concordia  libere  communicant, 
vel  in  commune  ponunt,  comedunt  simul,  et  non  mendicant.  Habent 
eiiam  inter  se  uuam  personam  probam,  quae  curam  domus  habet,  cujus 
monitis  acquiescunt  vel  obediunt,  sicut  boni  scolarcs  magistro.  On  the 
question  whether  this  life  in  comnmnity  without  monastic  vows  (extra 
religionem)  was  allowed  in  law,  the  faculty  decided  in  the  affirmative  : 
On  the  other   side  there  are  the   Observationes  Inquisitor  is  Belgici  in 


CH.  111.— MONASTICISM.  §  115.  FRATRES  VITAE  COMMUNIS.     lt}7 

and  had  manifold  persecutions  to  undergo ;  l)ut  they  always 
found  in  the  monasteries  of  the  Windesheim  congregation,  with 
which  they  remained  in  close  connection,  all  the  protection  which 
these  houses  were  able  to  aflPord. 

magistrorum  Coloniensium  responsum — pro  detectionefigmentorum  sectae 
Gherardinorum  (1.  c.  p.  443)  :  diversae  sunt  congregationes  non  solum 
Clericorum,  sed  maxime  foeminarum,  quae  in  diversis  doraibus  singulas 
Marthas  habentibus,  sirnul  in  communi,  sub  cura  et  regimine  earun- 
dem  Martharum  degunt,  nee  aliquid  proprii, — sed  omnia  in  communi 
habentes,  partim  de  laboribus  manuum  pro  majori,  aut  de  eleemosynis 
ad  modum  Religiosorum  vivunt.  Quibus  non  licet  comedere,  bibere, 
sedere,  stare,  surgere,  exire,  loqui,  vel  dormire,  aut  quodcunque  aliud 
facers  sine  speciali  licentia  Marthae  vel  Submarthae  petita  et  obtenta. 
— Singulatim  culpas  suas  dicunt, — et  poenas  a  Martha  injunctas  obe- 
dienter  recipiunt.  Quae  omnia — licet  de  se  non  sint  mala,  imrao 
bona  et  laudabilia  ;  multi  tamen  contra  ipsas  clamant,  novas  congre- 
gationes ad  modum  Religiosorum  propria  temeritate  facere  sine  licentia 
speciali  sedis  apostolicae  non  licere. — Est  una  Martha  principalis  in 
Trajecto,  quae  domos  sororum  ibidem,  et  alias  domos  earundem  in 
oppidis  circumjacentibus,  quolibet  anno  ad  minus  semel,  vel  bis,  aut 
pluries,  visitat  directe. — Presbyter  quidara  cum  dicta  Martha  in  eadem 
domo  hospitatur,  et  istarum  congregationum  legislator  est  atque  guber- 
nator  supremus. — Non  volunt  regulam  approbatam  assumere,  nee 
permittuntur  ab  ipsarum  memorato  gubernatore,  dicente,  se  velle  potius 
stabulum  pecudum  custodire,  quam  eas,  si  omnino  vellent  aliquam 
approbatam  regulam  accipere. 


168  THIKI)  I'EKIOD.— UIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

FOURTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES. 

§116. 

THIRD  PERIOD  OF  SCHOLASTIC  THEOLOGY. 

Bossuet's  Gesch.  d.  Welt  u.  d.  Religion,  fortges.  v.  T.  A.  Cramer  vii.  791. 
Tiedemann's  Geist  der  speciilativen  Philosophic  v.  125.  Tennemann's 
Gesch.  d.  Philosophie  VIII.  ii.  803,  840.  Ritter's  Gesch.  d.  christl. 
Philosophie  iv.  547. 

The  third  period  of  scholastic  theology  begins  with^two  distin- 
iTuisht  men,  who  boldly  strove  to  shape  out  new  paths  for  them- 
selves, the  Dominican  Durand  of  St  Poui'^ain  (de  sancto  Porciano 
from  1313  Reader  in  Theology  at  Paris,  afterwards  Magister  S.Pa- 
latii,  from  1326  Bishop  of  Meaux  f  1333,  Doctor  resolutissimus)^ 
and  the  Franciscan  William  Occam  (Reader  in  Tlieology  at  Paris, 
from  1322  Provincial  in  England,  after  1328  in  the  Court  of 

1  His  principal  work  is  his  Opus  super  sententias  Lombardi  (ed. 
Paris.  1508.  Venet.  1571  fol.)  How  little  he  cared  for  authority  see 
lib.  i.  dist.  iii.  p.  ii.  qu.  5  :  Quod  dicitur  de  intentione  Aristotelis, 
dicendum,  quod  quicquid  Ipse  intenderit,  de  quo  non  est  tantum  curan- 
dum,  sicut  de  veritate,  tamen  etc.  He  inclined  already  towards  Nomi- 
nalism see  Ritter  iv.  550  561. — Though  at  first  a  zealous  Thomist,  he 
afterwards  differed  from  Thomas  in  many  doctrines,  comp.  Durandi 
de  s.  Porciano  temerariae  opiniones,  quae  in  schoHs  communiter 
improbantur,  in  d'Argentre  collectio  judiciorum  de  novis  erroribus  i. 
330.  For  instance  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Sacraments.  Thus  lib.  iv. 
dist.  i.  qu.  4  :  Utrum  in  sacramentis  novae  legis  sit  aliqua  virtus 
inhaerens  causativa  gratiae  etc.  ? — Alia  opinio  est  antiqua  et  sine 
calumnia,  et  magis,  ut  mihi  videtur,  consonat  dictis  Sanctorum,  scil. 
quod  In  sacramentis  non  est  aliqua  virtus  causativa  gratiae  : — sed  sunt 
causa,  sine  qua  non  confertur  gratia ;  quia  ex  divina  pactione  vel 
ordinatlone  sic  fit,  quod  recipiens  Sacramentum  reclpit  gratlam,  nisi 
ponat  obicem  :  reclpit  gratlam  non  a  Sacramento,  sed  a  Deo.  Lib.  iv. 
dist.  4.  qu.  1  :  Utrum  character  sit  aliquid  in  anima  1 — Character  non 
est  aliqua  natura  absoluta,  sed  est  sola  relatio  rationis,  per  quam  ex 
institutione  vel  pactione  divina  depntatuv   aliquis  ad  sacras   actiones. 


CH.  IV.— THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE!?,  g  116.  SCHOLASTIC  THEOL.  1^9 

Lewis  the  Bavarian  f  1347,   Doctor  singularis  et  invincibilis, 

Quod  declaratur  sic :   Sicut  nummus  sortitur  rationem  pretii,  et  merel- 
lus  (the  irapressioa)   rationem  signi  ex  huraana  institutione,   sic   res 
naturales  sortiuntur  rationem   Sacramenti,  et   homo  rationem  Ministri 
ex  divina  institutione  etc. — Cum  scriptum  sit  Eccl.  24  :  Qui  elucidant 
me,  vitam  aeternam  habebunt ;  ad  ea  quae  sunt  fidei,  cum  sint  satis 
obscura  de  se,  non  est  conveniens  adducere  vias  obscuras,  et  quae  plus 
habent  obscuritatis  et  difficultatis,  quam  principale  propositum.     Com- 
pare the  doctrine  of  Thomas  on  the  point  in  question  Part.  2  §  77, 
note  22. — Lib.  iv.  dist.  11  qu.    1  on  Transubstantiation :  salvo  meliori 
judicio  potest  aestimari,  quod  si  in  isto  sacramento  fiat  conversio  sub- 
stantiae  panis  in  corpus  Christi,  quod  ipsa  fit  per  hoc  quod  corrupta 
forma  panis,  materia  ejus  sit  sub  forma  corporis  Christi  subito  et  virtute 
divina,  sicut  materia  alimenti  fit  sub  forma  nutriti  virtute  naturae. — 
Praedictus    autem    modus   conversionis    substantiae   panis    in    corpus 
Christi  constat,  quod  est  posslbilis  :  alius  autem  modus,  qui  communis 
tenetur,  est  inintelligibilis  :  nee  unus  istorum  est  magis  per  Ecclesiam 
approbatus  vel  i-eprobatus,  quam  alius.     Nee  omnes  difiicultates  fidei 
difficultatibus  supei'addere,  quin  potius  juxta  documentum  Scripturae 
conandum  est  obscuritates   elucidare.     Lib.  iv.  dist.  26,  qu.  3  :  An 
matriinoniwn  sit  sacramentum  ? — Tenendum  est  absolute,  quod  matri- 
monium   est    sacramentum,  cum    hoc   determinet    Ecclesia   Extra  de 
haeret.  ad  abolendam  (Deer.   Greg.   v.   7,   9). — Sunt  alia  duo  circa 
matrimonlum,  circa  quae  sine  periculo  haeresis  licitum  est  contraria 
opinari :  quorum  unum  est  theologicum,  videlicet  utrum  in  raatrimonio 
conferatur  gratia  ex  opere  operate,  sicut  in  aliis  sacramentis  novae 
legis ;  secundum  est  logicum,   videlicet   utrura  matrimonium    babeat 
plenam  univocationem  cum  aliis  sacramentis.     Quantum  ad  primum 
aliter  opinantur  Juristae,  et  aliter  Theologi :  Juristae  enim,  qui  nove- 
runt  textum  decretorum  et  decretalium, — et  aliqui  eorum  fuerunt  de 
collegio  Cardinalium  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae,  tenent  quod  in  sacramento 
matrimonii  non  confertur  gratia. — Quorum  opinio  an  sit  vera  an  falsa, 
— non   determine    quoad  praesens  :    sed   solum  hoc  accipio  tanquam 
verum,  quod  cum  praedicti  doctores  noverint  Jura  canonica,  et  eorum 
scripta  et  dicta  habeantur  a  Papa  et  Cardinalibus, — quorum  est  specia- 
liter  scire,  quid  Ecclesia  Romana  praedicat  et  observat,  nee  scripta 
eorum,  quoad  praedictum  articulum  de  matrimonio  reprobentur  tanquam 
erronea ; — quod  sentire,  quod  per  sacramentum  matrimonii  non  confer- 
atur gratia,  non  est  contra  determinationem  Ecclesiae,  nee  contra  id, 
quod  Romana  Ecclesia  praedicat  et  observat. — Huic   etiam  opinioni 
consentit  Magister  sententiarum. — Modern!  autem  theologi  quasi  com- 
muniter  tenent,  quod  per  sacramentum  matrimonii  confertur  gratia. 
(Comp.  Part  2,  §  77,  note  22.)     To  the  second  question,  utrum  matri- 
monium habeat  perfectam  univocationem  cum  aliis   sacramentis,    he 
replies,  that  according  to  the  prior  et  communior  definitio  sacramenti, 
quod  sacramentum  est  sacrae  rei  signum,  marriage  is  certainly  a  sacra- 
ment :  est  enim  signum  sacrae  rei,  id  est  conjunctionis  Christi  et  Eccle- 
siae :  however,  with  the  distinction  that  in  aliis  sacramentis  i-es  sacra, 
cujus  sunt  signum,  non  solum  est  significata,  sed  et  contenta  ;  in  matri- 


170  THIKD  PEKIOD.-DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

venerabilis  inceptor.)^  The  latter  especially  created  an  epoch  m 
the  history  of  Scholasticism,  because  waging  an  equally  un- 
daunted warfare  against  the  philosophical  darkness  of  the  Real- 
ists, and  the  Papal  encroachments,'  he  once  more  awakened 
Nominalism,  which  had  quite  vanisht  since  the  time  of  Roscel- 
linus.*  As  these  new  Nominalists  or  Occamists  considered  all 
natural  human  cognition  to  be  only  a  cognition  of  phantoms, 

monio  autem  res  sacra,  cujus  est  signum,  est  solum  significata,  non 
contenta.  If,  however,  a  sacrament  is  defined  as  aliquod  signum 
corporale  vel  sensibile  extrinsecus  homini  appositum  ad  effectum  sanc- 
tificationis  spiritualis ;  quantum  ad  hoc  matrimonium  non  videtur 
habere  perfectam  univocationem  cum  sacramentis  novae  legis. — His 
conclusion  is  matrimonium  non  est  sacramentum  stricte  et  proprie 
dictum,  sicut  alia  sacramenta  novae  legis,  but  as  sacrae  rei  signum 
only  largo  modo  sacramentum. 

2  Among  his  theological  works  the  most  important  is  Quaestiones 
super  iv.  libris  Sententiarura,  publisht  at  Lyons  1495  fol.  Besides 
Centilogium  theologicum,  Quodlibeta,  Tract,  de  sacramento  Altaris. 
There  are  also  several  philosophical  works  by  him.  Some  have  been 
already  mentioned  above  §  100,  note  13  and  19. 

■^  Compare  the  way  in  which  he  speaks  of  his  teacher  Duns  Scotu3 
in  the  Prologus  ad  lib.  i.  Sentent.  qu.  1.  After  quoting  him  in  favour 
of  an  assertion,  he  proceeds  :  Et  si  dicatur,  quod  alibi  ponat  oppositum, 
parum  me  movet :  quia  ego  non  allego  eum  tanquam  auctorem,  nee 
dico  praedictam  opinionem,  quia  ipse  eam  ponit,  sed  quod  reputo  veram  : 
et  ideo  si  alibi  dixit  oppositum,  non  euro. 

*  See  particularly  in  Sent.  lib.  i.  dist,  2,  qu.  4 — 8.  Especially  qu.  4, 
Of  the  opinion  of  the  realists,  quod  quolibet  universale  univocumest  quae- 
dam  res  extrinsecus  extra  animam  realiter  in  quolibet  et  singulariter,  dis- 
tinctarealiter  a  singulari,  et  a  quolibet  aliouniversali,  ita  quod  homo  uni- 
versalis est  quod  homo  universalis  est  una  vera  res  extra  animam  exist- 
ens  realiter  in  quolibet  horaine,  et  distinguitur  realiter  a  quolibet  homine, 
he  says  here :  Ista  opinio  est  simpliciter  falsa  et  absurda.  Nulla 
una  res  numero  non  variata  nee  multiplicata,  est  in  pluribus  suppositis  vel 
singularibus  : — sed  talis  res  si  poneretur,  esset  una  numero,  ergo  non 
esset  in  pluribus  singularibus,  nee  de  essentia  illorum. — Qu.  8  :  Univer- 
sale non  est  aliquid,  reale  habens  esse  subjectivum,  nee  in  anima  nee 
extra  animam.  Sed  tamen  habet  esse  objectivum  in  anima,  et  est 
quoddam  fictum  habens  esse  tale  in  esse  objectivo,  quale  habet  res 
exti*a  in  esse  subjective.  Et  hoc  per  istum  modum,  quod  intellectus 
videns  aliquam  rem  extra  animam,  fingit  consimilem  rem  in  mente,  ita 
quod,  si  haberet  virtutem  productivam,  talem  rem  in  esse  subjectivo, 
numero  distinctam  a  priori  produceret  extra. — Universale  est  exemplar 
et  inditferenter  respiciens  omnia  singularia  extra: — et  ita  isto  modo 
universale  non  est  per  geuerationem  sed  per  abstractionem,  quae  non 
est  nisi  fictio  quaedam.  Comp.  Tiedemann  v,  1G8.  Tennemann  viii. 
ii.  846.     Ritter  iv.  579. 


CH.  IV.— THEOL.  SCIENCES,  g  110.  SCHOLASTIC  THEOL.      I7I 

and  not  trutli,^  they  rejected  all  philosophical  demonstrations  of 
positive  Church  teaching,  grounded  tlie  latter  only  upon  revela- 
tion, brought  emphatically  forward  the  contrast  between  revelation 
and  the  cognition  of  reason,^  and  did  not  even  hesitate  to  derive 
the   evidently  new    Church    doctrines    from    new   revelations/ 


SRitter  iii,  155. 

^  Occam  de  sacrara.  altaris  c.  5  :  Est  advertendum,  quod  quamvis  in 
N.  T.  reperiatar  cxpressum,  quod  corpus  Christi  sub  specie  panls  est 
sumenduin : — taiiien  quod  substantia  panis  non  manet,  ibi  non  expri- 
initur,  unde  et  de  hoc  antiquitus  fuerunt  diversae  opiniones.  He  then 
produces  three  opinions  on  the  presence  of  Christ  in  the  Lord's  Supper  : 
The  third  is,  quod  remanet  ibi  substantia  panis  et  vini,  et  in  eodem 
loco  sub  eadem  specie  est  Corpus  Christi  (the  opinion  of  Johannes 
Paris.  Part  2,  §  77,  note  8.)  With  regard  to  this  he  says,  QuodUbet. 
1.  iv.  qu.  35  :  esset  muUum  rationalis,  nisi  esset  determinatio  Ecclesiae 
in  contrarium,  quia  ilia  salvat  et  vitat  omnes  difficultates,  quae  sequ- 
untur  ex  separatione  accidentium  a  subjecto.  Nee  contrarium  habetur 
in  canone  Bibliae,  nee  plus  includit  aliquam  contradictionem,  corpus 
Christi  coexistere  substantiae  panis,  quam  ejus  accidentibus,  nee  repugnat 
rationi.  Still  he  holds  fast  the  Church's  determination  :  substantia  panis 
et  vini  desinit  esse,  et  nianent  accidentia  tantum,  et  sub  illis  ineipit 
esse  corpus  Christi,  and  says  of  it :  hoc  constat  Ecclesiae  per  aliquam 
revelationem,  ut  suppono,  el  icleo  sic  determinavit.  Thus  also  Petrus 
d'Alliaco,  Card.  Camieracensis  declares  in  libr.  iv.  Sent,  multo  probabi- 
lius  esse,  et  minus  superfluorum  miraculorum  poni,  si  in  altari  verus 
panis  veruinque  vinuni,  non  autem  sola  accidentia  esse  adstruerentur, 
nisi  Ecclesia  determinasset  coutrai'ium  (Luther,  de  captivit.  Babyl.  T.  ii. 
Jen.  fol.  262,  b).  Comp.  Rettberg's  Occam  and  Luther,  in  the  Theol. 
Studien  u.  Krit.  1839.  i.  69.  Thus  Gerson  lect.  ii.  contra  vanam 
curiositatem,  consider,  v.  (0pp.  i.  101)  says  of  the  Trinity  :  Major 
distinctio  quam  formalis  stat  cum  summa  simplicitate  divina,  distinctio 
scilicet  persouarum.  Hoc  ego  pia  et  sola  fide  teneo,  numquam  hoc 
asserturus,  nisi  fides  edoceret. 

^  Thus  Occam  says  of  Transubstantiation,  above  note  6.  Jo.  Ger- 
sonii  sermo  de  conceptione  b.  Mariae  virg.  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  iii. 
1330) :  Est  quod  Spiritus  sanctus  interdum  revelat  Ecclesiae  vel  doc- 
toribus  posterioribus  aliquas  virtutes,  vel  expositiones  s.  Scripturae, 
quas  non  revelavit  eorum  praedecessoribus. — Ideo  Moj'ses  scivit  plus 
quam  Abraham,  Prophetae  quam  Moyses,  Apostoli  quam  Prophetae : 
et  doctores  addiderunt  multas  veritates  ultra  Apostolos.  Quapropter 
dicere  possumus,  hanc  veritatem,  b.  Mariara  non  fuisse  conceptam  in 
peccato  originally  de  illis  esse  veritatibus^  quae  noviter  sunt  revelatae 
vel  declaratae,  tarn  per  miracula  quae  leguntur,  quam  per  majorem 
partem  Ecclesiae  sanctae,  quae  hoc  modo  tenet.  Fuit  tetnpus  aliquod, 
in  quo  non  tenebatur  generaliter,  Mariam  virginem  esse  in  Paradiso  in 
covpore  et  anima.  (Part  1,  §  18,  note  12).  sicut  modo  tenetur ;  ct  si- 
militer post  iuHtitutionem  festi  nativitatis  s.  Joannis  nativitas  Domiuae 


172  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— 14U9. 

They  were,  indeed,  sorely  attackt  by  the  ReaUsts,  for  their  pa- 
radoxical assertions,^  and  in  Paris  this  Nominalism  was  at  first 
strictly  forbidden  :^  however,  it  imperceptibly  gained  the  upper 
hand,  and,  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  the  Nominalists 
were  the  dominant  party  in  Paris,  whilst  elsewhere  they  were 
still  violently  assai]ed,^°  and  in  Prague  (1408)  even  banisht  by 
the  Realists.^^ 

nostrae  ordinata  fuit  per  revelationem  unius  solius  feminae,  et  raulta 
similia.  Nota  de  opinione  s.  Augustini  de  igne  Purgatorii,  qualiter  te- 
netur  opposita.     (Vol.  1,  Part  2,  §  121,  note  18.) 

^  Compare  Errores  Joannis  de  Mercuria  Ord.  Cist.,  which  were  con- 
demned in  1347,  in  Bulaei  hist.  Univ.  Paris,  IV.  298,  d'Argentre 
collect,  judiciorum  1,  342 ;  and  Errores  Nicolai  de  Ultricuria  con- 
demned in  1348,  in  Bulaeus  IV,  308  and  d'Argentre  I,  355.  The 
latter  maintained  among  others  the  remarkable  proposition :  Quod  de 
rebus  per  apparentia  naturalia  quasi  nulla  certitudo  potest  haberi. 
Ilia  tamen  modica  potest  haberi,  in  modico  tempore  vel  brevi,  si  homines 
convertant  intellectum  suum  ad  res,  et  non  ad  intellectum  dictorum  Aris- 
totelis,  et  sui  Commentatorum. — Miratur,  quod  aliqui  student  in 
Aristotele  et  Commentatore  usque  ad  decripitam  senectutem,  et  propter 
eorum  sermones  logicos  deserunt  res  morales  et  curam  boni  communis  ; 
in  tantum  quod  cum  exsun-exit  amicus  veritatis,  et  fecit  sonare  tubara 
suam,  ut  dormientes  a  somno  excitaret,  contristati  sunt  valde,  et  quasi 
armati  ad  capitale  praelium  contra  eum  irruerunt. 

^  In  Paris  next  after  Occam  his  disciple  John  Buridan  (in  1327  rector 
of  the  University),  was  a  zealous  diffuser  of  Nominalism,  see  Tenneman 
viii,  ii,  914.  Ritter  iv,  604.  With  reference  to  him,  yet  without 
mentioning  his  name,  the  Facultas  artium  in  the  year  1339  prohi- 
bited the  doctrinam  Gulielmi  dicti  Occam,  with  a  threat  against  any 
one  who  should  continue  to  teach  it,  ipsum  a  lectura  per  annum  pri- 
vamus  (see  Bulaeus  iv,  257.  d'Argentre  i,  337).  A  new  prohibition 
appeared  a.d.  1340,  (in  Bulaeus  iv,  267.  d'Argentre  i.  338),  against 
the  new  school  of  teaching,  e.g.  quod  nuUi  Magistri — audeant  aliquam 
propositionem  famosam  illius  auctoris,  cujus  librum  legent,  dicere  sim- 
pliciter  esse  falsam,  vel  esse  falsam  de  virtute  sermonis,  si  crediderint, 
quod  auctor  posuerit,  aut  ponendo  illam  habuerit  verum  intellectum  ; 
sed  vel  concedant  earn,  vel  sensum  verum  dividant  a  sensu  false  quia 
pari  ratione  propositiones  Bibliae  absolute  sermone  essent  negandae, 
quod  est  periculosum. — Item,  quod  nullus  dicat,  scientiam  nuUam  esse 
de  rebus,  quae  non  sunt  signa,  i.e.  quae  non  sunt  termini  vel  orationes  : 
quoniam  in  scientiis  utimur  terminis  pro  rebus,  quas  nobiscum  portare 
non  possumus  ad  disputatioiies.  Ideo  scientiam  habemus  de  rebus, 
licet  mediantibus  terminis  vel  orationibus. 

1**  This  was  the  case  in  Oxford,  see  A.  Wood,  hist,  et  antiqu.  Univ. 
Oxon,  p.  169. 

"  Party  spirit   was  here   united   with    national   hatred.     The   vie- 


VH.  IV.— THEOLOGICAL  .SCIENOEP.  ^  110.  SC'HOJ.ASTIC  THEOL.  I73 

The  third  period  of  Scholasticism  is  remarkable  for  tlie  violent 
warfare  of  the  different  schools,  particularly  of  the  Nominalists 
and  Realists.  By  this  contest  attention  was  almost  exclusively 
turned  to  the  philosophical  axioms  of  Theology ;  in  this  region 
the  Nominalists  could  gratify,  without  danger,  their  love  of  pa- 
radox, in  which  they  thought  to  copy  the  originality  of  their 
leader.  So  this  period  is  distinguisht  for  fruitless  subtleties  on 
abstract  ideas.-^^  All  taste  for  the  practical  and  significant  por- 
tion of  Theology  was  so  entirely  deadened,  that  even  the  Pre- 
destinationism  of  Thomas  Bradwardinus  (1325,  Reader  of  The- 
ology in  Oxford,  1348  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  f  1349  Doc- 
tor Profimdus)^^  which  at  any  other  time  would  have  kindled  an 

torious  Bohemians  were  Realists,  the  retiring  Germans  Nominalists, 
Aeneae  Sylvii  hist.  Bohemica,  c.  35. 

^^  Jo.  Gersonii  epist.  altera  de  reform.  Theologiae  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  i, 
122) :  In  facultatae  Theologiae  videtur  esse  necessaria  reformatio 
super  sequentibus  inter  caetera.  Primo,  ne  tractentur  ita  communiter 
doctrinae  inutiles  sine  fructu  et  soliditate,  quoniam  per  eas  doctrinae 
ad  salutem  necessariae  et  utiles  deseruntur.  Nesciunt  necessaria,  quia 
supervacua  didicerunt,  inquit  Seneca.  Secundo  per  eas  studentes  se- 
ducuntur,  qui  scilicet  putant  illos  principaliter  esse  Theologos,  qui 
talibus  se-dant,  spreta  Biblia  et  aliis  Doctoribus.  Tertio  per  eas  ter- 
mini a  ss.  Patribus  usitati  transmutantur. — Quarto  per  eas  Theologi  ab 
aliis  Facultatibus  irridentur.  Nam  ideo  appellantur  pliantastici,  et  di- 
cuntur  nihil  scire  de  solida  veritate  et  moralibus  et  Biblia.  Quinto  per 
eas  viae  errorum  multiplices  aperiuntur. — Sexto  per  eas  Ecclesia  et 
fides  neque  intus  neque  foris  aedificantur. — Tales  nunc  currunt  propo- 
sitiones  ex  talibus  doctrlnis  :  Infinitae  sunt  durationes  in  divinis,  secun' 
dum  prius  et  posteriiis,  quamvis  aeternae.  Et  ita  de  mensura.  Spi- 
ritus  sanctus  libere,  contradictor ie,  contingenter  producitur  ex  parte 
princivii  quo.  In  divinis  est  absolute  potentialitas  ad  non  esse  Spiritus 
sancti.  Producere  Filium  in  divinis,  ut  sic,  nihil  est  etc. — Item  mo- 
nendi  videntur  Magistri  nostri, — quod  materiae  secundi,  tertii  et  quarti 
Sententiarura  magis  tractarentur  [quia  vix  legitur  nisi  primus,  occu- 
pando  tempus  in  praemissis  doctrinis)  et  similiter  Biblia.  Et  pro  ho- 
nore  Dei  attendatur  diligenter,  quanta  est  necessitas  pro  instnictione 
populorum,  et  pro  resolutione  materiarura  moralium  temporibus  nostris. 
Et  tunc  credendum  est,  quod  in  tanta  angustia  teraporis,  et  inter  tot 
animarum  pericula  non  multum  placebit  ludere,  ne  dicam  pbantasiari, 
circa  ea  quae  prorsus  supervacua  sunt. 

13  By  him  was  De  causa  Dei  adv.  Pelagium  libb.  iii.  ed.  H.  Savi- 
lius,  Lond.  1618,  fol.  In  the  Praefatio  there  is  a  complaint  against 
the  Theologians  of  the  day :  Ecce  enim, — sicut  olim  contra  unicum 
Dei  Prophetam  octingenti  et  quinquaginta  Prophetae  Baal ;  ita  et  hodie 
in  hac  causa,  quot,  Domine,  hodie  cum  Pelagio  pro  libero  arbitrio  con- 


174  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  lA^— A.D.  1305-  UffO. 

universal  blaze,  was  now  lightly  regarded.  At  tlie  same  time  the 
infidel  Philosophy,  which  ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  13th 
century"  had  been  secretly  maintained,  came  forward  in  Italy 
with  a  bolder  opposition  to  Theology.^^    The  more  distinguisht 

tra  gratuitam  gratiam  tuam  pugnant,  et  contra  Paulum  pugilem  gratiae 
spiritualem?  Quot  etiam  hodie  gratiam  tuam  fastidiunt,  solumque  ii- 
berum  arbitrium  ad  salutem  sufficere  stomachantur  ?  aut  si  gratia 
utantur  vel  perfunctorie,  necessariam  earn  simulant,  ipsamque  se  jactant 
liberi  sui  arbitrii  viribus  promereri,  ut  sic  saltem  nequaquam  gratuita 
sed  vendita  videatur? — Non  enim  verentur  astruere,  suam  voluntatem 
in  actione  coinmuni  praeire  ut  dominam,  tuam  subsequi  ut  ancillam. — 
Totus  paene  mundus  post  Pelagium  abiit  in  errorem.  Exurge  igitur, 
domine,  judica  causam  tuam.  Bradwardinus  goes  so  far  beyond  Au- 
gustine as  to  assert  lib.  iii.  c.  2  :  Deus  quodammodo  necessitat  quam- 
libet  voluntatem  cieatam  ad  quemlibet  liberum  actum  suum,  ad  quam- 
libet  etiam  liberam  cessatiouem  et  vacationem  ab  actu,  et  hoc  necessitate 
naturaliter  praecedente. — Videlicet  universaliter  omnis  efifectus  a  quo- 
cunque  agente  rationali  vel  irrationali  et  libero  producitur  lioc  modo, 
quod  posito  suo  agente  cum  omnibus  suis  dispositionibus  sufficientibus 
naturaliter  praeviis  quibus  ilium  producit,  necessario  et  indefectibiliter 
sequitur  ipsum  produci,  et  producitur  ex  necessitate  naturaliter  prae- 
cedente.— Corollarium  :  Unde  consequitur  evidenfer,  quod  aliqualis 
necessitas  antecedens  et  libertas  ac  meritum  non  repugnant,  et  quod 
nulla  causa  inferioi',  sed  tantum  superior,  scil.  Dei  vohmtas,  est  neces- 
sitas antecedens,  et  quod  omnia  quae  sunt,  fiunt  eteveniunt,  sunt,  fiunt 
et  eveniunt  de  aliqua  necessitate  ipsa  naturaliter  praecedente.  cf. 
d'Argentre  i.  323.  On  certain  followers  and  foes  of  Bradwardine  ibid, 
p.  328.  Albert  Bishop  of  Ilalberstadt  seems  to  have  been  a  disciple  of 
this  system,  against  whom  Gregorv  XI.  set  on  foot  an  inquisition 
(Raynald.  ann.  1372  no.  33.)  According  to  the  Pope's  brief  he  taught, 
quod  omnia  in  hoc  mundo  ex  necessitate  eveniunt,  et  quod  fata  cuilibet 
homini  vitae  ac  mortis  necessitatem  imponunt,  et  quod  non  est  haben- 
dum consilium,  nee  deliberandum  de  aliquo,  cum  omnes  actus  hominum, 
etiam  a  libei'o  ai'bitrio  procedentes,  noscantur  ex  necessitate  caelestis 
influentiae  provenire.  This  doctrine  had  already  effected,  thatnounulli 
etiam  nobiles  et  alii  de  partibus  illis, — per  baec  putantes  tolli  merita 
et  demerita,  incipiunt  oraittere  invocationem  divini  auxilii  et  Sancto- 
rum, nonnullaque  alia  opera  pietatis  etc. 

^*  To  this  belong  the  219  propositions  condemned  in  1277  by  Stephen 
Bishop  of  Paris,  printed  in  d'Argentre  I.  i.  175,  more  correctly  in 
Schneider's  Bibliothek  d.  Kirchengesch.  i.  1  (Ullmann,  Reformatoren 
■vor  der  Reform,  i.  40,  gives  erroneouslj'  the  year  137G  with  reference 
to  Jo.  de  Goch  de  libertate  christ.)  Petrarch,  in  a  letter  to  Boccacio 
A.D.  1364  (Rerum  senil.  lib.  v.  ep.  3  0pp.  iii.  795),  speaks  of  some 
such  unbelievers,  whom  he  had  met  at  Venice :  Dialectici  non  ignarl 
tantum  sed  insani. — Hi  Platonera  atque  Aristotelem  damnant,  Socra- 
tem  ac  Pythagoram  rident.  They  despise  likewise  Cicero,  Varro,  Livy, 
Sallust,  Virgil,  and  no  less  Christ,  the  apostles,  and  the  fathers  of  the 


CH.  IV.— THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES,  g  IIG.  SCHOLASTIC  THEOL.    175 

men  at  the  end  of  this  period,  Petrus  de  AlKaco  (from  1375 
Reader  in  Paris,  1389  Chancellor  of  the  University,  1396  Bishop 
of  Cambray,  1411  Cardinal,  f  1425),^^  John  Charlier  de  Gerson 
(from  1381  Reader  in  Paris,  1395  Chancellor  of  the  University, 
t  1429  at  Lyons,  Doctor  christianissimus),^"  and  Nicolas  de 
Clemangiis  (Artist,  1393  Rector  in  Paris,  afterwards  private 
secretary  to  Benedict  XIII.,  from  1408  living  in  retirement, 
t  before  1440),^^  felt  how  fruitless  the  theological  pursuits  of 
their  time  were  for  science  and  the  Church,  and  made  proposals 
for  amendment.^^ 

Church.  Est  jam  hoc  inter  eos  crebrura,  atque  in  consuetudine 
redactum,  ut  quotiens  haec  verenda  et  sacra  noraina  proferuntur,  A^el 
nutu  ilia  tacito  vel  impio  feriant  sermone.  Augustinus,  inquiunt,  multa 
vidit,  pauca  solvit.  One  such  person,  unus  moderno  more  pbilosophan- 
tiura,  quique  nibil  actum  putant,  nisi  aliquid  contra  Christum  et  caeles- 
tem  Christi  doctrinam  latrant,  said  to  Petrarch  :  Tuos  et  Ecclesiae 
doctorculos  tibi  habe  :  ego  qiievi  seqitar  habeo,  et  scio  cut  credidi. 
Verbo,  inquam,  Apostoli  usus  es,  et  fide  utinam  uti  velis.  Apostolus, 
inquit,  ille  tuus  scminator  verborum,  et  insanus  fuit. — Tu  esto  Chris- 
tianiis  bonus,  ego  horum  omnium  nihil  credo.  Et  Paidiis,  et  Augustinus 
tuus,  hique  omnes  alii,  quns  praedicas,  loquacissimi  homines  fuere : 
titinam  tu  Averroim  pati  posses,  ut  videres,  quanta  ille  tuis  his  niigato- 
ribus  major  sit. — Nee  supplicii  metus  valet,  nee  inquisitores  haeresium 
armati,  nee  career,  atque  ignis  ignorantiam  procacem  atque  haereticam 
compescit  audaciam.  He  says  of  the  same  philosopher  de  ignorantia 
sui  ipsius  et  muUorum,  0pp.  iii.  1048  :  subraotis  arbitris  oppugnant 
veritatem  et  pietatem,  clanculum  in  angulis  irridentes  Christum,  atque 
Aristotelem,  quem  non  intelligunt,  adorantes. — Ubi  ad  dispiitationem 
publicam  ventum  est,  quia  errores  suos  eructare  non  audent,  protestari 
Solent,  se  in  praesens  sequestrata  ac  seposita  fide  disserere. 

15  By  him  are  Comm.  breves  in  libb.  iv.  Sentent.  (ed.  1500.  4), 
beside  several  works  devotional,  mystical,  and  treating  of  Church 
matters. 

^^  His  life  is  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Couc.  Const.  I.  iv.  26.  There  are  a 
number  of  theological,  moral,  and  ascetic  treatises  and  speeches  by 
him  ;  among  them  are  several  occasional  treatises,  most  completely 
collected  by  Lud.  Ellies  du  Pin  Antwerp.  (Amsterdam)  1706.  5  voll. 
fol.  Essai  sur  Jean  Gerson  par  Cb.  Schmidt,  Strasbourg  et  Paris 
1839. 

1^  His  life  is  in  v,  d.  Hardt  1.  c.  I.  ii.  71.  His  works  chiefly  refer 
to  the  defects  and  reformation  of  morals  and  Church  constitution,  ed. 
Jo.  Mart.  Lydius,  Lugd.  Bat.  1613.  4.  Several  have  been  afterwards 
publisht  by  Herm.  v.  d.  Hardt  in  the  Cone.  Const,  and  by  other  persons. 
Nicolas  de  Cleraanges,  sa  vie  et  ses  ecrits,  these  par  Ad,  Miintz,  Strasb. 
et  Paris  1846. 

1^  Jo.  Gerson  epistt.  duae  de  reform,  theol.  compare  above  note  12. 


176  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.   1305— U(i'.>. 

§117. 

MYSTIC  THEOLOGY. 

Ch.  Schmidt  Etudes  surle  mysticisme  Allemandau  XIV«  Siecle,  Paris  1847.  4 
(from  T.  ii.  of  the  Memoires  de  I'Acad.  des  sciences  morales  et  politiques, 
savants  etrangers.) 

Whilst  the  Hierarchy  was  destroying  its  own  reputation,  and 
often  its  means  of  efficacy  by  the  use  of  interdict,  and  whilst 
manifold  misfortunes  weighed  dowTi  the  people ;  Mysticism  won 
many  adherents,  especially  in  southwestern  Germany  (Gottes- 

Nicol.  de  Cleinangis  lib.  de  studio  theologiae  in  d'Achery  spicil.  i.  473 
E.g.  p.  476  :  Miror  Theologos  nostri  temporis  paginas  divinorum 
Testamentorum  ita  negligenter  legere,  et  nescio  quarum  satis  sterilium 
subtilitatum  indagine  sua  ingenia  conterere,  utque  verbis  utar  aposto- 
Hcis,  languere  circa  quaestiones  et  pugnas  verhorum  (1  Tim.  vi.  4), 
quod  Sophistarum  est,  non  Theologorum. — Solebant  antiqui  Patres  et 
Theologi,  quorum  per  Ecclesiam  sunt  approbata  scripta,  nihil  dicere  vel 
astruere,  nisi  quod  Scripturarum  testimonio  posset  confirmari :  unde  et 
Hieronymus  ait :  Quod  de  Scripturis  sacris  non  habet  auctoritatem, 
eadem  facilitate  contemnitur  qua  prohatur.  Rectissime  plane  illi 
quidem,  quoniam  in  his,  quae  divina  sunt,  nihil  debemus  temere  defi- 
nire,  nisi  ex  caelestibus  possit  oraculis  approbari :  quae  divinitus  enun- 
tiata  de  his,  quae  scitu  de  Deo  sunt  necessaria  aut  ad  salutem  opportuna, 
si  diligenter  investigarentur,  nos  sufficienter  instruunt. — Nunc  autem 
plerosque  videmus  scholasticos  sacrarum  inconcussa  testimonia  literarum 
tam  tenuis  aestimare  momenti,  ut  ratiocinationem  ab  auctoritate  ductam 
velut  inertem  et  minime  acutam  sibilo  ac  subsannatione  irrideant,  quasi 
sint  majoris  ponderis,  quae  phantasia  humanae  imaginationis  adinvenit, 
quam  quae  divinitas  caelitus  aperuit,  cum,  teste  Apostolo,  omnis  scrip- 
tura  divinitus  inspirata  utilis  sit  ad  docendum,  ad  arguendum  &c. 
(1  Tim.  iii.  16)  :  ad  quae  ilia  sunt  parum  utilia,  in  quibus  hodie  plurimi 
exercentur,  quae  licet  intellectum  utcumque  acuant,  nullo  tamen  igne 
succendunt  affectum,  nullo  motu  excitant,  nullo  alimento  pascunt,  sed 
frigidum,  torpentem,  aridum  relinquunt.  Inde  est,  quod  ad  praedican- 
dum  tardi  adeo  et  ignavi  sunt,  quia  scientiam  ad  hoc  utilem  minime 
didicerunt,  supervacuisque  occupati  utilia  et  necessaria  omiserunt.  Ilia 
est  vera  scientia,  quae  Theologum  decet,  quamque  omnis  debet  Theo- 
logus  expetere,  quae  non  raodo  intellectum  instruat,  sed  infundat  simul 
atque  imbuat  affectum. — Non  ergo  theologico  det  eo  fine  operam 
studio,  ut  theologiara  sciat,  hoc  enim  quaedam  curiositas  est ;  non 
ut  vulgi  favorem  aut  plausum  populi  sibi  per  hoc  acquirat,  quia  ventus 
inanis  est ; — non  ut  ad  honores  et  dignitates  perinde  promoveatur,  quia 


CII.  IV.  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE.  §117.  MYSTIC  THEOLOGY.     I77 

freunde.)^  Hitherto  Mysticism  had  maintained  itself  in  the  Chui'ch 
in  connexion  with  Scholastic  Theology.  Now  in  opposition  to 
the  freezing  Nominalism,  a  subtle  idealistic  mysticism,  grounded 
upon  the  Areopagites^  and  Neoplatonists  made  its  appearance, 
first  in  the  Dominican  Henry  Eckart  at  Strasburg  and  Cologne 
(t  before  1329.)'       Gro<i  is  according  to  him  the  only  essence, 

ambitio  est ; — sed  ea  mente  ac  proposito  theologlae  aggrediatur  studium, 
ut  de  talento  doctrinae  sibi  divinitus  commisso,  fideliter  Deo  serviendo, 
secum  ad  salutem  aeternam  quoscunque  poterit  perducat  ac  lucrifaciat 
etc. 

^  On  them  see  especially  Dr  C.  Schmidt's  Johannes  Tauler  v.  Strass- 
burg  S.  161.  Comp.  also  Rohrlch's  Gottesfreunde  u.  Winkelei-,  in 
Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.  1840  i.  118.  Die  Gottesfreunde  in 
Basel,  V.  Wackernagel,  in  d.  Beitrhgen  zur  Gesch.  Basels,  Bd.  2 
(Basel  1843)  S.  HI.  That  the  Friends  of  God  were  a  definitely  con- 
stituted society,  and  that  they  had  secretly  united  themselves  with  the 
Waldenses,  has  been  erroneously  concluded  from  the  statements  with 
regard  to  Nicolas  of  Basle.  More  of  this  below.  Friends  of  God  is 
the  common  name  by  which  the  Mystics  of  this  period  designated 
each  other  among  themselves,  it  is  of  the  same  meaning  with  the 
expressions  of  other  times.  Brother  in  Christ,  Peace  on  earth,  Children 
of  God,  and  so  forth.  Comp.  Tauler  :  "  Darumbe  sprach  unser  herre 
zu  sinen  Jungern  :  ingnoten  (von  nun  an)  spriich  ich  uch  nit  Knechte, 
raer  Frunde  (Job.  15.  15.) — Und  darumb  der  ein  gewarer  Fruut  wii 
sin,  der  nius  alle  Ding  lassen  und  Got  nachfolgen. — Das  ensint  niit 
Secten,  dass  sich  Gottes  Fi-lint  ungelich  usgebent  der  Welte  Friinden. 
—  Sie  seynt  gar  einfeltig  gehorsam  der  heiligen  Kirehen  (Schmidt  S. 
164  ff.)  They  were  certainly  bound  togetber  by  community  of  feeling, 
and  so  Suso  represents  them  as  the  Brotherhood  of  Eternal  Wisdom  in 
a  work  with  this  for  its  title  (Ausg.  v.  Diepenbrock  S.  484.)  Only  it 
is  evident  that  this  is  no  external  union,  any  one  can  take  up  or  lay 
down  this  Brotherhood  on  his  own  authority  (S.  486.)  In  the  year 
1386  the  name  Gottesfreunde  was  in  such  good  repute  even  among 
strict  Catholics,  that  Otto  v.  Passau  the  Franciscan  at  Basle,  dedicated 
his  Ethics,  "  The  24  elders  or  the  golden  throne,"  to  all  friends  of 
God,  ecclesiastical  and  secular,  gentle  and  simple,  women  and  men,  or 
whosoever  they  be  (Schmidt  s.   172.  A.) 

-  Dionysii  Areopagitae  et  Mysticorum  saeculi  XIV  doctrinae  inter 
se  comparantur,  diss,  scripsit  G.  A.  Meier,  Halis  1845. 

Concerning  him  see  Quetif  et  Echard  scriptores  Ord.  Pi'aedicatorum 
i.  507.  Meister  Eckart  v.  D.  C.  Schmidt,  in  d.  Theolog.  Studien  u. 
Krit.  1839.  III.  663.  'Etudes  p.  12.  Meister  Eckart,  eine  theol. 
Studie  V.  D.  H.  Martensen,  Hamburg  1842.  Bitter's  Gesch.  d.  cbristl. 
Philosophic  iv.  498.  In  the  Basle  edition  of  the  Tauler  sermons  of 
1521  and  1522,  Bl.  242  ff.  there  are  55  sermons  and  4  short  essays 
by  Eckart :  on  MSS.  of  them  see  Schmidt  etudes  p.  23.  On  Eckart's 
book  of  divine  consolation  1.  c.  p.  24.  There  ai'e  three  fragments  from 
AOL.  IV.  M 


178  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

the  eternal  generation  of  the  Son  is  the  production  of  essential 
ideas  :  These  are  that  Divinity  which  exists  in  all  creatures,* 
everything  finite  is  only  a  phantom.  The  godlike  in  the  soul 
must  separate  itself  from  the  finite  according  to  the  pattern  of 
Christ,  that  by  the  contemplation  of  God,  man  may  become,  like 
Christ,  a  Son  of  God.^      As  this  doctrine  was  drawn  from  the 

Eckart  in  Wackernagels  Old-German  reading-book,  2d  edit.  i.  889. 
Gervinus  Gesch.  d.  poet.  National-literatur  3te  Ausg.  ii.  143,  has  given 
a  sketch  of  his  doctrine  from  some  manuscripts,  which  are  expected  to 
be  publisht  in  Pfeiffer's  German  Mystics. 

*  Eckart  in  Tauler's  Sermons,  Basle  1521,  fol.  254,  col.  3:  Thei'e 
is  somewhat  of  God  in  all  creatures,  but  God  dwells  God-like  in  the 
soul,  because  it  is  his  abiding  place.  Fol.  300  col.  4,  there  is  a  light 
in  the  soul  which  is  uncreated  and  inexhaustible  (fol.  296  col.  4.,  there 
is  a  power  in  the  soul  which  neither  time  nor  state  effects,  fol.  297  col. 
2,  a  Light  of  the  Spirit,  a  spark.)  In  the  Treatise  v.  d.  Wirklichen 
u.  moglichen  vernunft,  by  an  unknown  author  of  the  14th  century,  in 
which  Master  Eckart  is  often  quoted,  occurs  the  following  passage 
(Docen's  Miscellaneen  zur  Gesch.  d.  deutschen  Literatur  i.  145) :  Nu 
wil  Maister  Eckart  noch  baz  sprechen,  und  spricht,  daz  Ainz  ist  in  der 
Seel,  daz  so  hoch  und  so  edel  sei,  also  als  Gott,  sunder  alle  Namen. 
Nu  spricht  Maister  Eckart, — daz  die  Seel  in  dem  Theil  sie  ein  Funken 
gottlicher  Natur  :  darum  nennet  es  Maister  Eckart  einen  Funken  mit 
Worten  in  der  Seel. 

5  Eckart  fol.  277  col  2 :  We  should  be  united  in  God  essentially,  we 
should  be  united  in  God  individually,  we  should  be  united  in  God 
entirely.  How  should  we  be  united  in  God  essentially  ?  This  must 
be  done  in  contemplation  and  not  substantially.  His  substance  cannot 
become  our  substance,  though  it  must  be  our  life.  (On  the  other  hand 
fol.  315  col.  1  :  we  shall  become  the  same  essence  and  substance  and 
nature  that  He  is  himself  without  any  difference. — And  when  his  sub- 
stance and  essence  and  nature  is  mine  then  I  am  the  son  of  God.)  Fol. 
248  col.  3  :  There  is  one  only  method  to  understand  the  bare  truth, 
which  is  God,  that  unites  the  soul  more  to  God,  for  it  may  be  united 
by  all  those  works  which  sacred  Christianity  continually  effects  exter- 
nally. Fol.  309.  col.  4  :  Just  in  propoi-tion  as  man  denies  himself  by 
help  of  God,  and  is  united  with  God,  he  is  more  God  than  creature. 
When  man  is  set  free  from  himself  by  God,  and  is  no  one  else  but  God 
only,  and  lives  not  except  by  God  alone,  it  is  plain,  that  he  is  in  truth  the 
same  by  grace  that  God  is  by  nature,  and  God  himself  recognizes  no 
difference  between  himself  and  this  man.  Fol.  263  col.  3  :  Wherefore 
is  God  become  man?  That  I  may  be  born  the  same  God.  God  died 
for  this  reason  that  I  may  die  to  all  the  world  and  all  created  things, 
— This  the  Son  heard  from  the  Father,  this  has  he  revealed  to  us,  that 
we  may  be  the  son.  Fol.  260  col.  4.  :  The  Father  begat  the  Son  in 
His  everlasting  wisdom,  and  thus  the  father  begets  the  Son  in  the  soul 
as  in  His  nature. — When  the  Father  besrets  His  Son  in  me,  then  am 


t:n.   lY.— THE0LO(41CAL  RCIKNCE  ?  117.  MYSTIC  TIIKOEOLY.    ]  79 

same  sources,  as  that  of  the  sect  of  the  free  spirit,  so  it  was  closely 
related  to  it,^  and  was  condemned  for  this  reason/  However  the 
immoral  deductions  which  this  sect  drew  therefrom,  are  beyond 
doubt  unjustly  attributed  to   Eckart,^  neither  was    there   any 

I  the  same  son  and  not  another.  Fob  254  col.  4  :  God  himself  must 
work  in  us,  for  it  is  a  God-like  work,  man  follows  and  does  not  with- 
stand, he  is  passive  and  lets  God  work.  Gervinus  ii.  146  :  However 
pure  and  faultless  those  works  may  be,  which  are  wrought  in  the  light 
of  the  soul,  those  are  still  more  faultless,  which  remain  within,  and  in 
the  spirit,  and  do  not  come  forth.  Then  the  soul  approaches  her  state 
after  death,  when  she  will  be  infused  into  the  Godhead,  and  lose  her 
individuality  (ihr  Icht)  being  buried  in  the  countenance  of  God  :  then 
she  will  be  unknown  to  all  creatures,  but  herself  will  know  all  creatures. 

•^  Gerson  de  concordia  Metaphysicae  cum  Logica  (opp.  ed.  du  Pin  i. 
825) :  Universalia  realia  extra  animam  ponere  alibi  vel  aliter  quam  in 
Deo,  est  haeresis  expresse  damnata  per  decretalem  Innocentii  III.  (in 
the  Bull  against  Amalric,  Part  2  §  74  note  10.) — Alter  error,  quod 
primordiales  causae,  quae  vocantur  ideae.  i.  e.  forma  sive  exemplar, 
creant  et  creantur. — Constat  quod  ad  positionem  universalium  realium, 
prout  exponunt,  sequitur  haec  doctrina,  vel  forsan  insanior,  ut  quod  sit 
ens  unum  transcendens  in  re,  quod  nee  est  Deus,  nee  creatura,  nee 
aeternum,  nee  temporale. 

7  So  early  as  1324  Eckart,  at  that  time  a  Prior  at  Frankfort-on- 
Maine,  was  brought  to  trial  by  command  of  the  General  of  the 
Dominicans  (Schmidt  etudes  p.  14),  afterwards  at  Cologne  in  1327  by 
the  Bishop  of  the  place,  from  whom  he  appealed  to  the  Pope  (1.  c.  p. 
16.)  The  Bull  of  condemnation  by  John  XXII,  which  made  its 
appearance  in  1329  after  Eckart's  death,  may  be  seen  in  Raynald.  1329 
no.  70.  d'Argentre  i.  312.  Of  the  28  aphoi'isms  which  it  condemns, 
8  are  to  be  found  word  for  word  and  14  in  effect  in  Eckart's  sermons 
(see  the  collection  by  Schmidt  in  the  Studien  u.  Krit.  1839.  iii.  673.) 
Mosheim  had  in  his  possession  some  excerpta  from  a  German  book 
belonging  to  the  sect  of  the  free  spirit  "von  den  9  geistl.  Felsen," 
and  publishes  several  of  them  in  his  institt.  hist.  eccl.  p.  551  ss.  :  nine 
of  these  again  may  be  found  word  for  word,  among  the  aphorisms 
condemned  in  the  Bull,  see  Schmidt  in  the  work  quoted  above. 

^  Among  the  aphorisms  condemned  in  the  Bull  of  John  XXII.  a.d. 
1329  there  ai-e  five  to  this  effect,  two  of  which  are  also  given  by  Mo- 
sheim from  the  work  von  den  9  geistl.  Felsen.  XIV.  Bonus  homo 
debet  sic  conformare  voluntatem  suam  voluntati  divinae,  quod  ipse  velit 
quicquid  Deus  vult.  Quia  Deus  vult  aliquo  modo  me  peccasse,  nollem 
ego,  quod  ego  peccata  non  commisissem  :  et  haec  est  vera  poenitentia 
(der  gottlicke  Mensch  soil  also  sinen  Willen  einformig  machen  mit 
Gates  Willen,  dass  er  alles  das  soil  wellen,  was  Gat  will.  Will  Gat 
in  etlicker  Wise,  dass  ick  gesundet  babe,  also  soil  ick  nit  wellen,  dass 
ick  nit  gesundet  habe.  Und  das  ist  gewarig  Kuwe  d.  i.  quies,  nicht 
poenitentia.)  XV.  Si  homo  commisisset  mille  peccata  mortalia,  si 
talis  homo  esset  recte  dispositus,  non  deberet  velle  se  ea  non  commisisse. 

M  2 


ISO  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  iso5— 14U9. 

external  connexion  between  him  and  this  sect :  accordingly  his 
speculative  mysticism  constantly  met  with  great  approval  in 
South-western  Germany,  particularly  among  the  Dominicans, 
and  he  remained,  in  spite  of  the  Papal  condemnation,  the  great 

(Und  wenn  dass  der  Mensch  tusend  Todsunde  gethan  hette,  und  uber 
(las  der  Mensch  wel  besetzet  oder  geordnet  were,  er  en  solte  nitwellen, 
dass  er  derselben  Sunde  nit  gethan  hette  :  aber  er  solte  e  wellen  tusend 
Tode  liden,  e  er  yme  nie  de  keine  Todsunde  wolte  tun.)  These  pro- 
positions cannot  belong  to  Eckart.  According  to  him  every  work  of 
God  is  a  necessity  (fol.  268  col.  4  :  Von  Not  muss  Gott  wiirken  alle 
seine  Werk)  :  He  cannot  will  this  way  or  that,  virtue  is  his  necessary 
will  (fol.  309  col.  2  :  Die  Tugend  ist  Gott,  oder  on  Mittel  in  Gott.) 
Accordingly  he  thus  expresses  his  own  doctrine  in  opposition  to  that 
of  the  sect  of  the  free  spirit  (fol.  263  col,  1)  :  "  Gott  bezwinget  den 
Willen  nit,  er  setzet  ihn  in  Freiheit,  also  dass  er  nicht  anders  will, 
denn  das  Gott  selber  ist,  und  das  die  Freiheit  selber  ist,  und  der  Geist 
mag  nicht  anders  woUen,  dann  das  Gott  will,  und  das  ist  nit  sein  Un- 
freiheit,  es  ist  sein  eigen  Freiheit.  Nun  sprechent  etliche  Menschen  : 
hab  ich  Gott  und  Gottes  Liebe  :  so  mag  ich  wol  thun  alles  das  ich  will. 
Diss  Wort  verstand  sie  unrecht.  Dieweil  du  kein  (d.  i.  irgend  ein) 
Ding  vermagst  das  wider  Gott  ist  und  wider  seine  Gebott,  so  hastu 
Gottes  Liebe  nit,  du  magst  die  Welt  wol  betriegen,  als  habestu  sie. 
Der  Mensch,  der  da  stat  in  Gottes  Willen  und  in  Gottes  Liebe,  dem  ist 
lustlich,  alle  Ding  zu  thund,  die  Gott  lieb  seind,  und  alle  Ding  zu 
lassen,  die  wider  Gott  seind,  und  ist  ihm  als  unniiiglich  kein  Ding  zu 
lassend,  das  Gott  gewiirkt  will  ban,  als  kein  Ding  zu  thun  das  wider 
Gott  ist,"  fol.  244  col.  4  :  "  Der  Gerecht  der  lebet  in  Gott,  und  Gott 
lebet  in  ihm,  wann  Gott  wirt  Geborn  in  dem  Gerechten,  und  der  Ge- 
recht wird  geborn  in  Gott,  Wann  von  einer  jeglichen  Tugend  des 
Gerechten,  so  wird  Gott  geborn,  und  Gott  der  wird  erfreuwet  von  einer 
jeglichen  Tugend  des  Gerechten,  und  er  wird  nit  allein  erfreuwet  von 
einer  jeglichen  Tugend  des  Gerechten,  sonder  auch  von  einem  jeglichen 
Werk,  wie  klein  das  sey,  das  do  valletvon  der  Tugend,  das  da  gewiirkt 
wird  in  der  Gerechtigkeit,  von  dem  so  wird  Gott  erfreuwet,  ja  durch- 
freuwet, — ja  durchkiitzelt  von  Freuden.  Und  diss  miissen  grob  Lent 
glauben,  und  aber  erleuchten  Menschen  ist  es  zu  wissen."  The  fact 
that  the  immoral  aphorisms  of  the  sect  of  the  free  Spirit  were  laid  to 
Eckavt's  charge  in  that  Bull,  may  be  probably  accounted  for  in  tbe 
following  manner.  This  sect  availed  itself  of  the  remarkable  coinci- 
dence of  their  speculative  Theology  with  that  of  the  famous  preacher 
Eckart,  to  represent  in  a  work  von  den  9  geistl.  Felsen,  their  doctrines 
as  the  doctrines  of  Eckart ;  this  they  did  by  borrowing  word  for  word 
from  his  sermons  such  aphorisms  as  agreed  with  their  doctrines,  and 
adding  their  own  deductions.  From  this  work,  which  was  spread 
abroad  as  a  representation  of  Eckart' s  doctrine,  the  Archbishop  of 
Cologne  drew  the  aphorisms  which  he  sent  to  the  Pope,  and  which 
were  accordingly  condemned  by  him  as  Eckart's  aphorisms.  It  seems 
that  the  Dominicans  afterwards  represented  to  the  Pope  the  true  state 


€11.  IV.— TJIEOL.  SCIENCE.  §  117.  MYSTIC  TIIEOLOCY.       jSl 

master  of  the  friends  of  God.^  On  the  other  hand,  from  the 
year  1330,  a  friend  of  God,  Nicolas  of  Basle,^''  devoted  himself  to 
a  practical  mysticism.  By  means  of  ascetic  exercises  he  believed 
that  he  had  attained  to  a  complete  renunciation  of  the  world  and 
his  own  will,  and  to  an  inward  intercourse  with  God,  to  visions  also 
and  revelations  ;  he  was  now  employed  without  ceasing,  in  leading 
all  others,  Avho  would  submit  themselves  to  his  guidance,^^  to  the 

of  the  case:  for  in  1330  there  appeared  the  Bull  Tn  agro  dominico  (in 
Coerneri  chron.  in  Eceardi  corp.  scriptt.  medii  aevi  ii.  103G),  in  which 
the  same  aphorisms  word  for  word  were  condemned  as  aphorisms  of  the 
Beghards,  without  any  mention  being  made  of  Eckart, — this  was  in 
fact  a  kind  of  retracting  of  the  first  Bulk 

^  Tauler  speaks  of  his  teaching  as  Church-doctrine  (2nd  Sermon  on 
the  xiiith  Sunday  after  Trinity  fol.  104  col.  2  :  Bisch.  Albrecht,  luid 
Meister  Deiterich,  und  Meister  Eckhart,  die  heissen  es  einen  Funkcn 
der  Seel.)  Suso,  who  had  been  his  pupil  at  Cologne,  says  in  his  life, 
cap.  23,  Ausg.  v.  Diepenbrock  S.  71  :  "da  kam  er  (Suso)  zu  dem  heil. 
Meister  Eckart,  u.  klagte  ihm  sein  Leiden.  Der  half  ihm  davon." 
Afterwards  many  of  the  dead  appeared  to  him  (Kap.  8.  S.  20)  : 
"  Unter  andern  erschien  ihm  auch  der  selige  Meister  Eckart." — It  is 
plain  that  these  men  could  not  have  allowed  that  there  was  any  con- 
nexion between  Eckart,  and  the  sect  of  the  free  spirit. 

i«  See  especially  Schmidt's  Job.  Tauler  S.  28  and  191.  The 
sources  of  information  with  regard  to  him  are,  the  "Historia  des  ehrw. 
D.  Tauleri,"  prefixtto  Taider's  Sermons,  written  by  Tauler  andfinisht 
by  Nicholas  (comp.  Schmidt  S.  25  note  5),  and  the  "  Buch  von  den 
fiinf  Mannen,"  who  lived  a  Cenobite  life  dedicated  to  Mysticism  and 
devotional  exercises,  and  among  whom  Nicholas  was  chief  (in  the 
Memoriale  des  Johanniterhauses  zum  griinen  Worth  c.  19  ff.  Iland- 
Bchrift  der  Strassburger  Biblioth.,  s.  Schmidt  S.  197.)  Of  Nicolas' 
works  there  are  still  extant,  a  Letter  to  Christendom,  to  call  it  to 
repentance,  occasioned  by  a  vision  on  Christmas  night  1356  (publisht 
by  Schmidt  S.  220),  and  a  letter  to  the  Johannites  of  Strasburg  in 
1377  (ibid.  S.  233.) 

1^  Submission  to  the  spiritual  guidance  of  experienced  persons,  whe- 
ther ecclesiastic  or  lay,  was  strongly  recommended  by  the  Friends  of 
God.  Thus  Tauler  and  Rulman  Merswin  submitted  themselves  to  the 
layman  Nicolas,  as  well  as  the  four  men  with  whom  he  lived  in  common. 
So  Tauler  advises  (1  Pred.  auf  Maria  Geburt  fol.  146  col.  3) :  "  Darumb 
war  es  gar  sicher,  das  die  Menschen,  die  der  Wahrheit  gern  lebten, 
batten  einen  Gottesfreund,  dem  sie  sich  underwurfen,  und  dass  er  sie 
richtet  nach  Gottes  Geist. — Die  Menschen  sollten  einen  Gottesfreund 
liber  zwenzig  Meil  suchen,  der  den  rechten  Weg  bekannte,  und  sie 
richtet :  und  war  es  nit  ein  sunderlich  Mensche,  so  war  ein  gemein 
Beichtiger  gut."  And  Nicholas  himself  in  his  exhortation  to  repent- 
ance (Schmidt's  Job.  Tauler  §  231),  with  a  view  to  bring  back 
Christendom  to    a    Christian    state,   recommended     "  daz    man    Rath 


182  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— 1109. 

same  communion  with  God.^^  Under  such  influences  grew  up 
the  most  distinguisht  preacher  of  this  mysticism,  John  Tauler  the 
Dominican  at  Strasburg  (f  1361)."     He  had  adopted  Eckart's 

suchte,  der  usser  dem  beiligen  Geiste  kame,  solh'cher  Rath  war  durch 
Pfaffen  oder  durch  Laygen. — Aber  soUiche  Menschen,  die  usser  dem 
heiligen  Geiste  Rath  geben  nibchten,  die  sint  gar  kume  zu  vindende  : 
aber  wie  liizel  ibr  ist,  so  vindet  man  ihr  nocb  in  der  Zit." — Nicbolas 
and  tbe  friends  of  God,  who  were  first  brought  into  notice  by  Schmidt, 
were  commonly,  even  by  him,  placed  in  some  kind  of  connexion  with 
the  Waldenses  :  for  instance  the  obedience  which  many  friends  of  God 
rendered  to  Nicholas  was  explained  to  imply  that  he  belonged  to  the 
class  of  the  Perfecti,  the  teachers  and  priests  of  the  Waldenses.  How- 
ever this  relationship  cannot  be  shown  to  have  existed  among  the  Wal- 
denses :  on  the  contrary,  the  obedience  rendered  to  Nicholas  was  no  other 
tlian  that  which  Tauler  publicly  enjoined  upon  his  hearers,  and  so  cannot 
possibly  be  explained  as  an  heretical  institution.  Besides,  Nicholas  can- 
not have  been  a  Waldensian  preacher;  for,  1,  he  remained  continually 
in  possession  of  his  own  property  (Historia  Tauleri  s.  8)  compare 
Yvonetus,  Part  2,  §  90,  note  29  ;  2,  he  worshipt  Mary  and  the  saints, 
see  his  exhortation  to  repentance,  in  Schmidt  s.  221  ;  3,  he  believed  in 
Purgatory  (Historia  Tauleri,  towards  the  end).  4,  Those  ecstasies  and 
visions,  which  the  five  men  believed  that  they  bad,  were  as  unknown 
to  the  Waldenses  as  their  reveling  in  inward  suffering  and  self- 
inflictions.  The  Cenobitism  of  the  five  men  was  like  that  which  after- 
wards appeared  among  the  brethren  of  the  common  life,  who  also  were 
bound  to  obedience  to  the  president  of  their  house. 

1-  Also  by  books  written  in  German,  see  his  exhortation  to  repent- 
ance in  Schmidt  S.  231  ;  "Aber  etteliche  Lehrer  sprechent,  tiische 
Biicher  sind  scbadeber  der  Christenheite. — Aber  solliche  Blichelin, 
also  dis  Biichelin  ist,  und  ouch  ander  tiische  Biicher,  die  ouch  in 
dirre  Mose  sind  und  ouch  niit  wider  die  heilige  Geschrift  sind,  solliche 
tiische  Biicher  sind  einvaltigen  Ley  gen  gar  niitzze  und  gar  gut ;  und 
ihr  sollent  sie  iich  niit  losen  die  grosen  Lehrer  abesprechen,  dieselben 
Lehrer,  die  do  vol  der  Geschrift  sind  und  Lehre  Gottes,  wenne  sie 
suchent  sich  selber  in  Ehre  dirre  Welte  me  denne  Gott."  When 
Nicholas  kept  his  entire  sphere  of  operation  very  secret,  and  only  gave 
further  explanations  to  Tauler  under  the  seal  of  confession  (Historia, 
s.  5)  ;  he  wisht,  partly  from  humility,  to  conceal  his  experiences  and 
revelations  from  observation,  partly  also  he  must  have  acted  from  fear 
of  the  clergy,  since  he,  though  a  layman,  assumed  an  ecclesiastical  office. 

13  Quetif  et  Echard  scriptt.  Ord.  Praedicat.  i.  667.  Oberlinidiss.de 
Tauleri  dictione  vernacula  et  inystica.  Argent.  1786.  4.  UUmann'a 
Reformatoren  vor  der  Reformation  ii.  222.  esp.  Johannes  Tauler  von 
Strassburg,  von  D.  C.  Schmidt,  Hamburg,  1841.  His  'Etudes  sur 
le  mysticisme  allemande  au  XI V^  siecle  p.  105.  The  Historia  des 
ehrw"  D.  Tauleri  (see  note  10),  is  the  narative  of  his  conversion  and 
death.  On  manuscripts  and  editions  of  his  sermons  (in  different  Ger- 
man  dialects)  sec  Schmidt  s.  64.     The    best  edition  is  that  of  Joh. 


CH.  IV.— THEOL.  SCIENCE,  §  117.  MYSTIC.  THEOLOGY.      183 

speculative  mysticism,  when  under  the  guidance  of  Nicolas  of 
Basle,  A.D.  1340,  he  attained  inward  regeneration  by  means  of 
devotion,  and  henceforth  without  giving  up  these  speculations, 
but  chiefly  by  vivid  energetic  preaching  he  taught  men  to  re- 
nounce earthly  objects  and  sins,  to  follow  the  poor  life  of  Christ, 
and  thereby  to  attain  to  communion  with  God.^* 

Rynman,  Basle,  1521.  fol.  The  latest,  in  the  language  of  our  time, 
is  that  of  Frankfort  on  Maine,  1826.  3  Th.  8vo  (with  an  introduction  on 
Tauler's  Life  and  Writings).  Among  his  lesser  ascetic  worka 
(Schmidt  §  73),  the  most  remarkable  is  the  Book  on  the  imitation  of 
the  poor  Life  of  Christ  (first  publisht  by  Dan.  Suderman,  1621,  last  hy 
Schlosser,  Frankfort  on  Maine,  1833). 

1*  On  Tauler's  mysticism,  see  de  Wette  christ.  SIttenlehre,  ii.  ii. 
220.  Schmidt's  Joh.  Tauler,  §  90.  The  children  of  this  world  used 
to  say  of  such  earnest  and  convincing  sermons  (fol.  77,  col.  1) :  "  Es 
ist  eins  Begharts  Red  und  Nunnentand.  Lug  diess  seind  die  newen 
Geist."  Tauler  often  clearly  markt  the  boundary  line  between  his 
doctrine,  and  that  of  the  sect  of  the  free  spirit,  which  might  easily 
have  been  mistaken.  Sermon  iii.  on  Corpus  Christi,  fol.  67,  col. 
2  :  "  Viel  minder  ist  das  zu  begreifen,  wie  der  Geist  verwird  in  gott- 
licher  Einigkeit,  und  da  er  sich  also  verleurt,  daz  kein  Vernunft  darzu 
kann  kummen.  Diss  nehmen  die  unverstandigen  Menschen  fleischlich, 
und  sprechen,  sie  sollten  verwandelt  werden  in  gottlich  Natur,  und  das 
ist  zumal  falsch  und  boss  Ketserei.  Wann  von  der  allerhochsten 
nachsten  innigsten  Einung  mit  Gott  so  ist  doch  gottlich  Natur  und 
sein  Wesen  hoch,  und  hoher  liber  alle  Hoch,  das  gatin  ein  gottlichen 
Abgrund,  dass  da  nimmer  kein  Creatur  wiird,"  Sermon  on  the  21sfc 
Sunday  after  Trinity,  fol.  127,  col.  2.  "  Nun  seind  viel  Menschen 
die  diese  Blindheit  und  diese  Finsterniss  der  Siinden  haben  gelassen, 
und  haben  sich  gekehrt  ganz  und  gar  von  ihn  selber,  und  von  alien 
Dingen  in  das  wahr  lauter  Licht  Gottes,  und  seind  insinken  in  ihren 
inwendigen  Grund  und  warlich  inschmelzen  in  ihren  Ursprung  in  ein 
inwendig  Stillscbweigen  in  aller  ihrer  inwendigen  Kraft  der  Seel,  und 
hiedurch  werfen  sie  sich  in  die  Finsterniss  der  gottlichen  Wiistung,  die 
da  ist  iiber  aller  Engel  und  Menschen  Verstandniss,  und  in  dem  ersch- 
wingen  sie  sich  selber  also  ferr,  daz  sie  alien  Unterscheid  verlieren  in 
der  Einikeit  Gottes,  und  verlieren  auch  sich  selber  und  alle  Ding, 
und  wissen  zumal  nit  anders  dann  umb  einen  blossen  lautern  einfaltigen 
Gott,  in  dem  sie  seind  zu  Grund  versunken,  und  alleweil  sie  da  seiild, 
so  geht  es  ihn  gar  wol,  und  verirren nit. — So  kommt dann  die  geistlicb 
Schalkheit,  daz  seind  die  subtilen  Geist,  die  Teufel,  die  ferr  iiber  ander 
Teufel  seind  in  Subtilikeeit  und  in  Schalkheit.  Und  so  sie  nit  anders 
miigen,  so  bringen  sie  den  Menschen  in  geistliche  Hoffart,  dass  dieselben 
Menschen  selber  Gott  seind  in  dieser  hohen  edeln  Anschawung  Gottes, 
darin  diese  Menschen  gezogen  werden  in  ihren  Zugangen  Gottes. 
Welcher  Mensch  diess  also  bedacht,  und  daruff  warlich  stiind,  und 
dasselb  also  warlich  von  ihm  selber  hielt,  das  war  ein  sorglich  Ding, 


184  THIKD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

This  same  mystical  turn  of  mind,  sometimes  inclining  to  the 
speculative,  sometimes  to  the  practical  side,  was  adopted  by  the 
Dominican  Nicholas  of  Strasburg,^^  who  was  rather  mystically 
ascetic  than  speculative.  By  Rulman  Merswin,  a  layman  in 
Strasbm'g,^^  educated  as  a  Friend  of  God,  like  Tauler,  under  the  . 
secret  instruction  of  Nicholas  of  Basle  (f  1382)  :  By  the  secular 

und  zu  forchten  ewiger  Verdammniss  :  wiird  der  Mensch  anders  hierin 
funden,  daz  er  sich  selber  nit  erkennt  gegen  Gott  mit  grosser  Reuw 
und  Leid,  die  der  Mensch  darumb  baben  soil,  will  er  anders  wieder 
kommen."  Sermon  i.  on  John  the  Baptist,  fol.  138,  col.  1 :  "  Nun 
kommen  die  Berniinftigen  mit  ibrem  natiirlichen  Liecht,  in  ihren  blos- 
sen  ledigen  unverbildeten  Grund,  und  besitzen  da  ihr  natiirlich  Liecbt 
mit  Eigenscbaft  (Eigentbum),  gleicb  als  ob  es  Gott  sey,  und  es  ist 
nicbts  dann  ibr  blosse  Natur. —  Sie  seynd  nit  durch  den  Weg  der 
Tugend  gegangen,  und  durcb  Uebung,  die  zu  beiligem  Leben  geborent 
und  zu  Tbdtung  der  Untugend,  des  acbten  sie  nit,  wann  sie  lieben  ihr 
falscbe  Ledikeit  (Freibeit),  die  nit  gesucbt  ist  mit  wirklicber  Lieb,  von 
innen  und  von  aussen,  und  sie  haben  den  Bilden  (Vorbildern)  Urlaub 
geben  ee  der  Zeit.  Denn  kommet  der  Teufel  und  bringt  sie  in  falscbe 
Siissikeit  und  falscb  Liecht,  und  damit  verleitet  er  sie,  dass  sie  ewig- 
lich  verloren  werden.  Und  wozu  er  sie  geneigt  sind  in  ihr  Natur,  es 
sei  Unkeuschheit,  oder  Geizigkeit,  oder  Hoffart,  darin  zeucbt  er  sie, 
und  von  des  inwendigen  Entpfindes  (Empfindung),  und  in  den  Leich- 
tern,  die  ihn  der  Teufel  hat  furgehalten,  sprechen  sie,  dass  es  warlich 
Gott  sei,  und  lasseu  ihn  das  nit  nehmen,  von  dem  so  sie  das  mit  Eigen- 
scbaft besitzen.  Hievon  so  fallen  sie  in  unrecht  Freibeit  zu  volgen, 
wozu  sich  die  Natur  neigt,  diese  soil  man  mehr  flieben  dann  den  Feind, 
wann  sie  seynd  von  ihren  Weisen  auswendig  als  ferr,  dass  sie  nit  gut 
seind  zu  erkennen."  He  often  designates  these  men  as  "  die  frigen 
Geiste."     Comp.  Schmidt  S.  138. 

^5  Papal  Nuntio  in  1326,  intrusted  with  the  superintendence  of  the 
Dominican  monasteries  in  Germany.  By  him  are  three  sermons 
publist  by  Mone,  Anzeiger,  1838,  S.  271 :  one  by  Hoffmann,  in  Haupt's 
u.  Hoffmann's  altdeutschen  Blattern,  1840,  ii.  165,  Stellen  aus  einem 
raystischen  Tractate  von  Jahn,  Lesefriichte  altdeutscher  Theologie, 
1838  S.  21  heraus-gegeben.  Compare  Schmidt's  John.  Tauler  S.  5. 
'Etudes  p.  18. 

1*  He  founded  in  1371,  under  the  guidance  of  Nicholas  of  Basle, 
the  Johanniterhaus  at  Strasburg,  be  wrote  at  his  desire  a  German 
work,  "  von  den  vier  Jahren  seines  anfangenden  Lebens,"  and  com- 
posed the  book  of  the  nine  rocks  (this  must  not  be  confounded  with 
the  work  of  the  same  name  in  note  7  and  8),  which  is  erroneously 
placed  among  Suso's  works  (Schmidt  in  Illgen's  Zeitscbr.  f  hist.  Theol. 
1839.  ii.  61),  a  representation  of  the  ascent  to  God  (like  the  book  of 
the  seven  steps  by  an  unknown  monk  at  Heilbronn,  belonging  to  the 
14th  century,  see  Gervinus  Gesch.  d.  poet.  National! iter.  3teAusg.  ii. 
148).     Compare  Schmidt's  Job.  Tauler  S.  177. 


CH.  IV.— THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCE.  §  117.  MYSTIC.  THEOLOGY   185 

priest  Henry  of  Nordllngen,^^  by  the  Dominican  Henry  Suso  at 
Ulm,^^  who  with  all  his  trifling  superstition  and  misty  fancies 
was  a  famous  preacher  (f  1305)  ;  and  by  the  two  men  in  wliom 
Eckart's  speculative  mysticism  revived,  the  author  of  the  Deut- 
schen  Theologie,^^  and  John  Euysbroek,  prior  of  the  regular 
Canons  in  Grondal  near  Brussels  (Doctor  ecstaticus  f  1381).^* 

'^  His  correspondence  with  the  Dominican  nun  Margaretha  Ebner  in 
Maria  Medingen  is  in  Jo.  Heumanni  opuscula,  quibus  varia  juris  germ, 
itemque  historica  et  philol.  argumenta  explicantur,  Norimb.  1747.  4, 
p.  351.  Coinp.  Schmidt's  Job.  Tauler  S.  172.  Wackernagel  in  d. 
Beitragen  zur  vaterl.  Gesch.  herausgeg.  v.  d.  hist.  Gesellschaft  zu 
Basel  (1843)  ii.  136. 

^®  Properly  v.  Berg,  he  called  himself  after  his  mother  Sauss  or  Siiss, 
and  received  the  mystical  name  Amandus  from  the  mother  of  God. 
His  life  related  by  him  to  the  Nun  Elizabeth  Staglin,  written  down  by 
her,  and  publisht  by  him,  is  in  Diepenbrock's  Ausg.  S.  1.— Quetif 
et  Echard  scriptt.  Ord.  Praed.  i.  653.  Ullraann's  Reformatorera 
vor  d.  Ref.  ii.  204.  Der  Mystiker  Heinr.  Suso  von  C.  Schmidt  in 
d.  Theol.  Studien  u.  Krit.  1843.  iv.  835.  'Etudes  p.  172.— His  entire 
German  works  (Tracts  and  Sermons)  appeared  at  Augsburg  1482,  at 
Ulm  1512  fol.  latine  translata  per  Laur.  Surium,  Colon.  1555.  8, 
according  to  the  earliest  manuscripts  and  impressions,  in  the  language 
of  the  present  time,  by  Melch.  Diepenbrock,  with  an  Introduction  by 
J.  Gorres,  Ratisbon  1829.  8.  There  are  extracts  from  the  Book  of 
Eternal  Wisdom  in  its  original  form  in  A.  Jahn's  Lesefriichten  alt- 
deutscher  Theologie,  Bern.  1838,  S.  1  :  and  a  fragment  of  the  Book  of 
Truth  from  a  Berlin  manuscript  in  v.  d.  Hagen's  Germania  ii.  177. 

19  Publisht  by  Luther  in  1516,  by  Job.  Arndt  in  1631,  lastly  by 
Troxler,  St  Gall.  1837.  According  to  Luther's  Preface  the  author 
was  a  German  gentleman,  a  priest,  and  warden  in  the  German  Herren 
Haus  at  Frankfort :  according  to  Jo.  Wolf  lectt.  memorab.  i.  863  his 
name  was  Eblendus  or  Eblandus.  A  physician  Guil.  Gratalorus  has 
been  considered  the  author  only  from  a  misunderstanding  of  Bezae 
epist.  46 ;  and  Tauler  equally  erroneously,  he  is  even  quoted  in  Book 
12.  Comp.  Placcius  theatr.  anonym,  et  pseudon.  p.  441.  Waldau 
thesaur.  bio-  et  bibliogr.  p.  291.  UHmann's  Reformatoren  vor  der 
Reform,  ii.  233. 

20  With  regard  to  him  see  Dr  J.  G.  B.  Engelhardt's  Richard  v.  St. 
Victor  u.  Joh.  Ruysbroek,  Erlangen  1838,  S.  165.  Ullmaun's  Refor- 
matoren vor  der  Reform,  ii.  36.  Ch.  Schmidt  'Etudes  sur  le  mysti- 
cisme  allem.  au  XI Ve  siecle  p.  213.  On  his  mysticism  de  Wette's 
christl.  Sittenlehre  II.  ii.  237. — His  works  composed  by  him  in  the 
Low  Dutch  of  Brabant,  are  only  known  by  the  paraphrased  Latin 
translation  of  Laur.  Surius  (Colon.  1552.  fob),  but  they  are  still  extant 
in  their  original  language  in  19  MSS.  of  the  royal  library  at  Brussels 
(see  Willema  in  the  Belgisch  Museum  voor  de  nederduitsche  tael-  en 
letterkunde,  Gent  1845,  ii.  159).  The  translation  of  them  into  high 
Dutch,  which  was  made  as  early  as  the  14th  century,  and  of  which 


186  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV -A.D.  1305—1409. 

The  Friends  of  God  were  numerous  also  in  all  classes  of  society  : 
but  their  head  quarters  were  certain  Dominican  Monasteries  and 
Nunneries.^^  At  a  time  when  all  such  unusual  asceticism  was 
regarded  with  general  mistrust ;  the  Friends  of  God  gave  espe- 
cial offence,  by  the  spiritual  influence  which  Laymen  enjoyed 
among  them,  and  exercised  even  over  priests,  as  well  as  by  the 
Revelations,  for  which  many  of  them  were  famous :  they  were 
in  consequence  not  unfrequently  suspected  as  Beghards.  Ni- 
colas of  Basle  was  burnt  to  death  at  Vienne,  near  Poitiers  (after 
1382),^^  and  one  of  his  disciples,  Martin  of  Mayence,  a  Bene- 

there  are  MSS.  at  Munich  and  Strasburg  (see  proofs  in  Engelhardt  S. 
279.  347)  is  not  quite  faithful.  More  faithful  are  the  manuscripts 
in  the  dialect  of  the  lower  Rhine,  from  which  A.  v.  Arnswaldt  has 
publisht  four  works  by  John  Rusbroek,  with  a  preface  by  Ull- 
mann,  Hannover.  1848  (Die  Zierde  der  geistl.  Hochzeit,  von  dem 
funkelndem  Steine,  von  vier  Versuchungen,  der  Spiegel  der  Seligkeit. 
To  Rusbrochii  opp.  lat.  redd,  per  L.  Surium,  there  is  prefixt  a  vita 
Rusbrochii,  which  was  composed  by  a  Canon  living  soon  after  his  time, 
but  has  undergone  a  verbal  alteration  by  Sm*ius.  His  life  is  full  of 
asceticism  and  heavenly  transport.  For  his  mystical  doctrine  nearly 
related  to  that  of  Eckart,  he  believed  that  he  was  indebted  only  to  di- 
vine inspiration,  and  said  to  Gerard  Groot,  who  visited  him  (lib.  de 
origine  monast.  Viridis  Vallis  in  Archief  voor  kerkel.  Geschiedenis 
door  Kist  en  Royaards  viii.  362)  Magister  Gerarde,  sciatis  veraciter 
quod  nunquam  verba  in  libris  meis  posui,  nisi  ex  instinctu  Spiritus 
sancti,  or  as  another  states,  Nunquam  in  libris  meis  aliquid  posui,  nisi 
in  praesentia  S.  Trinitatis  (similarly  vita  Rusbrochii  c.  8). 

21  On  the  Dominicans  in  Cologne  Heinrich  v.  Lowen,  Heinr.  v.  Coin, 
Franke  v.  Coin,  Gerhard  v.  d.  Sterngasse,  and  their  works  chiefly 
extant  only  in  MSS.  see  Schmidt's  Job.  Tauler,  s.  24.  On  the 
Sisters  Christina  Ebner,  Abbess  of  the  Monastery  of  Engelthal,  in 
Nuremberg,  and  Margaretha  Ebner,  nun  in  the  monastery  of  Maria 
Medingen  in  Dillingen  (comp.  note  17),  ibid  S.  15  and  21.  Besides 
there  belonged  to  these  friends  of  God  Conrad,  a  Benedictine  in  Weis- 
senburg  (two  treatises  by  iiira  are  contributed  from  Borman  in  v.  d. 
Hagen's  Germania  ii.  £.  168  f.),  Conrad  Abbot  of  Kaisersheim,  and 
several  lay  persons  (Schmidt  303.)  « 

*^  Jo.  Nideri  (Dominican  prior  in  Basle  about  1430)  formicarius,  ed 
Argent.  1517.  4.  fcl.  40,  a:  Vivebat  paulo  ante  (Concil.  Pisanum) 
purus  laicus,  Nicolauo  nomine.  Hie  in  linea  Rheni  cii'ca  Basileam  et 
infra  prlmum  velut  Beghardus  ambulans  a  multis,  qui  persequebantur 
baereticos,  de  eorundem  haereticorum  numero  quasi  unus  habebatur  sua- 
pectissimus.  Acutissim.us  enim  erat,  et  verbis  errores  coloratissime 
velare  novit.  Idcirco  etiani  manus  inquisitorum  dudum  evaserat  et 
multo  tempore.  Discipulos  igitur  quosdam  in  suam  sectam  collegit. 
Fuit  enim  professione  et  habitu  de  damnatis  Beghardis  tmus,  qui 
visiones  et  revelationes  in  praedicto  damnato  habitu  multas  habuit, 


CH.  IV,— THEOLOGICAL  (SCIENCE,  g  117.  MY.STIC  THEOLOGY.    1^7 

dietine  of  Reichenau,  at  Cologne  in  1393.^^  At  the  same 
time  Nominalism,  which  was  increasing  more  and  more,  sup- 
planted  this   realist   mysticism.      Thus   John    Gerson    attackt 

quas  infalllbiles  esse  credidit.  Se  scire  affirmabat  audacter,  quod 
Christus  in  eo  asset  actu,  et  ipse  in  Christo,  et  plura  alia,  quae  omnia, 
captus  tandem  Viennae  in  Pictaviensi  diocesi,  inquisitus  fatebatur  pub- 
lice.  Std  cum  Jacobum  et  Joannem,  suspectos  in  fide  et  sibi  conscios 
suos  speciales  discipulos,  ad  jussum  Ecclesiae  eum  inquirenti  nollet 
dimittere  nisi  per  ignem,  et  repertus  in  multis  a  vera  fide  devius  et 
inpersuasibilis,  saecularium  potestati  juste  traditus  est,  qui  eum  inci- 
nerarunt. 

-^  The  sentence  against  him  in  Schmidt  Joh.  Tauler  S.  237.     The 

doctrines  which  he  is  said  to  have  preacht  publicly  in  Cologne,  and 

for  which  he  was  condemned  were:   1.  quod  judicialiter  convicti  et  per 

Ecclesiam  condemnati  ac  impoenitentes  haeretici,  aliquando  in  Heidel- 

berga  concremati,  fuerunt  et  sunt   amici  Dei :  2.  quod  solemne  per- 

jurium  ad  evadendum  inquisitoris  judicium  in  judicio  factum  non  sit 

peccatum  :    3.  quod  credere,  peccata  mortalia  post   confessionem    ad 

menioriam  redeuntia  fore  ex  debito  confitenda,  sit  haereticum  :  4.  quod 

Christus  non  ita  poenaliter  in  cruce,  in  qua  moriebatur,  sustinuit,  sicut 

in  horto,  ubi  voluntatem  suam  patri  submisit ;  5.  quod  quidam  laicus, 

nomine  Nicolaus  de  Basilea,  cui  te  funditus  submisisti,  clarius  et  per- 

fectius  evangelium  quam  aliqui  Apostoli  et  b.  Paulus  hoc  intellexerit ; 

6.  quod  per  eundem  Nicolaura  Praelatis  Ecclesiae  virtus  ministrandi 

sacramenta  et  exercendi  quaecunque  bona  opera  affluit :  7.  quod    si 

nullus  in  caritate  in  hoc  mundo  esset,  tunc  nullus  Presbyter  sacramenta 

conficere  posset — (this  is  the  result  of  such  assertions  as  that  of  Tauler 

with  regard  to  the  Friends  of  God,  fol.  139  col.  1  :  "  Diese  seind,  auf 

den  die  heilige  christliche  Kirch  steht  und  waren  diese  nit  in  der 

Cliristenheit,  die  Christenheit  mocht  nit  bestehn)  :  "     8.  quod  prae- 

dicto  Nicolao  ex  perfectione  submissionis  sibi  factae  potes  contra  prne- 

cepta  cujuscunque  Praelati,  etiam  Papae,  licite  et  sine  peccato  obedire  : 

9.  quod  ex  jussione  ejusdem   Nicolai  nullo  modo  etiam  interficiendo 

hominem   vel  cognoscendo  mulierem    posses  peccare :    1 0.  quod  per 

talem  dimissionem  Nicolao  perfecte  sine  formis  et  imaginibus  factam 

fuisti  liberatus  ab  obedientia  Ecclesiae,  intrans  statum  primae  innocen- 

tiae:  11.  quod  melius  esset  tibi  ut  in  fornicationem  caderes  et  resurgens 

in  tali  submissione  maneas,  quam  quod  ab  obedientia  ejusdem  Nicolai 

recederes  et  sine  peccato  permaneres :  12.  quod  per  hoc  quod  contra 

prohibitionem  Ecclesiae  sine  licentia  praedicare,  Missas  celebrare,  et 

sacramenta  eucharistiae  et  poenitentiae  ministrare  praesumsisti,  non 

peccasti,  ut  asseris :  13.  quod  frequenter  sine  necessitate  boras  canoni- 

cas  etiam  illis  diebus,  quibus  valebas, — ie  dicis  sine  peccato  omisisse  : 

14.  quod  talis  submissio,  qua  te  su.biTiisisti  praedicto  laico,  est  ita  ad 

perfectionem  vecta,  quod  etiam,  si  Magister  in  theologia  vellet  perfici, 

oportei-et  eum  omnem  respectum  ad  literas  et  scripturam  postponere, 

et  tali    ductori    simpliciter   in   omnibus  obedire  :  15.  quod    perfectus 

homo  non  debet  pro  iuferni  liberatione  ac  caelestis  regni  coUatione 


1^8  THIUD  PEIMOD.— DIY.  IV.— A.D.  laOu— 1400. 

Kuysbroek's  pantheistic  turn  of  mind,^"^  and  opposed  to  it  a 
mysticism,  which  again  closely  connected  itself  with  the  prevail- 
ing Scholasticism,  in  order  to  impart  warmth  to  it  and  receive 
from  it  light.^^  But  at  the  end  of  the  14th  century  a  mysticism 
of  practical   benevolence   which    avoided  all    speculation   was 

Deum  orave,  nee  illi  pro  aliquo,  quod  Deus  non  est,  servire,  sed  indif- 
ferens  ejus  beneplacitum  expectare  (Tauler  fol.  49  col.  4 :  "Wahre 
lauter  Abgescheidenheit,  daz  ist  daz  sich  der  Mensch  abkehre  und 
abscheide  von  allem  dera,  das  Gott  nit  lauter  bloss  ist."  fol.  52 
col.  1.  "  Stiinde  das  Himmelrich  vor  dir  ofFen,  du  solltest  nit  darein 
gehn,  du  solltest  zu  dem  ersten  wahrnebmen,  ob  es  Gott  also  von  dir 
haben  wolt : )  "  16.  quod  in  Evangeliis  et  in  oratione  dominica  non 
debet  stare  sic  :  et  ne  nos  inducas  in  temptationem,  quia  uegatio  non 
ex  Christi  doctrina,  sed  ex  alia  quacunque  negligentia. 

2*  Jo.  Gersonii  epist.  ad  Fr.  Bartholom.  Cartbusiensem  super  tertia 
parte  libri  Jo.  Ruysbroech  de  ornatu  spiritalium  nuptiarura  written  in 
1406  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  i.  59)  Gerson  bad  received  through  Bartho- 
lomew a  Latin  translation  of  the  work  on  the  Ornaments  of  the  spiri- 
tual bridal,  he  gives  his  opinion  of  it  in  general,  comperi  multa  ibidem 
tradi  salubria  et  alta  documenta,  but  he  objects  to  certain  passages  of 
the  third  book  (c.  1 — 4  in  Arnswaldt's  edition  S.  138  fif.)  because  it 
was  there  taught,  quod  anima  perfecte  contemplans  Deum  non  solum 
videt  eum  per  claritatem,  quae  est  divina  essentia,  sed  est  ipsamet 
claritas  divina. — Imaginatur  enim, — quod  anima  tunc  desinit  esse  in 
ilia  existentia  quam  prius  habuit  in  proprio  genere,  et  convertitur  seu 
transformatur  et  absorbetur  in  esse  divinum  etc.  Gerson  allows  that 
Ruysbroek  meant  otherwise,  but  maintains  that  his  words  could  be  under- 
stood in  no  other  sense.  (From  the  whole  connexion  of  the  work,  it  is 
plain  that  he  cannot  have  called  him  a  Beghard,  and  the  words  on  page 
62  :  Erat  autem  de  secta  Begardorum,  which  have  been  thus  under- 
stood, must  be  read  Erant  autem  de  s.  B,  those  forsooth  quorum 
aliquos  ipse  auctor  juste  reprehendit.)  Against  Gerson  Job.  de 
Schoenhavia,  Canon  of  Griinthal,  wrote  an  apology  for  Ruysbroek 
(ibid.  p.  63),  in  which  he  endeavours  to  explain  his  representation  of 
the  union  with  God.  He  is  not  speaking  of  the  unio  per  identitatem 
realis  existentiae,  and  not  merely  of  the  unio  solum  per  consensum  et 
conformitatem  voluntatis,  but  of  the  unio  per  amorem  liquefactivum,  et 
excessura  contemplationis  ecstaticae,  quae  prae  nimia  suavitate  et 
magnitudine  interni  dulcoris  et  vehementia  amoris  animam  liquefacit 
et  resolvit,  et  totam  virtutem  rationis  absorbet.  In  his  answer  (1.  c. 
p.  78)  Gerson  persists  in  maintaining  that  Ruysbroek's  expressions 
were  objectionable,  and  that  John  of  Schbnhofen,  who  tried  to  defend 
them,  laid  himself  open  to  censure.  Cf.  Gerson  de  mystica  theologia 
epeculativa  c.  41  :  de  erroribus  circa  transformationem  animae  in  Deum 
(0pp.  iii.  394).  Engelhardt's  Rich.  v.  St  Victor  u.  Job.  Ruys- 
broek, S.  265. 

*^  Gerson's  mystical  works  are  to  be  found  in  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  T. 


CII.  IV.— THEOL.  SCIENCE,  g  117.  MYSTIC  TIIEOLOOV.     189 

iii.  He  broaches  a  theory  of  mystical  theology  in  his  Considerationes 
de  myst.  theol.  ibid.  p.  361.  On  its  relation  to  speculative  theology 
see  consid.  i. :  Aliqua  est  theologia  mystica  ultra  earn,  quae  vel  symbo- 
lica  vel  propria  nomiuatur.  Ita  enim  separate  tractavit  de  ea  sub 
proprio  titulo  b.  Dionysius  a  conscio  divinorum  secretorum  Paulo 
doctus.  Cum  enim  scripsisset  de  theologia  symbolica,  quae  utitur 
corporeis  siuiilitudinibus  translatis  ad  Deum,  ut  quod  est  leo,  lux, 
agnus,  lapis  et  similia  ; — cum  praeterea  tradidisset  theologiam  propriam, 
per  quam  ex  affectibus  repertis  in  creaturis,  praesertim  pei'fectioribus, 
ad  extra,  consurgimus  ad  affirmandum  aliqua  de  Deo,  ut  quod  est  ens 
et  vita,  a  quo  omnibus  derivatum  est  esse  et  vivere ;  tandem  addidit 
modum  inveniendi  Deum  perfectiorem  caeteris,  quo  per  abnegationem 
et  per  excessus  mentales  tanquam  in  divina  caligine  videatur  Deus, 
hoc  est  in  occulto  et  in  abscondito  : — propterea  hie  liber  intitulatur  de 
theologia  mystica  :  mysticum  autem  interpretatur  absconditum. — Con- 
sid. ii. :  Theologia  mystica  innititur  ad  sui  doctrinam  experientiis  habitis 
ad  intra,  in  cordibus  animarum  devotarum  :  sicut  alia  duplex  theologia 
ex  his  procedit,  quae  extrinsecus  ostenduntur. — Consid.  viii.  : — Expe- 
dit,  scholasticos  viros  etiam  devotionis  cxpertos  in  scripturis  devotis 
theologiae  mysticae  diligenter  exerceri,  dummodo  credant  eis.  Hoc 
ideo  dicitur,  primum,  quia  quis  novit,  si  tandem  ipsis  ex  familiari  tali 
collocutione  aggenerabitur,  ut  solet,  quidam  amor  et  ardor  experiendi 
ea,  quae  sola  interim  fide  tenent,  et  quae  doela  ratiocinatione  conferunt 
ad  invicem. — Rursus  alius  fructus  est  pro  illis,  quos  praedicatio  sumpta 
ab  hujusmodi  doctrina  poterit  accendere  ad  amorem  Dei  jam  praecon- 
ceptum,  remanente  etiam  frigido  pectore  ejus,  qui  loquitur. — Denique 
compertum  est,  multos  habere  devotionem,  sed  non  secundum  scientiam, 
quales  procul  dubio  pronissimi  sunt  ad  errores,  etiam  supra  indevotos, 
si  non  regulaverint  atf'ectus  suos  ad  normam  legis  Christi,  si  praeterea 
capiti  proprio,  propriae  scilicet  prudentiae,  inhaeserint,  spreto  aliorum 
consilio.  Hoc  in  Begardis  et  Turelupinis  manifestum  fecit  experientia. 
— Propterea  necesse  est  pro  argutione,  aut  directione  talium  esse  viros 
studiosos  in  libris  eorum,  qui  devotionem  habuerunt  secundum  scien- 
tiam. Eos  nihilominus  commonitos  velira,  ne  citius  debito  damnare 
praesumant  personas  devotas,  simpHces  in  suis  affectibus  adnjirandis, 
ubi  nihil  adversum  vel  fidei  vel  bonis  moribus  palam  inveniunt ;  sed  aut 
venerentur  incognita  sub  silentio,  suspensam  tenentes  sententiam,  aut 
consilio  peritiorum  examinanda  remittant,  Perltiores  autem  sunt,  quos 
utraque  instructio  reddit  ornatos,  una  intellectus,  et  afifectus  altera, 
quales  fuerunt  Augustinus,  Hugo,  s,  Thomas,  Bonaventura,  Guilliel- 
mus  Parisiensis,  et  caeterorum  admodum  pauci ;  cujus  raritatis  causara 
inferius  aflTerre  conabimur,  comp.  de  Wette's  Sittenlehre  ii.  ii.  251.  J. 
G.  V.  Engelhardti  comm.  de  Gersonio  mystico  partic.  ii.  Erlang. 
1822.  23.  4.  C.  B.  Hundeshagen  lib.  die  myst.  Theologie  des  Joh. 
Charlier  v.  Gerson,  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  Hist.  Theol.  iv.  i.  79.  A. 
Liebner  iiber  Gerson's  myst.  Theologie,  in  den  Theol.  Studien  u.  Kriti- 
ken  1835,  ii.  277.  (Jourdain)  Doctrina  Jo.  Gersonii  de  theologia 
mystica,  Paris.  1838.  Ch.  Schmidt  essai  sitr  Jean  Gerson,  Strasbourg 
1839,  p.  67. 


190  THIRD  PERIOD.— D^^  IV.— A.D.   1305—1100. 

faithfully  cherisht  in  Gerard  Groot's  institutions,'^^  and  through 
them  obtained  a  wide  influence  over  the  people  of  many  German 
provinces. 


§  118. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  REMAINING  THEOLOGICAL  SCIENCES. 

Casuistry  continued  to  be  zealously  studied :  to  the  old  text- 
book, the  Summa  Eaymundiana  (Part  2,  §  76,  note  7),  were 
now  added  those  of  the  Minorite  Astesanus  (f  1330  Summa 
Astesana),^  and  of  the  Dominican  Bartholomew  de  St  Concordia 
in  Pisa  (§  1347  Summa  Bartholina,  Pisanella  or  Magistruccia).^ 
On  the  other  hand,  moral  philosophy  was  only  studied  so  far  as 
it  entered  into  casuistry,  blended  with  Church-right,  and  pastoral 
subtilty.  For  the  development  of  the  universal  principles  of 
morals  little  was  done.^  As  the  mixture  with  heterogeneous 
subjects  in  casuistry  was  injurious  to  moral  philosophy,  so  also 
was  the  inclination  of  the  schoolmen  to  display  their  subtilty  in 
the  development  of  reasons  and  counter-reasons,  and  to  create 
probability  for  opinions  given  at  hazard.  The  mom-nful  condi- 
tion of  moral  philosophy  was  particularly  manifested  in  the 
controversies  which  followed  the  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
instigated  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  (23.  Nov.  1407).*  In  order 
to  justify  the  murder,  the  Franciscan  Johannes  Parvus  (Jean 
Petit,  Doctor  theol.  in  Paris  f  1411)  defended  the  murder  of 


2"  See  above,  §  115,  note  9  ff. 

1  Printed  nine  times  in  the  15tli  Century,  Fabricil  bibl.  med.  et  inf. 
Latin  i.  145.  Comp.  Staudlin's  Gesch.  d.  Christl.  Moral  seit  d. 
Wiederaufleben  d.  Wissenschaft  S.  85. 

2  Printed  several  times  in  the  15th  century,  Quetif  et  Echard  scriptt. 
Ord.  Praedicat.  i.  623.     Fabric.  1.  c.  p.  177. 

^  On  Gerson's  works  on  Morals  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin.t.  iii.)  see  Schrockh 
xxxiv.  241.  Staudlin  a.  a.  0.  S.  127.  Marheinecke's  Darstellung 
des  theol.  Geistes  der  kirchl.  Verfassung  in  Beziehung  auf  die  Moral 
des  Mittelalters,  Niirnberg  u.  Sulzbach  1806,  S.  130. 

*  All  the  works  belonging  to  this  subject  are  collected  in  Gersonii 
opp.  ed.  du  Pin  t.  v.  The  history  of  the  events  is  taken  from  the 
chronicle  of  Enguerrant  de  Monstrelet  ibid.  p.  3  ss.  Compare  Mar- 
heinecke  in  the  work  quoted  above,  S.  161. 


CH.  IV.— THEOL.  SCIENCE.  §  118.  CASUISTRY  AND  MORAL  RIIIL.    I9I 

tyrants.^  After  that  the  house  of  Orleans  had  recovered  the 
ascendancy,  the  Bishop  of  Paris  condemned  that  work  (1414)  :^ 
but  when  the  Duke  of  Bui-gund}^  brought  the  matter  before  the 
Council  of  Constance,  it  was  shown  that  the  Hierarchy  watcht 
over  the  region  of  Morality  with  far  less  care  than  that  of  Doc- 
trine. Whilst  the  active  Gerson  fought  the  cause  of  morality 
against  the  sophisms  of  the  Mendicants,^  the  council  hazarded  no 
decisive  opinion.     True,   it  condemned  the  doctrine  of  Tyrant 

5  See  his  Justificatio  Ducis  Burgundiae  recitata  d.  8  Mart.  1408 
coram  Rege  1.  c.  p.  15.     He  comprises  his  opinion  in  viii.  veritates : 

I.  Omnis  subditus  et  vasallus,  qui — machinatur  contra  salutem  corpo- 
ralem  sui  Regis, — dignus  est  duplici  morte,  scil.   prima  et  secunda. 

II.  Plus  puniendus  est  miles,  quam  simplex  subditus  in  hoc  casu, 
Baro  quam  simplex  miles  etc.  III.  In  casu  supradicto  licitum  est 
cuilibet  subdito  sine  quocunque  maudato  vel  praecepto,  secundum 
leges  naturalem,  moralem  et  divinam,  occidere  et  facere  occidi 
ipsum  proditorem  et  infidelera  tyrannum,  et  non  modo  licitum,  sed 
bonorabile  ac  meritorium,  praecipue  quando  est  adeo  potens,  quod 
justitia  non  potest  bono  modo  fieri  per  superiorem.  This  he  proves 
with  12  reasons  ob  reverentiara  XII.  Apostolorum,  to  wit,  with  three 
authorities  in  theolog)',  St  Thomas,  John  of  Salisbury,  and  some  others, 
with  three  in  philosophy,  Aristotle,  Cicero,  and  Boccacio,  with  three 
proofs  Irom  civil  la^v,  and  three  examples  from  holy  writ.  IV.  In  casu 
supradicto  honorabilius  est,  magis  licitum  et  meritorium,  quod  ipse 
infidelis  tyranuus  occidatur  per  unum  consanguineum  et  subditum 
Regis,  quam  per  extraneum,  qui  non  esset  de  sanguine  Regis  ;  et  per 
Ducem,  quam  per  Comitem  etc.  VII.  In  casu  supradicto  uni- 
cuique  licitum  est,  honestum  et  meritorium  occidere  et  facere  occidi 
supradictum  tyrannum  per  insidias,  cautelas  et  explorationes,  et  etiam 
licitum  est  dissimulare  et  tacere  suam  voluntatem.  Then  he  accuses 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  of  having  bewitcht  the  king,  and  of  adminis- 
tering poison  to  him,  of  carrying  out  a  traitorous  and  arbitrary 
policy,  and  at  last  concludes,  quod  dictus  dominus  Burgundiae  in  nullo 
debet  culpari,  vel  redargui  de  casu  qui  accidit  in  persona  dicti  criminosi 
defuncti  Ducis  Aurelianensis,  et  quod  dominus  Rex  non  solum  debet 
contentari,  sed  etiam  debet  habere  praefatum  Dominum  Burgundiae 
acceptum,  et  suum  factum  autorisare,  quando  opus  est. 

^  The  documents  are  in  1.  c.  p.  49 — 342.  The  Sententia,  in  which 
novem  assertiones  from  the  works  of  Johannes  Parvus  were  condemned, 
may  be  seen  p.  322  ss. 

*■  Martin  Porree,  the  Dominican  Bishop  of  Arras,  as  plenipotentiary 
of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  proposed  (1.  c.  p.  358)  :  Sententia  Episc. 
Parisiensis  et  Inquisitoris  Franciae,  quae  de  jure  est  nulla, — adnul- 
letur :  tarn  veritates  Parvi,  quam  assertiones  per  Johannem  de  Gers- 
sono  eidera  Parvo  false  impositas,  in  sua  probabilitate  relinquendo. 
E.  g.  p.  360 :  dictae  assertiones  non  sunt  tanquam  erroneae  condem- 
nandae,  eo  quod   de  earum   possibilitate   sine  evidenti  contradictione 


X92  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

murder,  but  not  the  work  of  Johannes  Parvus  f  and  afterwards 

fidei,  sacrae  Scripturae  et  bonorum  morum  sunt  opiniones  graves  mag- 
norum  Doctorum  eas  asserentium  probabiles,  ut  praefertur,  testimonio 
scripturarum  naturalium,  moralium,  etdivinarum.  Compare  Scriptuin 
Episc.  Atrebatensis  dd.  11  Oct,  1415  (ibid,  p.  391)  :  Si  novem  asser- 
tiones  pertineant  ad  fidem,  secundum  intentionem  Joannis  Gersson,  qua 
temeritate  condemnavit  eos  Episcopus  Parisiensis,  cum  sciret  aut  scire 
deberet,  quod  hujusmodi  materiae  fidei  declaratio  et  definitio,  ac  novo- 
rum  articulorum  fidei  ordinatio  ad  s.  sedem  apostolicam,  aut  sacrum 
Concilium  generale  [pertinere]  dignoscitur? — Si  vero  non  pertineant 
ad  fidem,  sicut  nee  pertinent  de  facto  ante  determinationem  Eccle- 
siae ;  quare  eas  condemnavit,  oppositas  ipsarum  mandando  teneri  sub 
fide  ?  Numquid  non  haereticum  est,  mandare  aliquid  sub  fide  esse 
tenendum,  quod  non  est  fides  ?  Gerson  on  the  other  hand  (ibid,  p. 
391) :  dico  affirmative,  quod  hae  novera  assertiones  exhibitae  sunt 
judicio  fidei  reprobandae  per  hoc  sacrum  Concilium,  et  quod  jam  nimis 
tardatura  est.  Then  in  justification  of  the  Bishop  of  Paris  he  defended 
the  maxim  of  the  Soi-bonne  (p.  408),  quod  ad  Episcopos  catholicos 
pertinet,  auctoritate  inferiori  et  subordinata  circa  ea  quae  sunt  fidei 
judicialiter  definire  (compare  below  §  119  note  9.) 

^  Sessio  gen.  xv,  d.  6  Jul.  1415  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const,  iv, 
439)  :  Sy nodus — nuper  accepit,  quod  nonnullae  assertiones  erroneae  in 
fide  et  bonis  moribus—  dogmatizatae  sunt.  Inter  quas  haec  assertio 
delata  est :  Quilibet  tyrannus  potest  et  debet  licite  et  meritorie  occidi  per 
quemcunque  vasallum  suwn  vel  suhditum,  etiam  per  insidlas  et  blanditias 
vel  adulationes,  non  obstante  quoeunque  juramento  seu  confoederatione 
facta  cum  eo,  non  expectata  sententia  vel  mandato  judicis  cvjiiscunque. 
Adversus  hunc  errorem  satagens  haec  sancta  synodus  insurgere, — 
declarat,  decernit,  et  definit  hujusmodi  doctrinam  erroneam  esse  in  fide 
et  moribus,  ipsamque  tanquamhaereticam,  scandalosam,  seditiosam,  et  ad 
fraudes,  deceptiones,  mendacio,  proditioues,  perjuria  vias  dantem  repro- 
bat  et  condemnat.  Doclarat  insuper, — quod  pertinaciter  doctrinam 
hanc  pernitiosissimam  asserentes  sunt  haeretici  etc.  But  even  this 
decree  was  wrung  from  them  by  the  Emperor  Sigismund,  see  Jo. 
Gersonii  dialog,  apologeticus  (Opp,  ii.  387),  especially  the  letter  of  a 
companion  of  the  Bishop  of  Arras  to  a  friend  in  Paris,  on  the  proceed- 
ing in  Bulael  hist,  Univ.  Paris,  v.  293  :  Videns  ipse  Rex,  quod  non 
potuit  obtinere  conclusionem  condemnationis  dictarum  IX  assertionum, 
ut  volebat,  licet  sollicitaverit  Judices  quantum  potuit  per  ejus  praesen- 
tiam  in  judicio  saepissime  et  per  nuncios  et  litei'as,  dixit,  quod  nun- 
quam  iret  ad  locum  conventionis,  videlicet  Niciam,  donee  esset  finis 
dicti  processus,  Et  quod  plus  est,  ipse  exivit  civitatem  Constantiae 
per  VIII  dies,  et  juravit  publice,  ut  dicebatur  communiter,  quod  non 
rediret  nisi  prius  expedito  dicto  processu.  Quare  oportuit  pro  satis- 
faciendo  sibi,  quod  quaedam  alia  propositio  vocata  Quilibet  tyrannus — 
condemnata  fuerit  ad  satisfaciendum  dicto  Regi,  qui  putabat,  quod 
dicta  propositio  esset  una  de  contentis  in  propositione  M.  Jo.  Parvi,  et 
ita  datum  est  sibi  intelligi,  et  sub  illo  colore  fuit  condemnata  ipso  Rege 
praesente  :  unde  gavisus  est  et  oinnes  adversarii,   quod  communiter 


vn.  IV.— THEOL.  SCIENCES.  §  118.  CASUISTRY  AND  MORAL  PHIL.  I93 

declared  the  censure  of  the  Bishop  of  Paris  to  be  unjustifiable." 
Soon  after  a  work  by  the  Dominican  John  of  Falckenberg/" 
which  preacht  death  and  destruction  against  the  Poles  and  their 
king  Jagello,  was  condemned  by  most  of  the  members  of  the 
Council  (1417)  :^^  but  the  Pope,  encumbered  by  regard  for  the 

dicebant  ignorantes,  quod  propositio  Parvi  fuerat  condernnata. — Sed 
Deo  laus.  Post  recessum  dicti  Regis  Ainbaxiatores  (Ducis  Burgun- 
diae)  sunt  securlores  quam  aiitea,  et  liberius  tractaverunt  niateriam  et 
processum  cum  bono  consilio. — Speramus  hie  oranes  habere  bonum 
exitum  et  honorabilem  in  materia,  quia  totum  Concilium  vellet  proces- 
sum terminari  ad  bonam  pacem  et  concordiam  Ducis. — Et  si  non 
habeatur  finis  per  concordiam,  uon  ita  cito  habebitur  per  processum, 
quia  adhuc  sumus  in  principio,  tit  potestis  considerare  :  quia  restat 
adhuc  probare  intentionem  circa  librllum  exbibituni,  et  examinare 
dictas  propositiones  bine  inde,  quae  non  fient  ita  cito  et  sine  magno 
discursu. 

^  Judicium  Deputatoi'um  Concilii  dd.  15.  Jan.  1416  in  Gersoniiopp. 
V.  500. 

1"  Before  this  time  he  had  defended  Johannes  Parvus,  against 
Gerson  and  d'Ailly :  see  tres  ti'actatus  in  Gersonii  opp.  v.  1013. 

^^  Jo.  Dlugossi  (Canon  at  Cracow,  about  1465)  hist.  Polonica  ed. 
Francof.  1711,  fob  lib.  xi.  p.  376:  The  Archbishop  of  Gnesna 
bi'ought  this  work  with  hira  from  Paris,  in  January,  1417,  to  Constance, 
and  immediately  accused  the  author,  Jo.  Falkenberg,  who  was  present 
in  person,  of  being  a  Cruciferis  de  Prussia  pretio  conductum  before  the 
Council.  Synodus  sacra — praedictum  libellum,  ut  falsum  et  erroneum, 
Joannera  vero  Falkemberg  ejus  auctorem,  ut  haeretlcum,  per  defini- 
tivam  sententiam  damnavit,  et  perpetuis  deputavit  carceribus.  Et  in 
condemnationis  praefatae  signum  singuli  Cardinales  singillatim  et 
omnes  nationes  sententiam  praedictam  manibus  propriis  subscripserunt. 
So  the  book  was  condemned,  as  is  plain  from  the  appeal  of  the  Polish 
delegates,  which  was  entered  in  the  last  session  (v.  d.  Hai-dt  Cone. 
Const.  IV,  1555),  per  judices  in  causa  fidei  a  s.  Concilio  deputatas, 
and  it  was  conclusum  et  ordinatum  by  all  the  nations  and  the  college 
of  Cardinals,  quod  idem  libellus,  tanquam  haereses  et  alia  multa  et 
quasi  infinita  mala  et  errores  continens,  in  sessione  publica  per  sacro- 
sanctum  concilium — publice  damnaretur,  seu  publice  damnatus  nunci- 
aretur.  But  this  solemn  condemnation  could  not  be  maintained  even 
from  Martin  V.,  who  was  elected  in  November.  1417.  Dlugossus  p. 
386  :  Martinus  P.  V.  prece  incertum  est  an  importunitate  Crucife- 
rorum  de  Prussia  circumventus,  sententiam  damnationis  Jo.  Falkem- 
berg— infirmare  et  moderari  contendit, — quamvis,  existens  Cardinalis, 
se  ei  manu  propria  subscripserit.  There  is  only  a  part  preserved  of 
the  contents  of  Falkenberg's  book,  in  the  sentence  of  condemnation, 
drawu  up  by  the  Committee  of  Faith  of  the  Council,  and  in  its  name. 
4  Jan.  1417  (in  Dlugossus  p.  387).  It  had  for  its  title:  Satyra  con- 
tra haereses  et  caetera  nefanda  Polonorura  et  eorum  Regis  Jagyel  fide- 
VOL.  IV.  N 


194  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

interests  of  the  German  order,  and  the  powerful  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, would  neither  have  this  book  solemnly  condemned,  nor 
decide  upon  the  work  of  Johannes  Parvus.  So  the  mendicants 
ventured  still  to  maintain  the  probability  of  those  seditious 
maxims.^^ 

The  Theologians  of  this  period  interested  themselves  in  Holy 
Scripture  even  less  than  those  of  the  previous  centuries.  The 
institution  of  Professors  of  the  oriental  languages,  determined  on 

liter  conscripta,  and  was  dedicated  universis  Regibus  et  Principibus : 
caeterisque  Praelatis  sive  Ecclesiasticis  sive  saecularibus,  et  generaliter 
omnibus,  qui  Christiani  nominis  raeruerunt  insigniri  titulo.  Maxims 
selected :  quod  Rex  Polonorum,  cum  sit  malus  praesidens,  est  idolum, 
et  omnes  Poloni  sunt  idololatrae,  et  serviunt  idolo  sue  Jagyel.  Item 
dicit,  quod  Poloni,  et  eorum  Rex  sunt  odibiles,  haeretici,  et  impudici 
canes,  reversi  ad  vomitum  suae  infidelitatis.  Et  ergo  securissime 
omnes,  non  solum  Principes  saeculi ;  verum  etiam  inferiores,  qui  ad  Po- 
lonorum et  eorum  Regis  exterminationem  se  accinxerint  ex  caritate, 
vitam  merentur  aeternam.  Item  dicit,  quod  indubie  Polonos  et  eorum 
Regem  propter  periculum,  quod  ab  eis  timetur  Ecclesiae  futurum, 
etiam  antequam  dissidium  faciant,  caeteris  paribus,  magis  merit orium 
est  occidere  quam  paganos.  Item  dicit,  quod  omni  submoto  dubio, 
belli  certamine,  quo  pro  defensione  Christianorum  suscepto  Principes 
saeculi  Polonos  et  eorem  Regem  occidunt,  regna  merentur  caelestia. — 
Item  dicit,  quod  ex  Principibus  saeculi,  qui  sunt  idonei  et  ratione  et 
potestate  Polonos  et  eorum  Eegem  Jagyel  reprimere,  et  permittunt 
eum  in  Christianos  debacchari,  supplicia  merentur  gehennae  etc. 

1^  They  tried  especially  to  prove  by  means  of  sopbisms,  that  the  ix. 
assertiones,  note  6,  had  nothing  in  common  with  the  condemned  maxim, 
Quilibet  tyrannus,  see  the  numerous  controversial  treatises  in  Gersonii 
opp.  t.  V.  E.  G.  Responsio  Episc.  Atrebatensis  ibid.  p.  475  :  credo 
et  aflSrmo,  quod  nulla  dictarum  novem  assertionum  est  fidei  judicio  re- 
probanda,  nee  aliqua  illarum  est  condemnanda  ex  condemnatione  illius 
propositionis  Quilibet  tyrannus  :  cum  nullo  modo  sequatur  ex  aliqua 
illarum  novem  assertionum,  sed  non  ex  omnibus  simul,  nee  continent 
doctrinaliter  illam  vel  virtualiter,  nee  in  simili  radice  fundantur,  quod 
patet.  Non  enim  sequitur  :  Licitum  est  unicuique  subdito  ; — occidere 
vel  occidi  facere  quemlibet  tyranniim,  qui  per  ciipiditatem,  fraudem, 
sortilegium  etc.  Ergo  quilibet  tyr'annus  etc.  Turn  quia  ibi  arguitur  a 
parte  in  modo,  ad  suum  totum  in  modo,  cu:n  distributione : — turn  quia 
ad  mentem  assertionum  a  parte  subjecti,  ly  unicuique  subdito  capitur 
pro  vasallo  immediate  Regi  subdito :  et  in  ilia  Quilibet  tyrannus  ca- 
pitur pro  quocunque,  etiam  subdito  tyranno,  sive  subjecto  and  so  forth. 
Thence  he  infers  at  last,  quod  banc  doctrinam  asserentes  opinabiliter, 
citra  determinationem  sacri  Concilii  generalis,  et  s.  sedis  apostolicae, 
non  sunt  haeretici ; — quod  asserere — dictas  Propositiones  esse  proba- 
biles,  aut  forsan  veras,  non  est  erroneum  etc. 


()H.  IV.—  J  HEOL.  SCIENCES.  §  118.  INTEKP.  OF  SCUIFTUKE.     1<J5 

by  Clement  V.  in  1311/^  was  only  meant  for  the  education  of 
Missionaries,  and  had  no  effect  in  furthering  the  interpretation 
of  Scripture.  The  bibKcal  commentaries  of  this  period  are,  for 
the  most  part,  hke  those  of  the  foregoing  centuries,  without  any 
scientific  value.  Only  the  Franciscan  Nicholas,  of  Lyra  (Pro- 
fessor of  Theology  in  Paris,  f  1340,  Postillator,)^*  by  his  know- 

'^  At  the  instigation  of  Rayraund  Lullus,  who  laboured  much  for 
the  conversion  of  the  Mahometans,  Clementin.  lib.  v.  tit.  i.  c.  .1  : 
scholas  in  subsci'iptarum  linguarum  generibus,  ubicunque  Romanam 
curiam  residere  contigerit,  necnon  in  Parisiensi  et  Oxon.,  Bonon,  et 
Salamantino  studiis  providiraus  erigendas,  statuentes,  ut  in  quolibet 
locorum  ipsorum  teneantur  viri  catholici,  sufficientem  habentes  Hebrai- 
cae,  Arabicae  et  Chaldaeae  linguarum  notitiam,  duo  videlicet  unius- 
cujusque  linguae  periti,  qui  scholas  regant  inibi,  et  libros  de  linguis 
ipsis  in  latinum  fideliter  transferentes,  alios  linguas  ipsas  so!l;cite  do- 
ceant, — ut  instructi  et  edocti  sufficienter  in  linguis  hujusraodi,  fructum 
speratum  possint  Deo  auctore  producere,  fidem  propagaturi  salubriter 
in  ipsos  populos  infideles. 

1*  Concerning  him  Wolfii  blbhoth.  Hebr.  i.  912.  iii.  838.  G.  W. 
Meyer's  Gesch  d.  Schrifterklarung  seit  d.  Wiederherstell.  d.  Wissen- 
chaften  (Gottingen  1802)  i.  109.  His  principal  work,  Postillae  per- 
petuae  in  Biblia,  was  first  publisht  at  Rome,  1471,  5  voU.  fol.  best 
cura  Fr.  Feuardentii,  Jo.  Dadrei  et  Jac.  de  Cuilly,  Ludg.  1590,  also 
in  the  Bibliis  Glossatis.  Thei'e  is  an  essay  prefixt  de  libris  Bibliae 
canonicis  et  non  canonicis.  Quia  sunt  multi,  qui  ex  eo  quod  non  multum 
operam  dant  sacrae  Scripturae,  existimant,  omnes  libros  qui  in  Biblia 
continentur,  pari  veneratione  esse  reverendos  atque  adorandos,  nescientes 
distinguere  inter  libros  canonicos,  et  non  canonicos,  quos  Hebraei  inter 
apocrypha  computant,  unde  saepe  coram  doctis  ridiculi  videntur,  et 
perturbantur  scandalizanturque,  cum  audiunt,  aliquem  non  pari  cum 
caeteris  omnibus  veneratione  persequi  aliquid,  quod  in  Biblia  legatur  : 
idcirco  id  distinximus,  et  distincte  numeravimus,  primo  libros  canon- 
icos, et  postea  non  canonicos,  inter  quos  tantum  distat,  quantum  inter 
certum  et  dubium.  Nam  canonici  sunt  confecti  spiritu  sancto  dictante  : 
non  canonici  autem  sive  apocryphi  nescitur,  quo  tempore  quibusve  auc- 
toribus  sint  editi  etc.  He  then  enumerates  the  canonical  and  apocry- 
phal books  of  the  Old  Testament,  according  to  Jerome,  and  determines 
their  relation  to  each  other  according  to  him  and  Rufinus.  Prologus  i. 
de  comraendatione  sacrae  Scripturae  in  generali.  e.  g.  on  the  manifold 
sense ;  Habet  tamen  iste  liber  hoc  speciale,  quod  una  litera  continet 
plures  sensus.  Cujus  ratio  est,  quia  principalis  hujus  libri  auctor  est 
ipse  Deus,  in  cujus  potestate  est  non  solum  uti  voeibus  ad  aliquid  signi- 
ficandura, — sed  etiam  rebus  significatis  per  voces  utitur  ad  significan- 
dum  alias  res.  The  fourfold  sense  is  described  in  the  lines : — 
Litera  gesta  docet,  quid  credas  allegoria, 
Moralis  quid  agas,  quo  tendas  anagogia. 
Prologus  ii.  de  inlentione  aucloris  et  modo  procedendi :  Omnes  expo- 

n2 


196  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

ledge  of  the  Hebrew  language,  rendered  extraordinary  service  in 
the  grammatical  interpretation  of  the  Old  Testament. 

sitiones  mysticae  pfaesupponunt  sensum  literalem  tanquam  funda- 
mentum :  propter  quod  sicut  aedificium  declinans  a  fundamento 
disponitur  ad  ruinam,  sic  expositio  mystica  discrepans  a  sensu  literali 
reputanda  est  indecens  et  inepta,  vel  saltern  minus  decens  caeteris 
paribus,  et  minus  apta.  Et  ideo  volentibus  proficere  in  studio  sacrae 
Scripturae  necessariura  est  incipere  ab  intellectu  sensus  literalis : 
maxime  cum  ex  solo  sensu  literali  et  non  ex  mysticis  possit  argumen- 
tum  fieri  ad  probationem  vel  declarationem  alicujus  dubii,  secundum 
quod  dicit  Augustinus  in  epist.  conti'a  Vincent.  Donatistam.  Ulterius 
considerandum,  quod  sensus  literalis — videtur  multum  obfuscatus  diebus 
modernis,  partim  scriptorum  vitio,  qui  propter  similitudinem  literarum 
in  multis  locis  aliter  scripserunt,  quam  habeat  Veritas  textus,  partim 
imperitia  aliquorum  correctorura,  qui  in  pluribus  locis  fecerunt  puncta 
ubi  non  debent  fieri,  et  versus  inceperunt  vel  terminaverunt  ubi  non 
debent  incipi  et  terminari,  et  per  hoc  sententia  literae  variatur, — 
partim  ex  modo  translationis  nostrae,  quae  in  multis  locis  aliter  habet 
quam  libri  hebraici :  et  tamen  secundum  Hieronymum — pro  veritate 
literae  habenda  in  scriptura  veteris  testamenti  recurrendum  est  ad 
codices  Hebraeorum. — Sciendum  etiam,  quod  sensus  literalis  est  multum 
obumbratus  propter  modura  exponendi  communiter  traditum  ab  aliis, 
qui  licet  multa  bona  dixerint,  tamen  parum  tetigerunt  literalem  sensum, 
et  sensus  mysticos  in  tantum  multiplicaverunt,  quod  sensus  literalis 
inter  tot  expositiones  mysticas  interceptus,  partim  sufibcatur.  Item 
textum  in  tot  particulas  diviserunt,  et  tot  concordantias  ad  suum 
propositum  induxerunt,  quod  intellectum  et  memoriam  in  parte  confun- 
dunt,  ab  intellectu  literalis  sensus  animum  distrahentes.  Haec  igitur 
et  similia  vitare  proponens  cum  Dei  adjutorio  intendo  circa  literalem 
sensum  insistere,  et  paucas  valde  et  breves  expositiones  mysticas 
aliquando  interponere,  licet  raro.  Similiter  intendo  non  solum  dicta 
doctorum  catholicorum,  sed  etiam  hebraicorum,  maxime  Rabbi  Salo- 
monis  (Jarchi  or  Raschi  see  Part  2,  §  76,  note  9),  qui  inter  doctores 
hebraeos  locutus  est  rationabilius,  ad  declarationem  sensus  literalis 
inducere. — Postremo  quia  non  sum  ita  peritus  in  lingua  hebraica  vel 
latina,  quin  in  multis  possim  deficere  ;  ideo  protestor,  quod  nihil  intendo 
dicere  assertive  seu  determinative,  nisi  quantum  ad  ea,  quae  manifeste 
determinata  sunt  per  sacram  Scripturam  vel  Ecclesiae  auctoritatem ; 
caetera  vero  omnia  accipiantur  tanquam  scholastice  et  per  modum 
exercitii  dicta :  propter  quod  omnia  dicta  et  dicenda  suppono  correc- 
tioni  sanctae  matris  Ecclesiae,  ac  cujuslibet  sapientis,  pium  lectorem  et 
caritativum  flagitans  correctorem. 


CH.  v.— RELIG.  OF  THE  PEOPLE,  §  1 19.  IMMAC.  CONC,  OF  MARY.    1  C)7 


FIFTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  RELIGION  AMONG  THE  PEOPLE. 

§  119. 

Two  new  festivals  were  dedicated  to  the  highly-honoiu'ed 
Mary,  the  Festival  of  the  Presentation  of  Mary,  festum  Praesenta- 
tionis,  on  21st  of  November,  by  Gregoiy  XI.  in  1372,^  and  the 
Festival  of  the  Visitation  of  Mary,  festum  visitationis,  on  the  2d 
of  July,  by  Urban  VI.  in  1389.^  The  Dominicans,  indeed, 
earnestly  impugned  the  doctrine  of  the  immaculate  conception 
of  Mary,  To  the  revelations  which  St  Birgitta  had  received  in 
favour  of  this  doctrine,^  they  opposed  those  of  St  Catharine  of 
Siena,  a  sister  of  their  own  order,  against  it.*     Nevertheless, 

^  J.  A.  Schmidii  prolusiones  Mariauae  x.  (cum  praef.  J.  L.  Mosh- 
einii.  Helmst.  1733.  4),  p.  100  ss.  Augusti's  Denkvviirdigkeiten  iii. 
107. 

2  Schmid  1.  c.  p.  111.     August!  in  the  work  quoted  above,  S.  88. 

3  Concerning  Birgitta  see  above,  §  114,  note  4.  Birgittae  revela- 
tionum  lib.  v. ;  in  fine,  God  the  Father  revealed  with  regard  to  Mary  : 
De  radice  Adae  processit,  et  de  peccatorlbus  nata  est,  licet  sine  peccato 
concepta,  ut  Filius  meus  de  ea  sine  peccato  nasceretur ;  lib.  vi.  c.  49, 
Mary  says  :  Veritas  est,  quod  ego  concepta  fui  sine  peccato  originali, 
et  non  in  peccato ;  and  cap.  25  she  says  :  Scito  quod  conceptio  mea 
non  omnibus  nota  fuit. — Placuit  Deo,  quod  amici  sui  pie  dubitarent  de 
conceptione  mea,  et  quilibet  ostenderet  zelum  suum,  donee  Veritas 
clarescei'et  in  tempore  praeordinato. 

*  Concerning  her,  see  above,  §  104,  note  6.  In  the  Orationes  xxii. 
ab  ipsa  in  raptu  et  extasi  ad  Deum  prolatae,  et  a  sibi  assistentibus 
familiai'ibus  exceptae  latinitatique  donatae,  is  the  following  passage, 
Orat.  xvi.  (the  passage  is  wanting  in  the  edition  of  her  works.  Colon. 
1553,  but  is  quoted  as  early  as  by  Antoninus  Summae  p.  1,  t.  8,  c. 
2)  :  Datum  est  nobis  Verbura  aeternum  per  manum  Mariae,  et  de 
substantia  Mariae  induit  naturam  absque  peccati  originalis  macula,  et 
hoc,  quia  non  hominis,  sed  Spiritus  sancti  inspiratione  facta  est  ilia 
conceptio.  Quod  quidera  non  fuit  sic  in  Maria,  quia  non  processit  ex 
massa  Adae  operatione  Spiritus  sancti  sed  hominis  :  et  quia  tota  ilia 
massa  erat  putrida,  non  poterat  nisi  in  putridam  naturam  anima  ilia 
infundi,  nee  poterat  purgari,  nisi  per  gratiam  Spiritus  sancti,  cujus 
quidem   gratiae   non   est  subjectum  susceptibile  corpus,  sed  spiritus 


198  THIRD  PERIOD —DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

together  with  the  Feast  of  the  Conception,^  this  doctrine  con- 
tinued to  spread.  The  Franciscans,  who  were  at  first  divided 
in  their  opinion  upon  this  question,^  continued  more  and  more 
to  decide  in  favour  of  it,  swayed  by  the  violence  with  which  the 
Dominicans  assailed  the  immaculate  conception  of  Mary,  and 
Duns  Scotus,  its  first  champion.  The  Dominicans,  also,  when 
they  began  from  the  year  1384  to  impugn  this  doctrine  with 
vehemence  in  Paris,'  roused  the  people  as  well  as  the  university 
against  themselves.  In  the  year  1387,  together  with  several 
other  maxims  of  the  Dominican,  John  of  Montesono,  the  univer- 
sity condemned  also  the  decided  rejection  of  this  doctrine.^    True, 

rationalis  aut  intellectualis,  et  ideo  non  poterat  Maria  a  macula  ilia 
purgari,  nisi  postquam  anima  infusa  est  corpori,  quod  quidem  sic  factum 
est  propter  reverentiam  thesauri  divini,  qui  in  illo  vase  debebat  reponi. 
Nam  sicut  fornax  consumit  guttam  aquae  in  medico  tempore,  sic  facit 
Spiritus  sanctus  de  macula  peccati  originalls  :  nam  post  conceptionem 
ejus  statim  fuit  ab  illo  peccato  mundata,  et  gratia  magna  data.  Tu 
scis,  domine,  quia  ista  est  Veritas.  Compare  on  these  prophecies  of 
botli  saints  Wadding  legatio  Philippi  III.  et  IV.  ad  Paulum  P.  v.  et 
Gregorium  XV.  de  definienda  controv.  immaculatae  concept,  b.  Virg. 
Mariae.  Lovan.  1624  fol.  p.  342  ss. 

^  Not  yet,  even  at  this  time,  called  the  Feast  of  the  Immaculate 
Conception,  compare  Part  2,  §  78,  note  16,  and  Thomas'  opinion 
thereupon,  ibid,  note  18.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  decreed  at 
the  Cone.  Londin.  ann.  1328,  c.  2  (Mansi  xxv.  829),  that  for  the  future 
the  festival  of  the  conception  of  the  blessed  Virgin  should  be  kept 
festive  et  solemniter  throughout  bis  province.  In  the  year  1343 
Baldwin,  bishop  of  Paderborn,  introduced  it  into  his  diocese  (Schaten 
annales  Paderborn.  1.  xiii.  p.  303).  The  Gallic  nation  at  the  univer- 
sity of  Paris  in  1380  determined,  quod  amodo  celebraretur  festum 
conceptionis  gloriosae  V.  M.  eodem  modo,  quo  et  alia  festa  solent 
celebrari  (Bulaeus  hist.  Univ.  Paris,  iv.  964). 

*  The  Franciscan  Alvarus  Pelagius  (f  after  1340  see  §  99,  note  18) 
de  planctu  Ecclesiae  lib.  ii.  c.  52,  declares  himself  still,  as  the  Fran- 
ciscans of  the  13th  century  had  done  (see  Part  2,  §  78,  note  17),  with 
a  reference  to  Augustine  and  Bernard,  against  this  doctrine,  licet 
quidam  novi  theologi  a  sensu  Ecclesiae  recedentes  communi,  tenere 
contra,  indevoti  revera  dominae,  ei  tamen  devoti  cupientes  apparere, 
nitantur,  eam  quodammodo  sic  Deo  et  suo  Filio  comparantes  :  quorum 
nova  opinio  et  phantastica  sit  afidelibus  cancellata,  quia  sanctifieationem 
Virginis  negat,  contra  id  quod  tenet  Ecclesia,  ipsam — antea — sanctifi- 
catam  in  utero,  quam  natam  extra  uterum. 

7  Bulaeus  iv.  599. 

^  On  the  whole  controversy  see  Chronic.  Caroli  vi.  lib.  viii.  c.  8,  and 
lib.  ix.  c.  16  (Chronique  du  Religieux  de  S.  Denys,  publiee  par  L. 
Bellaguet,  Paris  1839.  4,  i.  490.   576).     Bulaeus  iv.  618,  especially 


CH.  V— RELIG.  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  §  119    IMMAC.  CONCEPTION.  1 99 

he  appealed  to  the  Pope,  ^  but  the  university  prevailed  at 
Avignon  (Jan.  1389),  forced  several  Dominicans  to  recant- 
offensive  expressions  against  this  doctrine,^**  and  required  of  all 

d'Argentre  collectio  judiciorum  i.  ii.  61.  The  offensive  propositions, 
together  with  the  censures  of  the  theological  faculty,  may  be  seen  in 
d'Argentre,  p.  62  :  Propositio  X. :  Non  omnes  praeter  Christum  con- 
traxisse  ab  Adam  peccatum  originale  est  expresse  contra  fidem.  The 
Censure :  Revocanda  est  tanquam  falsa^  scandalosa  et  piarum  aurium 
offensiva^  et  praesuinpiiiose  asserta,  non  obstante  probabilitate  quaestionis, 
utrum  b.  Virgo  fuerit  in  peccato  originali  concepta.  Prop.  XI.  :  B. 
Virginem  Mariam  et  Dei  genitricem  non  contraxisse  peccatum  origi- 
nale, est  expresse  contra  fidem.  Prop.  XII.  :  Tantum  est  contra 
saci'am  Scripturam,  unura  hominera  esse  exemptum  a  peccato  originali 
praeter  Christum,  sicut  si  decern  homines  de  facto  ponerentur  exempti. 
Prop.  XI II.  Magis  est  expresse  contra  sacram  Scripturam,  b.  Vir- 
ginem non  esse  conceptam  in  peccato  originali,  quam  asserere  ipsam 
fuisse  simul  beatain  et  viatricem  ab  instanti  suae  conceptionis  vel 
sanctificationis.  These  maxims  were  censured  altogether  as  revocan- 
dae  tanquam  falsae,  scandalosae,  praesumptuose  assertae  et  piarum 
aurium  offensivae. 

^  He  petitioned,  as  is  plain  from  the  work  publisht  against  him  by 
Petrus  d'Alliaco  (d'Argentre  i.  ii.  82),  1,  quia  aliquae  conelusionum 
suarum  trahuntur  ex  doctrina  s.  Thomae  ;  2)  quod  dominus  Episcopus 
(Parisiensis),  apponens  falcem  in  messera  surami  Pontificis,  dictas 
conclusiones  pronunciavit  et  decrevit  falsa s,  haereticas  et  erroneas  :  et 
causam  subdit  ibidem,  quia  ista,  quae  tangunt  fidem,  sunt  de  majori- 
bu3  Ecclesiae  causis,  et  quae  ad  solum  summum  Pontificem  pro  exa- 
minatione  et  decisione  deferri  debent.  The  university  sent  four 
delegates  to  the  Pope,  amongst  whom  Petrus  d'Alliaco  was  the 
most  eminent :  See  his  Sermones  et  propositiones  in  Consistorio  1.  c. 
p.  66,  With  reference  to  the  first  charge  of  the  Dominicans,  the 
university  had  already  declared  in  a  letter  ad  universos  Christifideles 
dd.  14  Feb.  1388  (1.  c.  p.  65)  quatenus  s.  Thomae  doctrinam  in  dicta 
nostra  condemnatione  nequaquam  reprobamus.  The  condemnation 
only  referred  to  the  words  est  expresse  contra  fidem  (1.  c.  p.  107)  : 
licet  (s.  Thomas)  dicat,  quod  fuit  concepta  in  originali,  tamen  nee  ibi, 
nee  alibi  dicit,  quod  oppositum  dicere  sit  expresse — contra  fidem. — 
Licitum  est  in  hac  materia  probabillter  loqui,  et  istam  partem  tenere, 
vel  etiam  circa  utrumque  dubitare  ut  supponitur :  sed  non  licet 
sic  probabiliter  loqui  vel  dubitare  de  aliquo,  quod  est  expresse  contra 
fidem  etc.  With  reference  to  the  second  charge  d'Alliaco  defended 
the  maxim  (1.  e.  p.  76) :  Ad  s.  sedem  apostolicam  pertinet  auctoritate 
judiciali  suprema  circa  ea  quae  sunt  fidei  judicialiter  definire.  Ad 
Episcopos  catholicos  pertinet  auctoritate  inferior!  et  subordinata  circa 
ea  quae  sunt  fidei  judicialiter  definire.  Ad  Doctores  theologos  pertinet 
determinatione  doctrinal!  et  scholastica  circa  ea  quae  sunt  fidei  doc- 
trinaliter  definii-e. 

^^  Compare  the   originals  in  Bulaeus  iv,  633  638,  and   iu   d'Ar- 


200  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

who  took  academical  degrees,  assent  to  the  decision  issued  by 
herself  in  this  matter.^^  Although  this  decision  was  in  the  first 
place  only  directed  against  the  peremptory  rejection  of  the  doc- 
trine, still  it  soon  assumed  the  character  of  a  positive  declaration 
in  favour  of  it.^^  The  influence  of  the  University  of  Paris  gave 
the  doctrine  definitive  ascendancy  in  the  Church. 

This  period  was  even  as  rich  as  the  previous  one  in  new 
saints,^^  relics,^^  and  other  shrines,^^  as  well  as  in  miracles,^^ 

gentre  i.  ii.  132.  How  far  the  Dominicans  had  advanced  in  their 
violence,  is  shown  by  the  expressions  which  they  were  now  obliged  to 
recall.  Thus  Fr.  Richard  (d'Argentre  p.  136)  :  Elle  fut  souillee, 
touille  et  brouillee  au  ventre  de  sa  mere. — Nemplus  que  vous  ne  pour- 
riez  boater  vostre  main  en  ung  grand  plain  pot  de  gresse  (vermilion) 
sans  la  souiller,  nemplus  ne  fut  la  Vierge  Marie  engendree  sans  souil- 
leure. — Fr.  Adam  de  Soissons  in  a  sermon  (Bulaeus  iv.  639) :  Se  la 
Vierge  Marie  fust  tresj)assee  devant  la  raort  et  passion  de  son  glorieux 
fils, — elle  fust  descendue  en  Enfer,  pourcequ'elle  avoit  este  conceue 
en  peche  originel.  He  confest  that  he  added  qui  je  affermois  sous  la 
damnation  de  mon  ame,  et  que  en  icelle  foy  je  voudrois  vivre  et 
mourir.  Fr.  Joannes  Ade  (ibid.  641),  quod  festum  Conceptionis  b.  et 
gloriosae  Virginia  Mariae,  non  erat  solemnizandum  nee  colendum,  et 
qui  coleret  dictum  festum,  male  faceret  plus  quam  bene.  Item  prae- 
dicaudo  ad  populum  increpavi  illos,  qui  in  laudem  Virginis  Mariae 
tenebant,  earn  non  fuisse  in  Originali  peccato  conceptam,  improperando 
eis  et  dicendo  :  En  voUs-vous  faire  une  Deesse?  and  so  on. 

^^  See  Gersonius  pi'o  reconciliatione  Dominicanorum  ann.  1403  (Bu- 
laeus V.  83) :  conclusum  erat,  ut  omnis  gradus  et  honoris  in  Universi- 
tate  expers  fieret,  quisquis  non  juraret  tenere  condemnationem  super 
erroribus  praedictis  ab  Universitate  prius,  deinde  ab  Episcopo  Paris, 
factam.  Distulerunt  hoc  agere  Bacalaurii  e  fratribus  praedictis  tunc 
excipiendi,  causantes  a  Superioribus  suis  licentiam  ad  hujusmodi 
praestationem  juramenti  necdum  petiisse  vel  habuisse.  Ex  hac  origine 
neque  gradus,  neque  cathedram,  neque  sermones  posterius  adepti  sunt. 
The  restoration  of  the  Dominicans  to  the  university  was  not  effected 
till  1403,  see  the  Instrumentum  in  d'Argentre  1.  c.  p.  148. 

^2  Jo.  Gersonii  sermo  de  conceptione  b.  Mariae  Virginis  A.D.  1401, 
see  above  §  1 1 6  note  7. 

^3  Shrockh  xxxiii.  417. 

"  On  the  numerous  and  in  some  respects  peculiar  relics  which  the 
Emperor  Charles  IV.  collected  at  Prague,  see  Hagek's  bdhm.  Chronik. 
S.  577.  593.  868.  ff.  Pelzel's  Kaiser  Karl  der  Vierte  i.  277.  Hen- 
rici  de  Ilassia  (s,  de  Langenstein,  Carthusian,  Professor  of  Theology 
in  Vienna -j-  1428)  secreta  Sacerdotum,  Lips.  1498.  4,  fol.  B.  ii.verso : 
Vidi  quosdam  sacerdotes  etiam  magnates  in  solemnitatibus  homines 
offerentes  cum  reliquiis  signare  ct  oscula  praebere :  audivi  etiam 
magnas  indulgentias  de  eisdem  pronunciare,  pro  quibus  nunquam  vide- 
runt  vel  audiverunt  aliquam  chartam  Papae  aut  Dioecesani :  dicunt 


CH.  v.— RELIG  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  §  119.  SENSUOUS  TURN.       201 

and  new  festivals  ;^^  masses,  almost  tlie  sole   element  of  divine 
service,  were  niultijDlied  in  the  most  extravagant  manner  by  the 

« 
esse  reliquias  alicujus  Sancti,  et  forte  est  os  alicujus  asini  vel  dam- 
nati. 

^^  On  the  holy  blood  at  Wilsnack  in  Priegnits,  which  from  1383 
attracted  remarkable  pilgrimages,  see  Detmar's  cbronik  herausg.  v. 
Grautoff  i.  325.  Historia  v.  d.  Erfindung,  Wunderwerken  u.  Zersto- 
rung  des  vermeinten  heil.  Bluts  zur  Wilssnagk,  durch  Matthaum 
Ludecum,  der  Stiftskirchen  zu  Havelberg  Decanum,  Wittenberg 
1586.  4  (Here  also  is  the  story  of  the  discovery  by  the  Dean  of  Havel- 
berg at  that  time.)  Beckmann's  Beschreibung  der  Mark  ii.  310. 
Bucbholz  Gesch.  der  Kurmark  Brandenburg  ii.  593. — A  low  Dutch 
work  of  the  year  1374  enumei*ates  the  shrines  in  Rome  and  their 
indulgences  ;  Van  den  Aflate  van  Rome  in  Kist  en  Roijaards  Archief 
voor  kerkelijke  Geschiedenis  vi.  303. 

^^  Nicolaus  Lyranus  in  Daniel,  xiv.  22  (where  he  is  speaking  of  the 
priestcraft  in  the  Dragon's  temple  at  Babylon :  Et  similiter  aliquando 
fit  in  Ecclesia  maxima  deceptio  populi  in  miraculis  fictis  a  sacerdoti- 
bus  vel  eis  adhaerentibus  propter  lucrum  temporale. 

^^  Beside  the  two  Marian  festivals  (above  note  1  and  2)  the  Festum 
S.  Trinitatis,  which  had  been  kept  before  here  and  there  in  different  quar- 
ters, was  now  universally  establisht  by  John  XXII.  upon  the  Sunday 
after  Whitsuntide,  Baluz  PP.  Aven.  i,  177,  cf  Not.  p.  793.  Festum 
8.  Lanceae  et  Clavorum  was  ordained  by  Innocent  VI.  in  1354  at  the 
request  of  Charles  IV.,  for  Germany  and  Bohemia  on  the  Friday 
after  Quasimodogeniti,  cf.  J.  H.  a  Seelen  miscellanea  i.  339.  The 
Bull  of  institution  is  ibid.  p.  394.  Compare  the  list  of  festival  daya 
on  which  no  work  was  to  be  done,  put  forth  by  Simon,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  in  Cone.  Magfeldense  ann.  1362  (Mansi  xxvi.  417):  In 
primus  sacrum  diem  Dominicum  ab  bora  diei  sabbati  vespertina  in- 
choandum,  non  ante  horam  ipsam  praeveniendum,  ne  Judaicae  profes- 
sionis  participes  videamur,  quod  in  festis,  quae  suas  habent  vigilias, 
observetur :  item  festa  Natalis  Domini,  ss.  Stephani,  Joannis,  Innc- 
centium,  Thomae  martyris  ;  Circumcisionis,  Epiphaniae  Domini,  Puri- 
ficationis  b.  Mariae,  s.  Matthiae  Apostoli,  Annunciationis  s.  Mariae,  s. 
Parasceues,  Paschae  cum  tribus  diebus  sequentibus,  s.  Marci  Evangelis- 
tae,  Apostolorum  Philippi  et  Jacobi,  Inventionis  s.  Crucis,  Ascensionis 
Domini,  Pentacostes  cum  tribus  diebus  sequentibus,  Corporis  Christi, 
Nativitatis  s.  Joannis  Baptistae,  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli,  Trans- 
lationis  s.  Thomae,  s.  Mariae  Magdalenae,  s.  Jacobi,  Assumptionis  s. 
Mariae,  b.  Bartholomaei,  s.  Laurentii,  Nativitatis  s.  Mariae,  Exalta- 
tionis  s.  Crucis,  s.  Matthaei  Apostoli,  s.  Michaelis,  s.  Lucae  Evan- 
gelistae,  Apostolorum  Simonis  et  Judae,  Omnium  Sanctorum,  s, 
Andreae  Apostoli,  s.  Nicolai,  Conceptionis  b.  Mariae,  s.  Thomae 
Apostoli,  Dedicationum  Ecclesiarum  parochialium  et  Sanctorum,  in 
quorum  honore  Ecclesiae  parochiales  dedicantur  :  aliaque  festa  quae 
in  singulis   dictae  provinciae  dioecesibus  per  locorum  Ordinaries  ex 

certa  scientia  peculiariter  indicuntur.     And  in  this  catalogue  many  of 

1 


202  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.  A.D.  1305—1409. 

self-interestedness  of  the  prlests.^^  Spiritual  worship  of  God  was 
swallowed  up  in  this  sensuous  kind  of  divine  service,^^  just  as 

the  festivals  previously  kept  were  omitted,  as  the  archbishop  himself 
declares  :  quod  ad  devotionis  parabatur  compendium,  in  dissolutionis 
erigitur  curaulum,  dum  in  ipsis  festivitatibus  colitur  taberna  potius 
quara  Eccl'esla,  comessationes  abundant  et  ebrietates  uberius  quam 
lacrymae  et  orationes,  lasciviis  insistitur  et  contumeliis  magis  quara 
otio  contemplationis  : — tamquam  solemnitates  ipsae  ad  profanationis  et 
perversitatis  exercitium  gratis  fuerint  institutae :  quae  quanto  magis 
protenduntur  in  numero,  tanto  abundantius  cultores  abusionum  hujus- 
modi  in  suis  excessibus  insolescunt. 

1^  Alvarus  Pelagius  de  planctu  Eccl.  lib.  ii.  c.  5  :  Nostra  autem 
Ecclesia  plena  et  superplena  est  altaribus,  Missis  et  sacrificiis,  sed  cum 
hoc  plena  in  sacrificantibus  homicidiis,  sacrilegiis,  et  immunditiis  et 
simoniis,  et  aliis  sceleribus,  excommunicationibus,  et  irregularita- 
tibus  usque  ad  summum. — Tot  enim  hodie  dicuntur  Missae  quasi 
quaestuariae,  vel  consuetudinariae,  vel  ad  complacentiam,  vel  ad 
scjlera  cooperienda,  vel  propriam  justificationem,  quod  apud  populum 
vel  clerum  sacrosanctum  corpus  Domini  jam  vilescit. — Unde  et  almus 
Franciscus  voluit,  quod  in  quocunque  loco  Fratres  content!  essent  una 
Missa,  praesciens,  Fratres  se  velle  justificare  per  Missas,  et  ad  quaes- 
tum  eas  reducere,  sicut  videmus  hodie  fieri :  unde  et  dicebat,  quod  una 
Missa  caelum  et  terram  implebat.  Cap.  27  :  Et  jam  consuetudine  vel 
potius  corruptela — inolevit,  quod  Missa  taxata  tribus  vel  quatuor  denariis 
vel  uno  solido  venditur  et  emitur  a  populo  caeco  et  Presbyteris  simo- 
niacis  sceleratis. 

^'^  The  physician  Arnaldus  de  Villa  nova  was  condemned  at  Tarra- 
cona  for  heresy  in  the  year  1317  (Nic.  Eymei'ici  directorium  Inquisi- 
torura  p.  ii.  qu.  xi.)  The  biting  remark  was  attributed  to  him,  quod 
Diabolus  ingeniose  fecit  totum  populum  christianum  deviare  a  veritate 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi ;  sicque  suxit  et  evacuavit  populum  chris- 
tianum, quod  non  dimisit  in  eo  nisi  pellem,  i  e.  apparentiam  cultus 
ecclesiastici,  quem  fecit  ex  usu :  et  fides,  quam  habet,  est  talis,  quali,s 
est  fides  Daemonum  (Jac.  2,  19.)  Petri  de  Alliacode  reformatione  in 
Cone.  Constant,  c.  3  (in  Gersonii  opp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  911)  :  Quia  Prae- 
latis  de  divino  cultu  specialis  cura  esse  debet,  circa  hujusmodi  reforma- 
tionem,  quae  necessaria  est,  providendum  esset,  ut  in  divino  servitio 
non  tam  onerosa  prolixitas,  quam  devota  et  Integra  brevitas  servaretur ; 
ut  in  Ecclesiis  non  tam  magna  imaginum  et  picturarum  varietas  mul- 
tiplicaretur  ;  ut  non  tot  nova  festa  solennizarentur  ;  ut  non  tot  novae 
Ecclesiae  aedificarentur  ;  ut  non  tot  novi  Sancti  canonizarentur ;  ut, 
praeterquam  diebus  Dominicis,  et  in  majoribus  festis  ab  Ecclesia  iusti- 
tutis,  lieeret  operari  post  auditum  Officium  :  cum  quia  in  festis  saepe 
magis  multiplicantur  peccata  in  tabernis,  in  choreis,  et  aliis  lasciviis, 
quas  docet  otiositas  ;  turn  quia  dies  operabiles  vix  sufficiunt  pauperibus 
ad  vitae  necessaria  proeuranda.  Cf.  Nicolaus  de  Clamengis  de  novis 
celebritatibus  non  instituendis  iivopp.  ed.  Lydii  p.  143  ss.  Henricus  de 
Hassia  also  recommended  (see  Gerson  de  probatione  spirituum  in  opp. 
i.  40)  :  compriraendara  esse  tot  hominum  canonizationem. 


Cll.  v.— RELIGION  OF  THE  PEOPLE,  g  119.  SENh^UOU.S  TURN.   203 

the  laAvs  of  God  were  thrown  into  tlie  shade  by  the  overgrowth 
of  the  laws  of  the  Cliurch.^" 

The  pious  brotherhoods,  especially  the  Marian-fraternities, 
increast  to  a  great  number,^^  and  notwithstanding  all  their  me- 
chanical I'eligion,  promoted  brotherly  love,  and  honourable  con- 
duct. The  mysteries,^'^  greatly  multiplied  as  they  were  at  the 
same  time,  and  conducted  for  the  most  part  by  fraternities, 
served  to  impress  sacred  history  and  doctrine  upon  the  senses  of 
the  people. 

The  nervous  symptoms  exhibited  in  the  form  of  a  dancing 
mania,^^  which  made  their  appearance  on  the  Rhine,  and  in  the 
Netherlands  in  the  year  1374,^*  and  afterwards  re-appeared  at 

''*'  Jo.  Gerson  de  vita  spiritual!  animae  lect.  iv.  coroll.  xi.  (0pp.  ed. 
du  Pin  ill.  44)  :  Subditi  simplices  et  timorati  quando  tot  traditionibus 
intendere  compelluntur  a  superioribus  suis,  quid  mirum  si  minus 
capaces  redduntur  divinorum  praeceptorum,  quia  et  minus  in  eisdem 
edocentur  ?  Nuraquid  non  acerrimo  supplicio  aut  acerbissima  objurga- 
tione  punietur  aliquis  quandoque  pro  parvula  inobedientia  legis 
humanae,  et  absque  omni  reprehensione  peccare  quotidie  contra  legem 
Dei  enormiter  permitteretur  ?  Non  habemus  necesse  exemplis  immo- 
rari,  crebriora  cernimus  quam  vellemus. 

-1  Wilda's  Gildenwesen  im  Mittelalter  s.  345.  K.  F,  Kloden  zur 
Gesch.  d.  Marienverehrung  in  d.  Mark  u.  Lausitz,  Berlin  1840,  s.  64. 
2-  See  part  ii.  §  81,  note  5.  On  the  Mystere.de  la  Passion,  for  the 
representation  of  which  Charles  VI.  chartered  aconfrerie  de  la  Passion 
1402,  see  Onesime  Leroy  hist,  comparee  du  theatre  et  des  moeurs  en 
France,  Paris  1844,  p.  195.  On  the  Mysteres  de  Nostre-Dame  1.  c. 
p.  134.     Compare  W.  Wachsmuth's  europ.  Sittengescbichte  iv.  213. 

-^  Forstemann's  christl.  Geisslergesellschaften  s.  224.  Dr  I.  F.  C. 
Hecker,  die  Tanzwuth,  eine  Volkskrankheit  im  Mittelalter,  Berlin 
1832.  Dr  E.  C.  Wicke's  Monographie  des  grossen  Veitstanzes, 
Leipzig  1844. 

2*  Radulphi  de  Rivo  (Decani  Tongrensis  f  1403)  gesta  Pontiff. 
Leodiensium  c.  9  (in  Chapeaville  gesta  Pontiff.  Leod.  iii.  19)  :  Anno 
1374,  mense  Julio — admirabilis  homiuum  secta  ex  superioribus  Ger- 
maniae  partibus  primo  Aquisgranum,  inde  Trajectum,  et  tandem  circa 
mensem  Septembrem  Leodium  advenit.  Horam  tale  erat  institutura. 
Utriusque  sexus  homines  a  Daemonibus  possessi  seminudi  sertis  capita 
cingebant,  choreas  non  in  plateis  tantum  sed  et  in  Ecclesiis  et  domibus 
absque  ullo  pudore  ducebant,  nomina  Dacmonum  hactenus  inaudita  in 
carminibus  suis  usurpabant :  choreis  finitis  eos  Daemones  gravissimis 
pectoris  doloribus  cruciabant,  ita  ut  nisi  nexibus  quibusdam  umbilicatim 
fortiter  stringerentur,  magnis  furiosisque  ululatibus  se  mori  proclamar- 
ent. — Causam  hujusmodi  sectae  diabolicae  non  aliam  viri  prudentes 
assignabant,  quam  fidei  et  praeceptorum  Dei,  quae  per  id  tempus 
regnabat,  crassam  ignorantiam.     Non   deerant  tamen  e  vulgo,  qui  in 

3 


204  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

Strasburg  in  1418,^*  and  also  in  the  second  half  of  the  14th 
century  commenced  in  Italy,  particularly  in  Apulia  in  the  form 
of  Tarantism,'"  were  the  result  of  the  sensuous  excitement  of 
religion  and  divine  service  at  this  time. 

eacerdotes  concubinarios  culpam  rejicerent,  quod  per  eos  minus  recte 
pueri  baptisarentur  etc.  Limburgische  Chronik  §  122  (Au5g.  v.  C. 
D.  Vogel,  Marburg  1828,  b.  71)  :  Und  wurd  des  Dings  also  viel,  dass 
man  zu  Colin  in  der  Stadt  mebr  denn  500  Tanzer  fand.  Und  fand 
man,  dass  es  cine  Ketserey  war,  und  geschahe  um  Gelds  willen,  dass 
ihr  ein  Theil  Frau  und  Mann  in  Unkeuschbeit  mocbten  kommen,  und 
die  vollbringen.  Und  fand  man  da  zu  Colin  mebr  dann  bundert 
Frauen  und  Dienstmagde,  die  niebt  ebelicbe  Manner  batten.  Die 
wurden  alle  in  der  Tantserey  Kindertragend,  und  wann  dass  si  tan- 
zeten,  so  bunden  und  knebelten  sie  sicb  hart  um  den  Leib,  dass  sie 
desto  geringer  waren.  Hierauff  spracben  ein  tbeils  Meister,  sonderlicb 
der  guten  Artzt,  dass  ein  Tbeil  wurden  tantzend,  die  von  beisser  Natur 
waren,  und  von  andern  gebrecbllcben  natiirlicben  Saeben.  Dan  deren 
war  wenig,  denen  dass  gescbabe.  Die  Meister  von  der  beil.  Sebrifft 
die  bescbwobren  der  TUntzer  ein  Tbeil,  die  meynten,  dass  sie  besessen 
waren  von  dera  bo  sen  Geist.  Also  nabm  es  ein  betrogen  End,  und 
wabrete  wobl  secbszebn  AVocben  in  diesen  Landen  oder  in  der  Mass. 
Aucb  nabmen  die  vorgenannten  Tanzer  Mann  und  Frauen  sicb  an, 
das  sie  kein  rotb  seben  mocbten.  Und  war  ein  eitel  Teuscberey,  und 
ist  verbottscbaft  gewesen  an  Cbristum  nacb  meinem  Bediinken. 

25  The  sick  here  were  carried  to  the  Chapel  of  St  Vitus  (nacb  Zabern 
u.  Rotestein)  to  be  healed ;  hence  the  name  St  Vitus'  dance,  compare 
Scbilter's  Anm.  zu  K(5nigboven's  Chronik  s.  1087. 

36  Seeker's  Tanxwuth  s,  26. 


CH.  VI.  RELIGION  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  §  120.  INDULGENCE.       205 


SIXTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  CHURCH  DISCIPLINE. 

§  120. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  REWARDS  AND  PUNISHMENTS. 

The  Theory  of  Indulgences  brought  to  perfection  by  Thomas, 
was  not  indeed  universally  adopted  by  all  the  Theologians  of  this 
period/  but  it  might  be  held  as  the  general  opinion  of  the  Church, 
from  the  time  that  Clement  VI.,  first  of  all  the  Popes,  proclaimed 
it  in  his  Jubilee  Bull.'    The  opportunities  of  winning  Indulgences 

^  Passages  from  those  who  acceded  to  the  doctrine  are  collected  iu 
Eus.  Amort  de  origine,  progressu,  valore  ac  fructu  indulgentiarum 
(Aug.  Vindel.  1735  fol.)  ii.  80.  Augustinus  Triumphus  Summa  de 
potest,  eccles.  Qu.  29 — 32  may  be  added  to  the  number.  On  the  other 
hand,  Franciscus  Mayronius,  the  Franciscan  at  Paris  (-j-  1325),  in  his 
Comm.  in  Sent.  lib.  iv.  dist.  19  qu.  2,  disputes  the  doctrine  of  the 
thesaurus.  Durandus  de  s.  Porciano  in  Sent.  lib.  iv.  dist.  20  qu.  3  : 
De  indulgentiis  pauca  dici  possunt  per  certitudinem,  quia  nee  Scriptura 
expresse  de  eis  loquitur.  Quod  enim  dictum  est  Petro  Matth.  xvi. : 
tibi  dabo  claves  regni  caelorum,  et  quodcunque  ligaveris  etc.  intelligitur 
de  potestate  ei  data  in  foro  poenitentiae.  De  coUatione  autem  indul- 
gentiarum non  est  clarum  quod  debeat  intelligi :  Sancti  etiam,  ut  Am- 
brosius,  Hilarius,  Augustinus,  Ilieronymus,  minime  loquuntur  de 
indulgentiis.  Gregorius  tamen  loquitur,  qui  etiam  indulgentias  Romae 
instituit  in  stationibus,  ut  dicitur.  Et  ideo  loquendo  de  eis  sequendus 
est  modus  communis.     Then  he  states  the  doctrine  of  the  thesaurus. 

-  See  the  Bull  Unigenitus  of  27.  Jan.  1343  in  Extravagg.  Comm. 
lib.  V.  tit.  9  c.  2  and  in  Raynald.  ann.  1349  no.  11  :  (Deus  Filius)  non 
corruptibilibus  auro  et  argento,  sed  sui  ipsius,  agni  incontaminati  et 
immaculati,  pretioso  sanguine  nos  redemit,  quem  in  ara  crucis  pro  nobis 
innocens  immolatus,  non  guttam  sanguinis  modicam,  quae  tamen 
propter  unionem  ad  Verbum  pro  rederaptione  totius  humaui  generis 
suffecisset,  sed  copiose  velut  quoddam  profluvium  noscitur  effudisse,  ita 
ut  a  planta  pedis  usque  ad  verticem  nulla  sanitas  inveniretur  in  ipso. 
Quantum  ergo  exinde,  ut  nee  supervacua,  inania  aut  superflua  tantae 
effusionia  miseratio  redderetur,  thesaurum  militanti  Ecclesiae  acquisivit, 
volens  suis  thesaurizare  filiis  pius  pater,  ut  sic  sit  infinitus  thesaurus 


206  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

continually  increast.  Lesser  Indulgences  might  be  obtained 
every  day  :^  there  was  no  lack  of  Crusades  preacht,  which  oflfered 
a  general  Indulgence  i*  but  chiefly  the  new  discovery  of  the 
Jubilee  year  was  now  organized.^     At  the  request  of  the  Romans 

hominibus,  quo  qui  usi  sunt,  Dei  amicitiae  participes  sunt  effecti ! 
Quern  quidem  thesaurum  non  in  sudario  repositum,  non  in  agro  abscon- 
ditum,  sed  per  b.  Petrum  caeli  clavigerum,  ejusque  successores,  suos  in 
terris  vicarios,  coinmisit  fidelibus  salubriter  dispensandum,  et  propriis 
(leg.  pro  piisj  et  rationabilibus  causis  nunc  pro  totali  nunc  pro  partiali 
reraissione  poenae  temporalis  pro  peccatis  debitae  tarn  generaliter  quam 
specialiter,  prout  cum  Deo  expedire  cognoscerent,  vere  poenitentibus  et 
confessis  misericorditer  applicandum.  Ad  cujus  quidem  thesauri  cu- 
mulura  beatae  Dei  Genelricis  et  omnium  Electorum  a  primo  justo  usque 
ad  ultimum  merita  adminiculum  praestare  noscuntur,  de  cujus  consump- 
tione  seu  diminutione  non  est  aliquatenus  formidandum,  tam  propter 
iufinita  Christi,  ut  praedictum  est,  merita,  quam  pro  eo,  quod  quanto 
plures  ex  ejus  applicatione  trahuntur  ad  justiliam,  tanto  magis 
accrescit  ipsorum  cumulus  mei'itorum. 

^  When  the  clergy  of  Xanten,  in  the  district  of  Cleves,  began  to 
summon  people  at  eventide  with  a  signal  from  the  Church  Bell  to  invoke 
the  Blessed  Virgin  with  the  angels'  salutation,  John  XXII.  in  1318 
rewarded  the  threefold  Ave  Maria  with  an  indulgence  for  ten  days 
(Raynald.  ann.  1318  no.  58,  cf.  ann.  1327  no.  54.)  The  Cone. 
Avenionense  ann.  1326  conceded  cap.  2  to  those  who  accompanied  the 
Sacrament  to  the  sick  an  indulgence,  if  by  day,  of  twenty  days,  if  by 
night,  of  thirty  nights :  cap.  3  to  those  who  prayed  for  the  Pope  and 
the  Church,  ten  days  :  cap.  4  to  those  who  bowed  at  the  name  of  Jesus, 
ten  days.  This  was  repeated  by  the  Cone.  Avenion.  ann.  1337  c.  2. 
Vaurense  ann.  1368  c.  124.     Narbon.  ann.  1374  c.  19. 

*  E.g.  above  §  99  note  29.  §  101  note  10. 

^  On  both  the  embassies  of  the  Romans  to  Clement  VI.  see  Papen- 
cordt's  Cola  di  Rienzo  S.  338.  The  concession  to  their  request  by  the 
Bull  Unigenitus  (see  above  note  2)  :  Nos  autem  attendentes,  quod 
annus  quinquagesunus  in  lege  Mosaica — ^jubileus  remissionis  et  gaudii 
— censebatur,  quodque  ipse  quinquagenarius  numerus  in  Testamentis, 
veteri  quidem  ex  legis  donatione,  in  novo  ex  visibili  s.  Spiritus  in 
discipulos  missione — singulariter  honoratur,  quodque  hiuc  numero  plura 
et  grandia  divinarum  adaptantur  mysteria  Scripturarum  ;  et  clamorem 
peculiaris  populi  nostri,  Romani  videlicet,  hoc  humiliter  supplicantis, 
ac  nos  ad  instar  Moysi  et  Aaron  per  proprios  et  solemncs  nuncios  ad 
hoc  specialiter  destinatos  orantis  pro  toto  christiano  populo  et  dicentis : 
Domine,  aperi  eis  thesaurum  tuum  fontern  aquae  vivae,  desiderantes 
benignius  exaudire  ; — volentesque  quamplurimos  hujusmodi  indulgen- 
tiae  fore  participes,  cum  pauci  multorum  respectu  propter  vitae  hominum 
brevitatem  valeant  ad  annum  centesiraum  pervenire :  de  fratrum  nos- 
trorum  consilio  praedictam  concessionem  ejusdem  indnlgentiae  ex 
fiuprascriptis  et  aliis  justi.^  causis  ad  annum  quinquagesimum  ducimus 
reducendam.     He  then  decrees  for  the  year  of  Jubilee,  ut  uuiversi 


CH.  VI.-CHURCH  DISCIPLINE,  g  120.  INDULGENCE.        207 

it  was  brought  down  to  every  50th  year  by  Clement  VI.  in 
1343,  and  kept  accordingly  in  1350.^  Urban  VI.  altered 
it  in  1389  to  every  thirty-third  year.''  So  Boniface  IX.  re- 
peated it  in  1390,  but  this  avaricious  Pope,  not  satisfied  with 
that,  not  only  offered  the  Jubilee-indulgence  for  sale  out  of 
Rome  in  the  years  immediately  following,  but  also  drove  a 
sordid  traffic  in  Indulgences  under  various  names.^     As  this  sale 

Christifideles,  qui  vere  poeiiitentes  et  confessi — Petri  et  Pauli  Aposto- 
lorum  Basilicas  et  Lateranensem  Ecclesiam — visitaverint,  pleiiissimam 
omnium  peccatorum  suorum  veniam  consequantur,  ita  videlicet,  ut  qui- 
cunque  voluerit  indulgentiam  hujusmodi  assequi,  ad  minus  friginta,  si 
Romani :  si  vero  peregrini  aut  forenses,  modo  simili  XV.  diebus  ad 
praedictas  Basilicas  et  Ecclesias  accedere  teneantur.  Adjicientes,  ut 
ii  etiam,  qui — post  iter  arreptum  impediti  legitime,  quo  minus  ad 
urbem  illo  anno  valeant  pervenire,  aut  in  via,  vel  dierum  praetaxato 
numero  non  completo  in  dicta  urbe  decesserint,  vere  poenitentes  et  con- 
fessi, eandem  indulgentiam  consequantur. 

^  On  the  great  concourse  of  people  see  Matteo  Villani  i.  c.  56  (Mu- 
ratori  scriptt.  rer.  Ital.  xiv.  56),  Heinr.  a  RebdorfF  ad  ann,  1350. 
Prima  vita  dementis  VI.  in  Baluz.  i.  256.  Petrarcha  rcrum  famil. 
epist.  xi.  1.  Rer.  senil.  epist.  vii.  1.  Vgl.  Limburgische  Chronik 
herausgeg.  v.  Vogel,  Marburg  1828,  S.  20  :  "  da  ging  Annus  Jubilaeus 
an  zu  Weihnachten — und  lieffen  die  Leute  gen  Rom. — Und  die  auch 
von  Rom  kamen,  warden  eins  Theils  boser,  als  sie  vor  gewesen  waren." 
Papencordt's  Cola  di  Rienzo  S.  265. 

7  The  Bull  of  8.  Apr.  1389  is  in  Eus.  Amort  de  indulgentiis  i.  84  : 
Nos  considerantes,  quod  aetas  hominum  amplius  solito  in  dies  labitur 
pauciores,  et  desiderantes,  quam  plurimos  participes  fieri  indulgentiae 
memoratae,  cum  plurimi  ad  annum  quinquagesiraum  propter  hominum 
vitae  brevitatem  non  perveniant, — ac  intendentes,  quod  anno  tricesimo 
tertio  Salvatoris  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  ipse  Salvator  noster  pro 
nobis  aeterno  Patri  Adae  debitum  solvit, — et  quod  mysterio  hujusmodi 
XXXIII.  annorum — plura  etiam  alia  et  graudia  divinarum  Scriptura- 
rum  mysteria  adaptari  possunt, — et  aliis  justis  causis  ad  annum  tricesi- 
mum  tertium  reducimus  etc.  But  the  real  cause  was  the  wish  to 
gratify  the  seditious  Romans,  see  Spondani  annall.  eccl.  ann.  1389 
no.  3. 

^  Theod.  a  Niem  de  schism,  i.  c.  68  :  innumerabiles  peregrini  toto  illo 
anno  (1390) — ad  urbem  venerunt,  unde  et  maxima  otfertoria  Ecclesiis 
et  Basilicis  urbis  per  visitatores  data  fuerunt,  ex  quibus  aliquae  repara- 
tiones  ipsarum  Ecclesiarum  factae  fuerunt,  sed  residuum  et  major  pars 
ad  manus  Bonifacii  et  quorundara  aliorum  devenit.  Ipse  etiam  Boni- 
faclus  hujusmodi  offertoriis  non  contentus,  licet  ad  maximas  summas 
ascenderent  (erat  enim  insatiabilis  vorago,  et  in  avaritia  nullus  ei  simi- 
lis),  ad  diversa  regna  misit  quaestuarios  vendendo  dictam  indulgentiam 
offerentibus  tantum,  quantum  essent  cxpensuri  in  via,  si  propterea 
ivissent    ad    urbem  :   et   hujusmodi    exactores   seu  quaestuarii    etiam 


208  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1306-1409. 

maxhnas  summas  pecuniarum  a  simpHcibus  seu  barbaris  subtiliter 
extorserunt,  ita  quod  allquando  in  imo  regno,  seu  in  una  provincia 
hujusmodi  venditionibus  ultra  centum  milHa  fiorenorum  reportarunt, 
quia  omnia  peccata  etiam  sine  poenitentia  ipsis  confitentibus  relaxarunt, 
super  quibuslibet  irregulai'itatibus  dispensarunt  interventu  pecuniae,  di- 
centes,  se  omnem  potestatem  habere  super  hoc,  quam  Christus  Petro 
ligandi  et  solvendi  contulisset  in  terris.  Et  per  hoc  ipsi  quaestuarii 
impinguati,  dilatati,  ingrossati,  et  cum  multis  pulchris  equis  et  decenti 
farailia  redeuntes  ad  urbem,  ipsam  de  recollectis  per  eos  taliter  rationein 
Pontifici  fecerunt,  sed  aliquos  eorura,  quos  comperit  infideliter  egisse, 
carceribus  intrudebat :  nonnulli  eorum  mala  morte  perierunt,  aliqui 
vero  sibi  ipsis  mortem  consciverunt,  quidam  furoi'e  populi  in  petias  (en 
pieces)  secti  fuerunt  etc. — Magnum  chronicon  Belgicum  (in  Rerum 
German,  scriptt.  ed.  Pistorius-Struve  iii.  363) :  Postquam  annus  Jubi- 
laeus — transiit,  dominus  Bonifacius  unum  annum  sub  anni  Jubilaei 
urbis  Romae  indulgentiarum  forma  Colouiensi  civitati  concessit ;  ita  ut 
venientes  Coloniain,  vel  ibidem  habitantcs,  illo  anno  durante  visitantes 
certas  Ecclesias  ad  hoc  directas  cum  oblationibus  suis  possent  consequi 
indulgentias,  quae  visitantibus  urbem  Romanam  in  anno  Jubilaeo  con- 
cessae  erant,  videlicet  plenissimam  remissionem  omnium  peccatorum. 
Quo  anno  elapso  similis  annus  concessus  est  ab  eodem  domino  Boni- 
facio sub  eadem  forma  civitati  Magdenburgensi.  Et  ad  utramque 
harum  civitatum  missus  est  collector  Papae,  qui  certam  partem  recepit 
oblatoruffi.  Deinde  indulgentias  similes  concessit  visitantibus  alias 
nonullas  civitates  Germaniae  ad  certos  menses.  Unde  in  Misnia  et 
Praga  ex  hujusmodi  concessione  concursus  magnus  populorum  fuit. 
Deinde  idem  concessit  multis  locis  Almanniae,  ut  visitantes  certas 
istorum  locorum  Ecclesias  consequerentur  indulgentias  similes,  quae 
erant  quondam  concessae  tali  vel  tali  loco,  seu  tali,  vel  tali  Ecclesiae,  quae 
in  ipso  privilegio  concessionis  exprimebatur  (compare  the  Bull  follow- 
ing).— Et  in  omnibus  privilegiis  concessionum  praedictarum  ponebatur 
clausula  porrigentihus  manits  adjutrices,  ita  ut  hujusmodi  indulgentias, 
nisi  qui  ipsis  locis  vel  Ecclesiis  manum  porrigeret  adjutricem,  nemo 
consequi  posse  videretur.  Unde  quidam  concessiones  hujusmodi  magis 
non  magni  faciebant,  ut  quas  pro  lucro  magis,  quam  ex  zelo,  tum  in- 
stitutas  a  Papa  suspicabantur.  As  to  the  part  which  the  Pope's 
Camerarius,  Balthasar  Cossa,  afterwards  John  XXIII.,  took  in  this 
transaction,  see  Theod.  de  Niem  de  vita  Job.  XXIII.  (in  Meibomii  rer. 
Germ.  i.  7  and  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const,  ii.  340)  :  Nee  istis  lucris  con- 
tentus,  sed  amplius  ditari  satagens,  quosdam  eloquentes  et  audaces 
apostatas  de  Spoleto  in  vicinis  partibus  oriundos,  quos  Italici  Exire- 
tanos  appellant,  et  nuncios  dicti  Bonifacii  ad  praedicandas  in  Almania, 
Dacia  (Denmark),  Suecia,  et  Norvegia,  et  adjacentibus  provinciis  indul- 
gentias et  peccatorum  remissiones  de  omni  pcccato  largissimas  fieri 
procuravit.  Qui  me  saepe  audiente  publice  praedicarunt,  quod  etiam  s. 
Petrus,  si  viveret,  majorem  remissione  peccaminum  potestatem  non 
haberet,  quam  ipsi  ab  eodem  Bonifacio  receperunt  ad  salutem  animarum 
illorum,  quibus  illi  eandem  reniissionem  communicarent,  etquod  omnia, 
quae  ipsis  darentur  ratione  indulgentiarum  hujusmodi,  in  succur- 
sum  Imperatoris  Constantinopolitani,  qui  et  sui  subditi  Christiani  per 


CH.  VI.— CHURCH  DISCIPLINE.  §  120.  INDULGENCE.         209 

Turcos  tunc  essent  oppressi  gravissirae,  mitterentur.  Qui  quidem 
quaestores  cum  magna  copia  ad  Germaniam  pervenientes,  et  primo  in 
Suevia  in  dioecesi  Constantiensi  notabiliora  hospitia  in  locis  et  op- 
pidis  insignibus  pro  se  receperuut,  et  banderiuni  (banner)  Romanae 
Ecclesiae  cum  clavibus  s.  Petri  depictum  die  immediate  sequenti  post 
jucundum  illic  eorum  adventum  extra  fenestras  extenderunt :  intrantes 
autem  cum  magno  apparatu  illic  majorem  Ecclesiam  aut  principalem  : 
major  eorum  in  ipsa  Ecclesia  in  altiori  loco  prope  altare  sedile  cum 
tapetis  pulcris  per  suos  ministros  ad  id  deputatos  sibi  fecit  apparai'i 
cum  panno  nobili  de  serico  etiam  superius  extenso. —  Solemnem  bene- 
dictionem  ille  major  nuncius  populo  dedit,  et  per  aliquos  Episcopos 
titulares  illud  mel  sequentis  sermonis  ibidem  in  publico  fieri  fecit,  inti- 
mando  simplicibus  ibidem  tunc  congregatis,  ut  eos  levins  decipere 
necnon  pecunias  reportare  possent,  indulgentias  et  remissiones  pecca- 
minum  antedictas  :  et  semper  in  eisdem  sermonibus  publice  dicebatur, 
quod  ipse  major  nuncius  super  omni  irregular itate  ac  peccato  posset 
dispensare,  ac  ipsa  peccata  reraittere,  ac  etiam  parent  urn  animas  eorun- 
dem  offerentiura  ipsis  de  purgatorio  liberare,  et  ultra  hoc  quicquid 
posset  Papa  de  plenitudine  potestatis,  id  idem  ipsi  possent,  et  etiam 
aliquid  amplius  si  expediret.  Et  si  aliquis  eis  in  hoc  forsan  con- 
tradixit,  ilium  haereticum  aut  schismaticum,  necnon  apostolicae  sedi 
rebellem  nominabant,  et  modis  omnibus  persequebantur,  et  quod 
infra  paucos  dies  in  praefata  curia  coram  praedicto  Bonifacio,  pro 
mentis  digna  recepturus  personaliter  corapareret,  ignorainiose  cita- 
runt,  et  per  hoc  Praelatos  ecclesiasticos  et  alios  terruerunt,  quod 
istis  —  se  opponere  non  audebant. — Sicque  ultra  centum  millia  flo- 
renorum  auri  ipsi  nuncii  infra  biennium  per  illos  modos  in  eisdem 
partibus  collegerunt.  The  principal  nuncio,  Antonius  de  Homa, 
went  afterwards  to  Bologna,  to  give  in  his  account  to  Balthasar  who 
had  become  in  the  meantime  Cardinal  and  Legate  at  Bologna  ;  but  he 
threw  him  into  prison  and  took  from  him  the  money  which  he  meant 
to  embezzle,  cum  quo  sperabat  se  empturum  aliquam  pinguem  cathe- 
dralem  Ecclesiam  vel  Abbatiam  a  Bonifacio  saepedicto,  Videns 
autem  se  hujusmodi  spe  fraudatum,  tanquam  desperans  in  carceribus 
ipsis  mortem  sibi  conscivit,  se  ipsum  quadam  chorda,  qua  cingebatur, 
quadam  nocte  jugulando.  At  last,  after  money  enough  was  araast, 
Boniface  sought  to  retrieve  the  honour  of  the  apostolic  see,  by  revoking 
at  once  all  the  indulgences  already  granted,  on  the  plea  of  their  having 
been  obtained  by  fraud  (as  he  did  likewise  with  the  reversions.  Theod. 
a  Niem  ii.  c.  9,  see  above,  §  105,  note  7),  see  the  Bull  of  22.  Dec.  1402 
in  Statuta  synodalia  a  Wenceslao  Episc.  Wratislav.  ann.  1410  publicata 
ed.  a  J.  Chr.  Friedrich,  Hannoverae  1827  p.  11  (mentioned  also  by 
the  cotemporary  Job.  v.  d,  Pusilie,  see  Jahrblicher  Job.  Lindenblatts 
herausgeg.  v.  Voigt  u.  Schubei't,  Konigsberg  1823,  S.  156,  but  the 
date  is  1402,  not  1405,  as  it  stands  erroneously  in  the  Statutis)  ;  In- 
tenta  salutis  operibus  sedis  apostolicae  circuraspecta  beuignitas — inter- 
dura  aliqua  per  importunam  petentium  instantiam,  quaedam  autem  per 
surreptionis  malitiam  vel  fraudem  vel  quemvis  modum  illicitum  impe- 
trata  statuit  vel  indulget,  demum  vero  in  ejus  notitiam  his  deductis  ac 
utilitate  publica  suadente  ea  reformat  in  melius.  Accordingly  the  fol- 
VOL.  IV.  O 


210  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  lY.— A.D.   1305—1409. 

of  Indulgences  was  often  carried  on  with  the  coarsest  avarice,' 
so  fraud  also  was  continually  employed  in  it.  A  forged  Bull  of 
Indulgence  for  the  Jubilee  year  1350,  seems  to  have  been  put 
forth  by  the  self-interestedness  of  the  Romans  in  the  name  of 
Pope  Clement  VI.^*^    Fraud  had  free  scope  for  action  when  Boni- 

lowing  cassations  were  past.  E.  g.  Item  revocamus  et  annullamus 
omncs  et  singulas  indulgentias,  in  quibus  continetur  a  poena  et  a  culpa, 
vel  plena  indulgentia  omnium,  peccatorum  suorum,  et  alias,  quae  con- 
cessae  sunt  sub  formis  indulgentiarum  Ecclesiarura  urbis,  anni  jubilaei, 
vel  s.  sepulchri  dominici,  s,  Michaelis  de  monte  Gargano,  s.  Jacobi  in 
Compostella,  et  s.  Marci  de  Venetiis,  s.  Mariae  de  Angelis,  alias  in 
Portiuncula,  s.  Mariae  de  Collomadio,  et  omnes  alias,  quae  factae  sunt 
ad  instar  indulgentiarum  quibusvis  aliis  Ecclesiis  concessarum,  et 
volumus,  quod  nullius  sint  roboris  vel  momenti,  etiamsi  in  literis  apos- 
tolicis,  super  dictis  indulgentiis  confectis,  contineretur  talis  clausula, 
videlicet :  et  si  contigerit  revocari  per  nos  indulgentias  in  genere  vel  in 
specie,  quod  indulgentiae  ipsae  per  easdem  literas  concessae  non  intelli- 
gantur  revocatae. 

^  Thus  when  the  Cardinal  Albornoz  in  1356  had  a  crusade  preacht 
in  Italy  (compare  above  §  101,  note  5),  Matteo  Villani  vi.  c.  14  :  E 
incontanente  I'avarizia  de'  Cherici  comincio  a  fare  I'uficio  suo,  e  allar- 
garono  colla  praedicazione  la'ndulgenza  oltre  alia  commessione  del 
Papa.  E  cominciarono  a  non  rifiutare  danajo  da  ogni  maniera  di  gente, 
compensando  i  peccati  e  voti  d'ogni  ragione  con  danari  assai,  e  pochi, 
come  gli  poteano  attrarre.  E  per  non  mancare  alia  loro  avarizia,  som- 
moveano  nelle  Citta,  e  ne'  Castelli,  e  nelle  Ville  ogni  femminella,  ogni 
povero,  che  non  havea  danari,  a  dare  pannilini,  e  lani,  e  masserizie, 
grani,  e  biade.  Niuna  cosa  rifutavano,  ingannando  la  gente,  con  allar- 
gare  colle  parole  quelle,  che  non  portava  la  loro  commessione.  E  cosi 
davano  la  Croce,  e  spogliavano  le  Ville,  e  le  Castella  piu  che  non 
poteano  fare  le  Citta.  Balthasar  Cossa's  traffic  in  Indulgences  above 
note  8. 

1"  This  is  the  Bull  Ad  memoriam  which  even  two  cotemporariea 
Peter  of  Herentals,  Prior  of  the  Praemonstrant  Monastery  at  Fleury 
(Quinta  vita  Clementis  VI.  in  Baluz.  vitae  PP.  Aven.  i.  312),  and 
Albericus  de  Rosate  (Dictionarium  juris  s.  v.  Jubilaeus  annus)  allege. 
The  most  remarkable  passages  in  it  are  :  Item  concedimus,  quod,  si  vere 
confessus  in  via  morte  praeveniatur,  ab  omnibus  peccatis  suis  sit  immu- 
nis  et  penitus  absolutus,  et  nihilominus  mandamus  Angelis  paradisi, 
quod  amimam  ilHus  a  purgatorio  penitus  absolutam  ad  paradisi 
gloriam  introducant. — Cum  autem  fideles  praedicti  ita  devote  prae- 
dicta  corapleverint,  ostendetur  eis  ex  mandate  nostro  sudarium  Domini 
nostri  Jesu  Christ!,  quo  viso  ab  omnibus  peccatis  suis  sint  absoluti  et 
indulgentias  habeant  ab  eisdem.  Nosque  ex  parte  D.  n.  Jesu  Christi, 
cujus  sumus  in  terra  vicarii,  reducimus  eos  ad  statura,  quo  erant  die 
illo,  quo  baptismum  receperunt  de  gratia  speciali.  Jo.  Wiclifife  dialog, 
lib.  iv.  c.  32  speaks  doubtfully  of  this  Bull  (Fateor,  quod  indulgentiae 
papales,  si  ita  se  habeant,  ut  dicuntur,  tunc   sapiant  manifestara   bias- 


nil.  VI.— CHURCH  dlsciplim:.  g  i-io.  indulgence.      211 

face  IX.  after  1390  offered  the  Jubilee-indulgence  for  sale  in  so 
many  places.^* 

phemiam),  Jo.  IIuss.  tract,  de  Ecclesia  c.  12  and  23  (Hist,  et  Monum. 
i.  272.  317),  Jo.  de  Paltz,  Augu3tin  Monk  at  Halle,  in  his  Caelifo- 
dina,  Lips.  1504,  fol.  Ff.  5  verso  quotes  it  as  genuine.  On  the  other 
hand,  Antoninus  Florentinus  (f  1459)  Summae  histor.  P.  iii.  tit.  10. 
c.  3  §  6  considered  it  spurious  :  sciendum,  quod  in  copia  cujusdam 
bullae,  quae  dicitur  esse  Clementis,  multa  narrantur,  quae  non  videntur 
esse  de  stylo  Curiae,  cum  sint  levia  et  exorbitantia  satis.  Unde  licet 
adscribantur  dementi,  non  videtur  verisirnile  illius  vel  alterius  summi 
Pontificis  fuisse,  sed  fictitie  inventa.  Jo.  Wessel  (f  1489)  contradicts 
him  in  epist.  ad.  M.  Jac.  Hoeck  (0pp.  Groningae  1614.  4.  p.  889) 
reverendissiraus  ille  Antoninus  confitetur,  copias  bullarum  Clementis 
tantam  continere  exorbitantiam,  quod  non  ci'edit  fuisse  buUatas  :  quae 
tamen  hodie  Viennae,  Limovis,  Pictavis  plumbatae  in  thesauro  privile- 
giorum  reservantur,  and  p.  892  :  Numquid  Parisiensi  Facultati  theolo- 
gicae  non  dico  ratione  majus  fuit,  immo  numquid  fuit  pro  ratione 
Clementis  Papae  auctoritas,  quando  temeritatem  illius  angelis  praecipi- 
entem  reprehenderunt  et  correxerunt?  Ever  since  Jo.  Hoornbek 
examen  JBullae  papalis,  qua  Innocentius  X.  abrogare  nititur  pacem 
Germaniae,  Ultraj.  1653  4.  p.  273  ss.  printed  the  Bull,  Protestant 
controversialists  have  made  plentiful  use  of  it.  However,  it  is  undoubt- 
edly a  forgery,  see  Baluzii  vit.  PP.  Aven.  i.  915.  Pagi  breviar.  gest. 
Pontiff.  Rom.  ed.  Luc.  II.  ii.  86.  Chais  lettres  hist,  et  dogm.  sur  les 
Jubiles  i.  164.  For,  1,  Albericus,  who  himself  obtained  the  Jubilee- 
indulgence  of  1350  at  Rome,  prefixes  to  this  Bull  the  remark  :  Circa 
praedictam  indulgentiam  alias  formas  habui,  quae  an  fuerint  apostolicae 
ignoro,  tamen  sunt  pulchrae  et  ideo  eas  hie  describe  :  and  says  after- 
wards :  Haec  forma,  sicut  puto,  non  fuit  bullata,  nee  confirmata,  nee 
servabatur  tempore  dictae  indulgentiae,  ad  quam  fui  cum  uxore  et  tribus 
filiis.  2.  The  opinion  of  the  Archbishop  Antonine  upon  the  Bull  is  of 
much  more  weight  tlian  Wessel's.  Also  seemingly  authentic  copies, 
to  which  he  appeals,  in  this  age  of  forgeries  (see  Part  2,  §  67,  note  12) 
do  not  command  unconditional  belief.  Nothing  at  all  is  known  of  an 
opposition  in  the  Sorbonne  to  which  John  Wessel  alludes.  3.  Baluze 
justly  decides  with  Antonine  :  insulsa  est  compositio,  fatua,  demens, 
aliena  a  stylo  curiae,  such  as  could  not  be  expected  from  a  learned  Pope 
like  Clement  VI.  It  is  impossible,  as  is  here  stated,  that  he  could 
have  allowed  all  parish  priests  to  leave  their  churches  for  a  year,  and 
empowered  all  monks  to  wring  from  their  abbots  leave  of  absence  and 
money  for  traveling :  the  interest  of  the  Romans  rather,  betrays  itself 
here,  their  avarice  was  particularly  conspicuous  in  this  Jubilee-year 
(Matth.  Villani  lib.  i.  c.  55.)  4.  The  following  passage  occurs  in  the 
Bull :  Volumus  insuper  et  ordinamus,  quod  omnes  Romipetae  patriae 
Romanae,  Campaniae,  Tusciae,  Apulegiae,  Calabriae,  Principatus  terrae 
Lombardiae  et  Italiae  usque  ad  Pedemontem  in  praefata  civitate  per 
unura  mensem  sequentem  residentiam  faciant  etc.,  in  direct  contradic- 
tion to  the  genuine  Jubilee  Bull  (see  note  5),  according  to  which  none 

O  2 


•212  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1109. 

In  so  much  as  the  Popes  made  their  indulgence  arbiti'arily 
dependent  upon  the  fulfihnent  of  certain  external  conditions : 
insomuch  as  they  granted  to  some,  and  refused  to  others,  what 
all  believers  might  claim  alike  ;^^  they  conducted  themselves  no 
longer  as  stewards,  but  as  absolute  masters  of  spiritual  graces. 
They  drew  upon  themselves  the  same  charge,  when  they  granted 
certain  rights,  which  were  due  to  all  alike,  as  privileges  to  parti- 
cular persons  or  communities.^^  The  kings  of  France  were 
overwhelmed  by  Clement  VI.,  who  was  entirely  devoted  to  their 
service,  with  such  favoui's,  which  at  times,  in  a  moral  point  o 
view,  were  extremely  objectionable.^* 

but  the  Romans  needed  thirty  days  for  the  obtaining  of  the  indulgence. 
Here  also  the  avaricious  aims  of  the  Romans  declare  themselves. 

11  Bonifacii  ep.  ad  Episc.  Ferrariensem  (in  Raynald.  ann.  1390  no. 
2) :  Ad  audientiam  nostram — fidedignorum  quamplurium  relatio  per- 
duxit,  quod  quidam  religiosi  diversorum,  etiara  mendicantium,  Ordinum, 
et  nonnulli  clerici  saeculares  etiam  in  dignitatibus  constituti,  asserentes, 
se  a  nobis — missos, — non  veras  sed  praetensas  facultates  hujusmodi 
mendaciter  simulant,  cum  etiam  pro  qualibet  parva  pecuniarum  sum- 
mulanon  poenitentes — ab  atrocibus  delictis — absolvant,  maleablatacerta 
et  incerta,  nulla  satisfactione  praevia  (quod  omnibus  saeculis  absurdis- 
simum  est)  remittant ;  castitatis,  abstinentiae,  peregrinationis  ultra- 
marinae — et  alia  quaevis  vota  levi  compensatione  commutent ;  de  haeresi 
vel  schismate — conderanatos,  absque  eo  quod  in  deblta  forma  abjurent, 
non  tantum  absolvant,  sed  in  integrum  restituant ; — et  indulgentiam, 
quam  felicis  recordationis  Urbanus  P.  VI — Christifidelibus  certas 
Basilicas  et  Ecclesias  dictae  urbis  instanti  anno  visitantibus  concessit, — 
quibusvis  elargiri  pro  nihilo  ducant  ; — ut  quasi  hominibus  perpetuam 
felieitatem  in  hoc  saeculo  poUiceri  conentur,  et  aeternam  gloriam  in 
futuro:  etquacstum,  quem  exinde  percipiunt,  nomine  camerae  apostolicae 
se  percipere  asserant,  et  null  am  de  illo  uihilominus  rationem  velle 
reddere  videantur.  They  should  be  compelled  by  force  and  arrest 
ad  reddendum  computum  de  receptis. 

1-  The  Theologians  of  this  time  handled  in  good  earnest  the  question, 
why  the  Pope  should  not,  if  he  could,  release  all  souls  fi-om  Purgatory  ? 
E.g.  Summae  Astesanae  (see  §  118.  note  1)  lib.  v.  tit.  40.  Si  Papa 
potest  animas  in  purgatorio  sic  absolvere,  saltern  per  modum  suffragii, 
quareergo  non  absolvit  oinnes  solo  verbo,  cum  talibus  sit  maximecom- 
patiendum  ?  Resp.  Si  Deus  per  se  ipsum  sic  miseretur,  ut  semper 
relit  timeri  justitiam,  multo  fortius  similiter  Dei  Minister  facere  debet: 
unde  dispensatio  bonorum  Ecclesiae  discrete  et  cum  moderamine  est 
facienda,  et  nisi  ita  fiat,  Deus  non  acceptat. 

13  See  §  108.  note  8. 

1*  These  may  be  seen  in  d'Achery  spicileg.  iii.  723,  almost  all  are  of 
the  date  20.  April,  1351.  The  Privilege  on  p.  724  is  particularly 
offensive  ;  vobis  et  successoribus  vestris  Regibus  et  Reginis  Franciae — 


CH.  VI.— CHURCH  DISCIPLINE.  §  120.  PUNISHMENT.  213 

The  Hierarchy  was  as  rash  in  the  use  of  its  punishments  as 
prodigal  in  the  distribution  of  its  favours.  The  Inquisition, 
whose  powers  had  been  directed  since  the  time  of  John  XXII. 
as  much  against  witchcraft/^  as  against  heresy,  remained  feared 
and  hated  as  before.^^     By  the  side  of  its  penal   cruelties,  Ban 

in  perpetuuin  indulgemus,  ut  Confessor  religiosus,  vel  saecularis,  quern 
vestrum  et  eorum  quilibet  duxerit  eligentlum,  vota  per  vos  foisitan  jam 
emissa,  ac  per  vos  et  successores  vestros  in  posterum  emittenda, 
ultramarino,  ac  bb.  Petri  et  Paidi  Apostolorum,  ac  castitatis  et  continen- 
tiae  votis  duntaxat  exceptis  ;  necnonjuramentaper  vos  praestita,  et  per 
vos  et  eos  praestanda  in  posterum,  quae  vos  et  illi  servai-e  commode  non 
possetis,  vobis  et  eis  cominutare  valeat  in  alia  opera  pietatis.  These 
are  some  of  the  other  privileges  :  quod  Rex  et  Regina  in  locis  interdic- 
tis  possunt  facere  celebrare  ;  quod  Confessor  absolvere  eos  potest  in 
casibus  sedi  apost.  reservatis  ;  quod  Confessor  Regi  cum  exercitu  potest 
dare  licentiam  vescendi  carnibus  ;  quod  Confessor  Regem  et  Reginam 
dispensare  potest  de  jejuniis ;  quod  Rex  ingredi  potest  monasterium 
inclusarum  ;  quod  Rex  possit  facere  celebrare  sup.  r  Altare  portatile  in 
sua  et  gentium  exercitus  sui  praesentia ;  quod  Praelatus  celebrans 
coram  Rege  seu  Regina  conferre  potest  unum  annum  et  XL.  dies  in- 
dulgentiae ;  quod  Confessor  Regis  et  Reginae  eis  semel  in  mortis 
articulo,  et  quotiescunque  pro  Regni  defensione  imminet  periculum, 
plenam  remissionem  peccatorum  indulgere  possit ;  quod  orantibus  pro 
Rege  et  Regina  centum  dies  de  injunctis  poenitentiis  qualibet  die  re- 
laxantur  ;  quod  Rex  et  Regina  eligere  possunt  Confessorem,  qui  eos 
absolvat,  si  excommunicationis  sententiam  incurrerint  propter  manuum 
injectionera  in  Clericos ;  quod  nemo  potest  in  terram  Regis  et  Reginae 
interdicti  sententiam  proinulgare  absque  auctoritate  apostolica;  quod 
non  teneantur  ad  restitutionem  bonorum,  nisi  his  qui  ad  notitiam  eorum 
venerint,  sed  eleeraosynae  cedant  loco  restitutionis  ;  -quod  Confessor  Re- 
iigiosus  Regis  et  Reginae,  cui  est  esus  carnium  secundum  statuta  sui 
Ordinis  interdictus,  licite  potest  in  eorum  comitiva  vesci  carnibus  : 
quod  Clerici  Regis  et  Reginae  possunt  a  quocunque  Episcopo  Ordines 
suscipere,  and  so  forth. 

^^  Compare  the  Bull  of  John  XXII.  Super  illius  specula  a.d.  1326 
(in  the  Bullarium)  :  There  were  quamplures,  qui  cum  morte  foedus 
ineunt,  et  pactum  faciunt  cum  inferno :  daemonibus  namque  iraraolant, 
hos  adorant,  fabrioant  ac  fabricari  procurant  imagines,  annulum,  vel 
speculum,  vel  phialara,  vel  rem  quamcunque  aliam  magice  ad  daemones 
inibi  alligandos,  ab  his  petunt  responsa,  ab  his  recipiunt,  et  pro  im- 
plendis  pravis  suis  desideriis  auxilia  postulant,  pro  re  foetidissima 
foetidam  exhibent  servitutera.  Against  these  persons  ad  infligendas 
poenas  omnes  et  singulas,  praeter  bonorum  confiscationem  dumtaxat, 
quas  de  jure  merentur  haeretici,  per  suos  competentesjudicesprocedatur. 
So  early  as  1317  the  Pope  and  several  Cardinals  were  assailed  first 
with  poison,  afterwards  with  magic  arts  (Raynald  1317  no.  52) :  Ima- 
gines  cercas  feccrunt  sub  nostro  et  ipsorum  fratrum  nominibus  confici, 


214  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.  D.  1305- 14U9. 

and  interdict,  tlie  ecclesiastical  penalties  of  the  hierarchy,  espe- 
cially now  that  they  were  often  employed  for  trifling  causes,^^ 
sank  lower  and  lower  in  the  estimation  of  laymen.^^     The  most 

ut  magicis  artibus,  incantationibus  vetitis,  ac  daemonum  invocationi- 
bus  reprobandis  adhibitis  vitam  labefactarent  insontium  per  punctionem 
iraaginum  praedictarum. 

^'^  The  Franciscan  Bemardus  Delitiosi  inveighed  in  Southern  France 
with  some  success  against  the  Inquisition  ;  this  was  one  among  many 
of  his  sayings,  quod  beati  Petrus  et  Pauhxs  ab  haeresi  defendere  se  non 
possent,  si  viverent,  dum  tamen  inquireretur  cum  eis  per  modum  ab  In- 
quisitoribus  observatum.  He  was  condemned  for  this  in  1319  to  impri- 
sonment for  life,  see  Liber  sententiarum  Enquis.  Tolos.  p.  269  (in  Lira- 
borch  hist.  Inquis.)  :  the  minutes  are  given  more  fully  in  Baluzii 
vitae  Pap.  Aven.  ii.  341. — The  Inquisitors  surrounded  themselves  with 
armed  men  for  their  protection,  at  times  even  with  an  armed  mob, 
compare  John's  XXII.  Bull  to  the  Inquisitors  in  Lombardy  Exiit  3, 
May  1321  (in  the  Bullar.)  :  Accepimus  assertione  fideli,  quod  vos 
nonnullis  pravis  et  perversis  hominibus,  qui  frequenter  ad  caedes 
et  alia  nefanda  facinora  laxant  nequiter  manus  suas,  arma  per  civi- 
tatem  et  districtum  Bononiensem  portandi,  non  sine  multorum  scan- 
dalo,  licentiam  concessistia.  Accordingly  he  enjoins,  quatenus  neminem 
familiarem,  nisi  Ecclesiae  fidelem  ac  devotum,  et  laudabilis  con- 
versationis  et  vitae,  habere  quomodolibet  praesumatis  ;  nee  aliquibus 
de  caetero  extra  familiam  vestram — deferendi  arma — licentiam  conce- 
datis. 

1^  Compare  above  §  105,  note  5.  §  108,  note  12.  So  Alvarus 
Pelagius  de  planctu  Eccl.  ii.  c.  20,  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  charges 
against  the  Bishops,  reckons,  trigesimum  quintum,  quod  pro  minimis 
culpis  paratos  etiam  corrigi  excommunicant :  cum  tamen  nemo  excom- 
municari  debeat,  nisi  pro  magnis  peccatis,  et  quando  aliter  corrigi 
non  potest. 

^^  Compare  §  108,  note  16.  Alvarus  Pelagius  i.  c.  69,  investigates 
the  question :  Cum  Ecclesia  tantam  nunc  habcat  potestatem  tempo- 
ralem,  cur  Praelatorum  sententiae  aut  nullo  modo  aut  male  a  subditis  pro 
majori  parte  servantur,  parvipenduntur  et  despectui  habentur?  Petri 
de  AUiaco  canones  reformandi  Eccles.  in  Cone.  Const,  (written  in  1416) 
in  V.  d.  Hardt.  Cone.  Const,  i.  viii.  417  :  De  secundo  gravamine  supra 
tacto,  scil.  de  multiplicatione  excommunicationum,  et  ex  consequent! 
irregularitatum,  quas  Rom.  Ecclesia  in  suis  constitutionibus  poenalibus, 
et  maxime  in  quibusdam  novis  decretalibus  imposuit,  et  saepe  per  suos 
collectores  in  multorum  scandalum  fulminavit,  et  ad  cujus  exeraplum 
alii  Praelati  leviter  et  pro  levibus  causis — pauperes  excoramunicatione 
crudeliter  excutiunt,  necesse  est,  providere. — Nam  gladius  Ecclesiae, 
scil.  excommunicatio  qui  in  primitiva  Ecclesia,  veneranda  raritate,  erat 
formidabilis,  jam  propter  abusum  contrarium  contemptibilis  effectus 
est.  Jo.  Vitoduranus  in  Thesaur.  hist.  Helv.  p.  70  : 
Mos  interdict!  poenae  nocuit  maledictae 
Plus  caeteris  longe  censuris  Catholicorura, 
Quam  tulit  in  plebem  Papa  nimis  temere  ; 


CH.  VI.— CHURCH  DISCIPLINE,  g  120.  PUNISHMENT.        215 

solemn  excommunications  were  those  which  were  usually  pro- 
nounced by  the  Pope  upon  Maundy  Thursday. ^^. 

Extinguit  cultum  Domini,  fidei  quoque  lumen  ; 
Devotos  auimos  indurans  reddit  ineptos, 
Suscitat  ac  haereses  improbitate  sua. 

^^  Even  Paschal  II.  in  Coena  Domini  1102  pronounced  a  solemn 
ban  against  Henry  IV.  (see  Part  2,  §  49,  note  9),  Gregory  IX.  in 
1227  against  Frederick  II.  (ibid.  §  55,  note  7).  The  feria  quinta  was 
in  truth,  according  to  the  consuetudo  Romanae  Ecclesiae,  the  day  for 
the  reception  of  Penitents  (Guil.  Durautis  rationale  divin.  offic.  lib.  vi. 
c.  73)  :  so  the  curse  upon  this  day  was  all  the  more  terrible.  Towards 
the  end  of  the  13th  century,  it  was  already  become  the  custom  for  the 
Popes  to  repeat  annually  upon  this  day  excommunications  of  especial 
importance  ;  thus,  according  to  the  authority  of  the  Cone.  Herbipol. 
ann.  1287,  c.  40,  against  the  imponentes  et  exigentes  nova  passagia 
(see  Part  2,  §  63,  note  24).  There  are  extant  two  processus  in  coena 
Domini  of  Boniface  VIII,,  the  one  in  1299  against  those,  qui  ad  Sai-a- 
cenos  arma,  victualia  aliaque  deferrent ;  the  other  in  1303  against  those 
qui  laederent  ad  sedem  apostolicam  venientes  (both  are  in  the  Bullar. 
Rom).  These  Processus  were  united,  and  generally  in  pei'manent 
forms,  but  repeated  every  year  with  alterations  and  additions,  accoi'd- 
ing  to  circumstances.  One  such  collective-process  by  Gregory  XI. 
A.D,  1370,  may  be  found  in  the  Vatican  library  (Le  Bret.  Gesch.  d. 
Bulle  In  Coena  Domini  ii.  156)  :  But  the  earliest  publisht  is  that  by 
Gregory  XI I.  a.d.  1411  (Raynald.  ad.  h.  a.  no.  1)  :  Excommunica- 
mus  et  anathematizamus  ex  parte  Dei  Patris  ;  et  Filii,  et  Spiritus 
sancti,  auctoritate  quoque  bb.  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli  et  nostra 
omnes  haereticos,  Gazaros,  Patarenos,  Pauperes  de  Lugduno,  Arnald- 
istas  Speronistas  et  Passaginos,  et  omnes  alios  haereticos,  quocunque 
nomine  censeantur,  et  omnes  fautores,  receptatores,  et  defensorea 
eorum.  Item  excomraunicamus  et  anathematizamus  omnes  piratas 
cursanos,  et  latrunculos  marines,  et  omnes  fautores,  receptatores 
et  defensores  eorum.  Item  excommunicamus  et  anathematiza- 
mus omnes  illos,  qui  equos,  arma,  ferrum,  lignamina,  vel  alia  prohibita 
deferunt  Saracenis,  quibus  Christianos  impugnant.  Item  excomrau- 
nicamus et  anathematizamus  omnes  illos,  qui  ad  sedem  apostolicam 
venientes  vel  recedentes  ab  ea,  necnon  illos,  qui  jurisdictionera  ordina- 
riam  vel  delegatam  aliquam  non  habentes  in  eadem  curia  morantes 
temeritate  pi'opria  capiunt,  spoliant,  percutiunt,  mutilant,  et  detinere 
praesumunt,  et  qui  talia  fieri  faciunt  seu  mandant,  and  so  on.  This 
Processus  annualis  after  manifold  alterations  under  different  Popes 
from  the  time  of  Pius  V.  (1566)  has  retained  the  name  of  the  Bull  in 
Coena  Domini.  On  its  origin  see  especially  Prosperi  Card,  Lamber- 
tini  (Benedicti  xiv.)  de  festis  P.  i.  c.  196  :  On  the  other  hand  Le 
Bret's  pragmat.  Geschichte  der  Bulle  In  Coena  Domini  (Fi'ankf.  u. 
Leipz.  1769—70.  4  Bde.  4.  1—2  Bd.  N.  A.  1772)  contains  next  to 
nothing  of  the  history  of  its  origin. 


216  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

§121. 

SYNODAL  TRIBUNALS. 

Ever  since  the  Synodal  Courts  began  usually  to  punish  by 
fines,  they  seem  to  have  become  only  a  new  method  of  enriching 
the  Prelates.^  The  Synodal  witnesses  were  mean  sycophants, 
and  innocent  persons  were  often  obliged  to  buy  themselves  off 
from  false  accusations.^     Accordingly  the  efforts  of  the  laity  to 

^  Petri  de  Alliaco  canones  reformandi  Eccles.  in  Cone.  Const,  (writ- 
ten in  1416)  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  viii.  421  :  Item  provi- 
dendum  erit,  ut  Praelati  in  suis  sjnodis,  et  eorum  Officiales  in  suis 
curiis  non  ad  repletionem  bursarum  intendant,  sed  ad  correetionem 
vitiorum,  emendationem  morum,  et  aedificationem  animarum.  Et  ut 
exactiones  pro  sigillis  et  Uteris  moderentnr,  et  poenae  pecuniariae  vel 
toUantur  vel  temperentur,  aut  in  totum  vel  partem  ad  pios  usus  notorie 
applicentur. 

2  De  ruina  Ecclesiae  (a.d.  1401  see  §  103.  note  5)  c.  21  in  v.  d. 
Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I,  iii.  23  :  Dici  non  potest,  quanta  mala  ubique 
faciant  illi  scelerati  exploratores,  quos  Promotores  appellant.  Sira- 
plices  et  pauperculos  agrestes,  vitam  satis  innocuam  in  suis  tuguriis 
agentes,  et  fraudis  urbanae  nescios  in  jus  saepe  pro  nihilo  vocant. 
Causas  et  crimina  contra  eos  sedulo  confingunt,  vexant,  terrent,  minan- 
tur,  sicque  eos  per  talia  secum  componere  et  pacisci  cogunt.  Quod  si 
facere  renuerint,  crebris  eos  citationibus,  quotidieque  repetitis  supra 
modum  infestant.  Quod  si  semel  qualibet  occasione  praepediti  com- 
parere  desierint,  censura  illico  anathematis  ut  rebelles  et  conturaaces 
feriuntur.  Si  vero  ad  diem  venire,  quoties  vocati  erunt,  perseverave- 
rint,  eorum  audientias  apud  judicum  tribunalia  impedient,  morasque  et 
subterfugia  dilationura  et  interlocutionum  captabunt,  quae  perfacile  in 
foris  ecclesiasticis  obtinentur,  quo  vel  sic  longo  taedio  longaque  sui 
temporis  jactura  fatigati  super  futuram  vexationem  atque  impensam 
pecuniae  pactione  rediraere  cogantur.  Ita  fit  pro  levi  vel  nullo  delicto, 
vel  pro  exiguo  debito  infinitarum  cumulus  expensarum.  These  com- 
plaints appear  already  in  the  Gravamina  of  the  French  Barons  a.d. 
1329  (see  §  108  note  12)  e.  g.  Grav.  viii :  Item  (officiales)  faciunt 
citari  plures  laicos  ex  officio  suo  super  aliquibus,  quae  sibi  imponunt, 
maleficiis  responsuros. — Et  quando  citati  hujusmodi — negabant  ma- 
leficia, — dicti  officiales  ipsos  detinent  captos, — licet  in  casibus  eis 
impositis  pertineat  recredentia  (recreance)^  et  licet  captio  et  de- 
tentio  ad  eosdem  officiales  minima  pertineat,  sed  ad  judices  saecu- 
lares.  IX.  Item  in  casibus  supradictis  licet — iidem  laici  reperiantur 
puri  et  innocentes,  nihilominus  dicti  officiales  nolunt  eos  expedire 
donee  pro  scripturis  processuum  seu  inquesta  [enquete)  pi-aedicto- 
nim    satisfactionem    fecerint    de    magna  pecuniae    quantitate :    licet 


CH.  VI.— CHUECH  DISCIPLINE.  ?  121.  SYNODAL  TRIBUNALS.   217 

keep  the  Synodal  Courts  within  bounds,^  or  obtain  Synodal 
immunity,^  became  more  and  more  general. 

de  jure  in  tali  casu  eis  expensas  restituere  tenerentur.  XXXVII.  Item 
cum  quis  excommunicatus  est  in  aliquo  loco,  dicti  officiales  dant  cita- 
tiones  personales  super  participibus,  et  faciunt  citari  totam  patriam  ad 
unara  vel  duas  leucas  [lieiies)  circumquaque,  vel  tales,  qui  noverunt 
excommunicatum  bene  XL,  LX  vel  centum  personae  purgaturae  se 
super  participatione  praedictorum.  Ex  quo  sequitur,  quod  probi 
homines  antiqui  et  senes  redimunt  se  quilibet  de  XII.  denariis  vel  de 
duobus  solidis  pro  vitandis  expensis  et  laboribus.  XXXVIII.  Item 
dicti  officiales  imponunt  pluribus  personis  famae  laudabilis  et  honestae 
vitae,  quod  sunt  usurarii,  et  oportet  eos  cum  ipsis  officialibus  concor- 
dare  pro  evitanda  eorum  infamia  et  labore,  XXXIX.  Item  dicti 
officiales  faciunt  citari  aliquem  bonum  hominem  conjugatum,  et  impo- 
nunt ei,  quod  adultei*atus  est  cum  aliqua :  et  similiter  mulierem  ali- 
quam  conjugatam,  imponendo  sibi  quod  adulterata  est,  in  perpetuam 
infamiam  ipsorum  conjugum,  et  cum  hoc  extorsionem  pecuniarum 
recipiunt  ab  eisdem  etc. 

^  Thus  the  archpresbyters  of  the  provinces  of  Groningen  and 
Drentha  in  1322  had  to  give  in  a  deposition  on  the  extent  of  their 
synodal  rights  (Monumenta  Groningana  veteris  aevi  inedita,  ed  R. 
Keuchenius  Driessen,  Stuk  I.  Groningen  1822,  p.  115),  on  the  per- 
sons who  could  bring  personal  grievances  before  them  (clei'gymen, 
monks,  widows,  orphans,  tithe-owners)  on  the  offences  which  belonged 
to  their  court's  jurisdiction,  and  on  the  Synodal  costs.  E.  G.  p.  1 17  :  De 
causis  per  temporales  judices  judicatis  nihil  ad  nos.  Omnes  banni  nostri 
fuerunt  tres  librae  Groningenses  ;  usurae,  perjurii,  adulterii,  consangui- 
nitatis,  compaternitatis,  affinitatis,  spoliaclericorum  monachorumet  Re- 
ligiosorum,  Ecclesiarum,  cimlteriorura,  dupli  banni.  Laesio  sacerdotum, 
clericorumordinatorum,  monachorumet  monialium :  triplicabantur  banni. 
Mutilatio,  excaecatio,  captivatio,  occisio  clericorum,  incendium  Ecclesi- 
arum, domorum  dotalium  et  sacerdotum,  ad  arbitrium  Episcopi  atque 
nostrum  emendari  consuevit.  Item  de  juramentis  factis  coram  judici- 
bus  temporalibus  in  judiciis  temporalibus  non  ad  nos,  nisi  constitisset 
certis  indiciis  se  perjurasse. — Item  convictus  ab  actore  et  excommuni- 
catus, et  nihilominus  ex  quacunque  causa  excommunicatus,  si  infra 
annum  non  emendaverat,  poena  duplicabatur,  post  duos  annos  poena 
triplicabatur,  post  tres  annos  invocabatur  brachium  saeculare.  — 
Insuper  Praefectus  et  Consules  in  Groninge  in  Synodis — cum  Deeano 
ibidem  in  Groninge  praesidebant,  et  sententias  omnes  ibidem  emer- 
gentes  diffiniendas  cum  sacerdotibus  edixenint, — Denarii  scripturales 
sunt  in  Groninge  quatuor  Gronienses,  in  Anlo  duo  Gronienses.  Pra«- 
terea  nullas  actiones  seu  querelas  pro  quacunque  causa  audivimus  sen 
citare  consuevimus  praeter  in  Synodo  posteriori  et  priori  (in  the  spring 
and  in  the  autumn.) 

*  Compare  part  2  §  83  note  4.  Thus  in  1357  the  city  of  Marburg 
also  appeared  as  free  from  synodal  jurisdiction,  see  Kopp's  Nachricht 
A-on  den  Geistl.  u.  Civilgerichten  in  Ilessen  Th.  1.  S.  183. 


218  THIRD  PERIOD.-DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 


SEVENTH  CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  HERETICAL  SECTS. 

§122. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  EARLIER  SECTS. 

The  bloodthirsty  zeal  of  the  Inquisition  in  the  first  half  of  the 
14rth  century  seems  to  have  almost  made  an  end  of  the  Albi- 
genses  of  southern  France  and  Italy/  and  to  have  driven  them 
into  the  eastern  countries.  In  Bosnia  the  largest  part  of  the 
population  profest  the  Catharic  heresy,  which,  tolerated  at  times 
even  profest  by  the  lords  of  the  land,  spread  itself  from  this  into 
the  surrounding  countries.^  The  kings  of  Hungary,  as  supreme 
lords  of  these  countries,  were  incessantly  required  by  the  Popes 
to  take  steps  against  the  heretics :  However  their  efforts  re- 
mained fruitless.^     The  Waldenses,  in  spite  of  all  the  persecu- 

^  In  the  Liber  sententiarum  Inquisitlonis  Tolosanae  ab  anno  Chr. 
1307  ad  annum  1323  at  the  end  of  Ph.  a  Limborch  hist.  Inquisitionis 
many  sententiae  contra  Albigenses  are  to  be  found.  Compare  Hist, 
generals  de  Languedoc  iv.  183.  C.  Schmidt  histoire  et  doctrine  de  la 
sect  des  Cathares  ou  Albigeois  (Paris  et  Geneve  2  T.  1849)  i.  354. 
As  regards  Italy,  see  Schmidt  i.  186.  In  northern  France,  Spain,  and 
Germany,  in  this  period,  there  are  no  moi'e  traces  of  the  Cathari  to  be 
found.  According  to  Schmidt  (1,  360.  ii.  307),  the  Cagots,  a  race  detested 
and  shunned  of  all,  living  in  Navarre,  Beam,  Gascony,  &c.  (compare 
Fr.  Michel  histoire  des  races  maudites  en  France  et  en  Espagne,  2  vol. 
Paris,  1847),  were  descendants  of  the  Albigenses,  who  were  obliged  as 
penitents  to  submit  to  manifold  humiliations,  and  bequeathed  to  their 
children  the  universal  contempt  in  which  they  were  held.  In  a  letter 
to  Leo  X,,  A.D.  1514,  the  Cagots  themselves  derive  their  own  origin 
from  the  Albigeois  (Michel  ii.  220). 

2  Before  now  in  Croatia,  Slavonia,  Dalmatia,  now  also  in  Albania 
and  Rascia.     Compare  Schmidt  i.  125. 

^  Lewis  I.  King  of  Hungary,  subdued  the  Bosnians  and  Bulgarians, 
in  1359,  and  forced  them  to  receive  baptism ;  but  soon  after  the  heresy 
reappeared,  and  when  Stephen  Twai'tko  had  made  himself  independent 


CH.  VII  — IIEliETlCS.  §  122.  ALBIGEKi<ES.  219 

tions  tlicy  underwent  in  southern  France,  and  especially  in 
the  A^alleys  of  Piedmont,  to  which  they  had  withdrawn  them- 
selves, were  not  exterminated,^  but  they  now  spread  them- 
selves more  in  Germany,  and  towards  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
century  made  their  appearance  in  many  parts  of  this  country.^ 
The  rest  of  the  sects  dissenting  from  the  dominant  Church  were 

and  risen  to  be  king  of  Bosnia,  in  1376,  it  was  again  predominant. 
Schmidt  i.  130. 

*  Compare  the  letter  of  John  XXII.  to  the  Inquisitor  at  Marseilles, 
A.D.  1332,  in  Raynald  ad  h,  a.  no.  31  :  in  vallibus  Lucernae  et  Pe- 
rusiae, — Philippi  de  Sabaudia — temporali  dominio  subjectis,  ita  creve- 
runt  et  multiplicati  sunt  baeretici,  praecipue  de  secta  Waldensium, 
quod  frequenter  congregationes  per  modum  capituli  facere  inibi  prae- 
sumpserunt,  in  quibus  aliquando  quingenti  Waldenses  fuerunt  in 
simul  congregati ;  quodque  dudum — dicti  Waldenses  contra  ipsum 
Albertum  Inquisitorem  manu  insurrexerunt  armata,  et  quod  quadam 
die  quondam  Guilehnum  rectorem  parochialis  Ecclesiae  de  Engravia 
Taurinensis  dioecesis,  celebrata  Missa  per  eum  in  platea  dictae  villae 
nequiter  occiderunt  etc.  In  the  year  1403  St.  Vincentius  Ferrerius 
was  engaged  in  these  valleys  with  their  conversion  (Raynald  ad  h.  a. 
no.  24).  On  their  continuance  in  southern  France,  down  to  1323,  see 
Liber  Sententiarum  Inquis.  Tolos.  at  the  end  of  Limborch.  In  the 
year  1335  Benedict  XII.  instituted  a  persecution  against  tbem  iu 
Dauphigny  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  63),  but  in  1373  a  maxima  multi- 
tude was  still  to  be  found  there  (see  Gregorii  P.  XI.  ep.  ad  Carol  v.  in 
Raynald.  1373,  no.  20) ;  and  in  1375  they  were  violently  persecuted 
there  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  26). 

5  In  Mavence,  LImburger  Chronik  (written  in  1398,  publisht  by 
Vogel  Marburg  1828.  S.  104):  "In  dieser  Zeit  (1389)  ward  zu 
Majntz  ein  Unglaub  offenbar,  der  hatte  heimlich  gewahrt  mehr  dann 
600  Jar  oder  langer.  Dieser  Unglaub  u.  Articul  war  also,  dass  man 
nimmer  nicht  andere  Heilige  anruffen  solte,  dann  sie  beteten  vor  nie- 
mand.  Item  sie  hielten,  dass  zween  Wege  Waren,  wann  ein  Mensch 
gestorben  ware,  so  fiihre  er  gen  Himmel  oder  in  die  Holl.  Item 
hielten  sie  in  ihren  Sitten,  dass  ein  purer  Laye  mogte  also  wohl  con- 
secriren  als  ein  Pfaff.  Item  sie  hielten,  dass  der  Bischoff  oder  der 
Pabst  kein  Ablass  mbchte  geben.  Item  hielten  sie,  dass  das  Gebott 
Allmosen  geben,  Messen  und  Fasten,  das  hiilffe  alles  nichts  die 
Seelen,  denen  man  das  nachthate."  Petri  Merssaei  Cratepolii  electo- 
rum  ecclesiasticorum  i.  e.  Coloniensium,  Moguntinensium  ac  Trevi- 
rensium  catalogus,  Colon,  Agrlpp.  1580  p.  212 :  Under  Conrad, 
Archbishop  of  Mayence  (from  1388 — 1395)  36  cives  Moguntini, 
Waldensium  fratrum  sectam  professi,  Bingam  adducti  et  ibi  combusti 
sunt.  Serarlus  rer.  Mogunt.  lib.  v,  p.  867  makes  mention  of  Walden- 
ses at  Mayence  in  1395.  Some  heretics  were  persecuted  at  Augsburg 
in  1393,  whom  Gassarus  (Ann.  Augstburgenses  in  Mencken  scriptt. 
rer.  Germ,  i,  1533)  Wittklyffistas,  Crusius  (Ann.  Suev.  P.  iii  lib.  6  c. 
4)  calls  Waldenses.     A  cotemporary  notice  of  them  (herausg.  v.  d. 


220  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305-1409. 

designated  by  tlie  common  name  of  Beghards.  Amongst  whom 
the  Fratricelli,  and  the  brothers  and   sisters  of  the  fi*ee  spmt 

Pralaten  Schmidt  in  Staudlin's  u.  Tzschirner's  Archiv.  f.  Kircbengesch. 
ii,  ii,  349)  assigns  them  no  particular  name,  and  attributes  to  tbem 
the  same  heresies  which  the  Limburg  chronicle  does  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Mayence,  only  more  at  length,  l^esides  :  Item  quidam  crediderunt, 
sectam  eorum  manere  usque  in  futurum  judicium  secrete  turn  usque  ad 
adventum  Heliae  et  Enoch,  et  tunc  manifestarentur,  et  genera  omnia 
congregarentur  in  eadem  secta.  They  did  not  allow  the  punishment 
of  death  and  the  oath.  Item  dicunt,  Apostolos  eorum,  quos  habent, 
posse  consecrare  corpus  Christi.  Forty- six  of  these  were  placed  under 
penance  in  Augsburg,  forty  in  Werdea  (Worth  ?)  but  sixteen  of  these 
soon  relapst  and  were  burnt  to  death.  Episcopus  recepit  bona  eorum 
male  sibi,  pauperes  fuerunt  dimissi,  divites  combusti.  Two  were 
burnt  to  death  in  DinkelspUhel,  and  the  same  number  in  Wemdingen. 
Et  sic  eodem  anno  in  diversis  terris  et  villis  inventi  sunt  plurimi 
haeretici  ejusdem  sectae,  et  multi  cruce  signati,  et  multi  apostatati  et 
combusti,  et  etiam  quam  plurimi  signura  crucis  pro  poenitentia  acci- 
pientes  fidem  dereliquerunt,  et  patriam  derelinquentes  recesserunt.  Et 
sic  inventi  sunt  in  diversis  civitatibus  et  villis  in  Suevia,  Bavaria,  et 
Franconia  multi  haeretici  de  eadem  secta.  Tamen  finaliter  inventum 
est,  quod  domini  illorum,  qui  combusti  fuerunt,  receperunt  bona 
ipsorum,  et  pauperes  dimiserunt. —  In  Strasburg  as  early  as  1374 
there  was  a  secret  community  of  like  profession,  in  1400  it  was  perse- 
cuted (Mittheilungen  aus  dem  handschriftlich  vorhandenen  Verhore 
vonRohrichin  Illgen's  Zeitschr.f  d.  hist.  Theol.  1840, 1.  144.  Schmidt, 
a.  a.  0.  Ill,  69).  They  had  masters,  wandering  preachers  (twelve 
Botten  i.  e.  Apostles,  probably  not  exactly  twelve)  who  were  their 
chief  priests  and  confessors,  (See  Yvonetus  Part  2,  §  90,  note  29),  and 
whom  the  Catholics  called  Winkler  (conventicle  men)  from  their 
secret  assemblies,  a  name  which  was  afterwards  extended  to  all 
members  of  the  sect.  The  masters  were  chosen  from  them,  and  had 
to  take  a  vow  of  chastity  and  poverty.  The  sect  had  also 
adherents  in  Ndrdlingen,  Ratisbon,  Augsburg,  Tischingen  in  Swa- 
bia,  Solothurn,  Bern,  Weissenburg,  Hagenau,  Speyer,  Holzhau- 
een  near  Frankfort  on  Maine,  the  Swabian  Worth,  Friedberg, 
Mayence,  and  Vienna.  Their  schools,  in  which  was  prayer,  con- 
fession, preaching  from  great  books,  and  instruction  on  all  points 
of  the  heresy,  are  mentioned  at  Strasbm-g,  Hagenau,  and  May- 
ence, private  houses  and  lodgings  at  Offenburg  and  Lahr.  In 
1399  men  of  the  same  persuasion  were  discovered  and  converted  at 
Bern  and  Friburg  in  Switzerland  (Hottinger's  Helvetische  Kirchen- 
geschichte  ii,  204).  At  Steyer  in  Austria  a  hundred  heretics  were 
burnt  to  death,  others  were  placed  under  penance,  a  cotemporary 
Austrian  chronicler  in  Fezii  scriptt.  Austr.  i.  1157,  calls  them  Wal- 
denses  (Cf.  Viti  Arenpeck  in  Fez.  i.  1244.  Preuenhuber  ann.  Styren- 
ses,  p.  72).  Flacius  (catal.  test,  verit.  Francof  1666,  p.  639)  saj's 
that  he  had  a  roll  of  minutes  of  an  Examination  held  in  Pomcrania, 
and  the   March  a.d.   1391    upon  443  Waldenses.     The  ancestors  of 


CH.  Vil.— HERETICS.  §  122.  WALDENSES.  221 

formed  two  principal  variations.  Among  the  Beghards  of 
southern  France,  Italy,  and  Sicily,  the  inclination  for  the 
Fratricelli  prevailed.*'  The  German  Beghards,  frequently  also 
called  Lollards,'  were,  on  the  contrarj^,  for  the  most  part 
professors  of  the  free  spirit  f  they  derived  no  small  advantage 
from  their  connexion  with  the  German  mystics  of  this  period, 

many  of  them  belonged  to  this  country ;  teachers  had  come  to  them 
out  of  Bohemia  from  age  to  age.  However  Flacius,  always  ready  to 
discover  testes  veritatis,  and  to  attribute  the  immoral  doctrines  of  the 
heretics  to  the  invention  of  the  inquisitors,  has  probably  here  pronounced 
certain  professors  of  the  free  spirit  to  be  Waldenses.  For  in  North- 
em  Germany  the  former  frequently  appear,  but  not  the  latter, 

•^  Compare  above,  §  113,  note  3.  Thus  the  Beguins,  in  the  Liber 
sententiarum  iuquis.  Tolos.  in  Limborch  p.  298  and  381,  are  called 
collectively  Beguini,  qui  se  dicunt  esse  de  tertio  ordine  s.  Francisci. 

'  See  above,  §  115,  note  5. 

8  Their  head  quarters  were  at  Cologne,  where  the  Archbishop  Henry 
of  Virneburg  in  1306  issued  a  decree  against  them  (Mosheim  de 
Beghardis  et  Beguinabus,  p.  210).  About  the  year  1325  they  under- 
went a  bloody  persecution  here,  compare  the  Chron,  ad  ann.  1327  by 
the  cotemporary  Johannes  Victoriensis  (abbot  of  Victring  bei  Klagen- 
furt),  in  Bohraer's  Fontes  rerum  Germ.  i.  401.  It  is  the  Chron. 
Leobiense  in  Fez  i.) :  Viri  et  raulieres  diversi  status  in  noctis  medio 
ad  locum  quendam  subterraneum,  quod  templura  dicebant,  convenerunt. 
Et  quidam  Waltherus  nomine,  daemonialis  sacerdos,  Missae  officiura 
celebrare  visus  est,  et  post  elevationem  sermone  habito,  extinctis  lumi- 
nibus,  quilibet  sibi  proximam  cognoscebat :  et  post  epulis  deliciosissime 
vacantes,  choreas  ducebant,  et  gaudia  maxima  peragebant,  dicentes, 
hunc  statum  statui  Paradisi  et  primis  parentibus  ante  lapsum  esse 
conformem.  Idem  autem,  qui  erroris  caput  extitit,  se  Christum  dixit, 
pulcram  quandam  et  nobilem  domicellam  Mariam  asseruit. — Matrimo- 
nium  cum  personis  quantumcunque  proximis  licitum,  Christum  non 
de  Virgine  natum,  nihil  esse  jejunium,  Deum  non  esse  natura  neque 
passum,  turpiter  disputavit,  et  multa  fidei  sacratissimae  contraria 
grunniebat.  Degradatus,  damnatus  usque  ad  ustionem  non  resi- 
puit,  mentitus  est  etiam,  die  se  tertia  surrecturum  (according  to 
Trithemii  chron.  Hirsaug  ii.  155  Walter  was  burnt  to  death  in 
1322).  Compare  the  Chron.  ad  ann.  1325  of  another  cotemporary, 
Willelmi  Egmondani,  Chron.  ad  ann.  1325  in  Ant.  Matthaei  veteris 
aevi  analecta  ii.  643  :  Eodem  anno  Begardorura  nequitia,  quae  diversis 
raundi  elimatibus  hactenus  latere  cernitur,  apud  Coloniam  propalatur. 
Isti  enim  eorum  ibidem  stultitiam  praedicantes,  et  matronas  varias  ad 
ipsorum  ludibria  contrahentes  sub  terra  quoddam  mirabile  habitaculum 
fecerant,  quod  Paradysum  vocabant. — Ad  quem  locum,  ut  saepius, 
etiam  in  nocte  Parasceues  convenire  decreverant,  ubi  cujusdam  potentis 
uxorem  cum  caeteris  invitabant.  However,  the  husband  followed  his 
wife  thither,  cujusdam  LoUardi  habitu  indutus.      In  the  assembly  a 


222  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

for  tliey  had  the  speculative  foundation  in  common  with  them, 
and  erected  upon  it  a  renunciation  of  obedience  not  only  to  the 

certain  person  came  forward,  nititur  surgere,  in  Jesu  suaeque  matris 
Mariae,  iit  ajebat,  praesentia  erroris  niateriam  propalare.  Duo  enim — 
ibidem  aderant,  qui  se  Mariam  et  ejus  filium  asserebant.  Dictus  itaque 
nudus  praedicans,  et  omnes  more  inuocentum  ad  nuditatem  exbortans, 
vario  eri'ore  tam  prima  quam  media  nititur  detegere,  et  conclusionem 
tenebris,  extinctione  candelarum  videlicet,  deturpare,  whereupon  shame- 
ful licentiousness  was  practised.  The  man  who  entered  in  disguise 
afterwards  divulged  the  matter.  Capiuntur  igitur — hujus  sectae  singuli, 
quorum  corpus  aut  ignis  voragine  aut  Rheni  flumine  suffocatur.  The 
connexion  of  the  doctrine  which  the  Dominican  Eckart  preacht  with 
that  of  this  sect  (according  to  the  modern  expression,  they  were  the 
right  and  left  sides  of  the  same  School),  and  the  inefficacy  of  its  con- 
demnation by  the  Pope  (see  §  117,  note  8),  could  not  but  be  favourable 
to  the  Sect.  So  both  Archbishop  Walram  in  1335  (Mosheim  p.  294), 
and  his  successor  William  in  1357,  had  to  renew  the  decree  of  his  pre- 
decessor against  the  Beggardos  et  Schwestriones,  quia  hujusmodi 
hominum  perniciosa  de  novo  incipit  in  nostra  civitate  et  diocesi  invales- 
cere  multitudo  (Mosheim  p.  330.) — In  Strasburg,  Bishop  John  issued 
an  ordinance  against  them  a.d.  1317  (Mosheim  p.  255)  :  in  the  year 
1366  several  more  of  them  were  burnt  to  death  there  (Mosheim  p.  332.) 
— In  1339  three  Beghards  were  burnt  at  Constance  (Vitoduranus  p. 
76),  also  at  Speyer  in  1356  Berthold,  an  haeresiarcha  ex  eorum  secta, 
who  had  formerly  been  active  for  his  sect  in  Franconia  (Jo.  Trithemii 
chron.  Hirsaug.  ii.  231.)  At  Bern  a  man  from  Bremgarten,  Lofflerby 
name,  was  burnt  to  death  in  1374,  "  der  ward  funden  u.  bewiset  in 
bbsem  Ketserglouben,  den  die  haltent,  die  man  nerapt  des  fryen 
Geistes."  When  he  saw  the  stake,  he  said,  "  ich  sieh  nit  so  viel 
Holzes,  damit  man  mich  verbrennen  miige,"  he  expected  miraculous 
aid  ( Justinger's  Berner  Chronik,  herausgeg.  v.  Stierlin  u.  Wyss,  Bern 
1819,  S.  194.) — But  about  this  time  they  were  already  wide  spread  in 
Northern  Germany  also  ;  in  Magdeburg,  the  March,  Thuringia,  etc. 
See  below  note  11. — With  regard  to  a  certain  William  burnt  at  Liibeck 
in  1402,  see  the  notice  of  two  cotemporaries,  Herm.  Coerneri  chron.  in 
Eecardi  corp.  scriptt.  med.  aevi  ii.  1185,  and  Rufus  Chron,  in  Grau- 
toff's  liibeck.  Chroniken  ii.  463.  Coerner  :  Wilhelmus  quidam, 
albis  vestibus  indutus,  et  pro  Apostolo  se  gerens.  He  was  discovered 
per  varia  irapudicitiae  signa  et  verba  diversis  personis  expressa, 
et  turpia  exercitia  cum  pluribus  habita.  Propter  quod  a  bonis  et 
honestis  mulieribus  accusabatur  apud  Inquisitorem  haereticae  pravi- 
tatis.  Rufus  :  "  He  heelt  sik  vor  enen  Apostel,  unde  hadde  ein 
uthwendich  strenge  Levent.  He  wart  velen  Luden  hemelik  umme 
sines  uthwendigen  guden  Schynes  willen,  men  van  en  bynnen  was  he 
vul  Drechnisse  unde  Unloven ;  he  bedref  vele  Boverie  under  boser 
Bedeckinge,  unde  bedroch  mennigen  guden  Mynschen."  The  Inquisi- 
tor found  him  guilty  in  80  articles  of  heresy.  Amonst  these  were : 
"  Unkusheit  was  em  nen   Sunde,  van  der  Vasten  heelt  he  nicht,  der 


CII.  VII.— HERETICS.  §  122.  BEGIIARDS.  223 

Church,  but  also  to  all  the  laws  of  morality.^  To  them  also 
belonged  the  Adamites,  who  made  their  appearance  in  Austria^'' 

hilgen  Kerken  Bode  (Gebofe)  belt  he  vor  nicbt,  undo  heelt  sik  sulven 
so  vuUekoraen  also  sunte  Johannis  Baptista  was." 

9  The  Bull  of  John  XXII.  In  agro  dorninico  a.d.  1330  against 
the  Beghards  (in  Coerneri  chron.  in  Eccardi  corp.  scriptt.  medii  aevi 
ii.  1036,  in  Mosheim  de  Beghardis  p.  284)  cannot  be  alledged  as  a 
source  of  information  as  to  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  sect.  It 
chiefly  discovers  Eccard's  principles,  which  although  they  agreed  with 
them  in  fundamentals,  had  at  least  a  different  colouring  (see  §  117 
note  8.)  On  the  doctrine  of  the  sect  of  the  free  spirit  see  part  2  §  90. 
note  35.  Gerson  de  libris  caute  legendis  (0pp.  i.  114)  states  the 
error  de  lege  et  spiritu  libertatis  sub  qua  Begardi  et  Begardae 
nefanda  et  abominabilia  perpetrarunt  facinora,  to  this  effect,  quod 
aniraa  perfecta  reducta  in  Deum  perdit  suum  velle,  ita  quod  nihil  habet 
velle  vel  nolle,  nisi  velle  divinum,  quale  habuit  ab  aeterno  in  esse 
ideali  divino.  Quo  habito  dicunt  consequenter  se  posse  agere  quicquid 
carnalis  affectio  deposcit  sine  peccato  vel  crimine,  cum  ex  praecedenti 
non  habeant  velle  et  nolle.  Diversificatur  autem  modus  iste,  quoniam 
sufficit  aliquibus,  ut  sub  Deo  solo  suam  totaliter  vel  taliter  abnegent 
voluntatera,  in  qua  abnegatione  dicunt  summam  consistere  perfectionem. 
Sunt  alii  rudiores  idiotae  et  simplices,  qui  seducti  per  astutos  faciunt 
hanc  abnegationem  propriae  voluntatis  per  modum  professionis  et 
obedientiae  in  manibus  illorum.  Qua  facta  promittunt  astuti  tales  et 
pervei'si,  quod  amplius  peccare  nequeunt ;  sub  quo  praetextu  perpetrant 
innumerabiles  nee  referendas  abominationes.  To  live  as  a  part  of  the 
all-one,  i  e.  of  God,  was  to  them  the  highest  calling  of  man.  Every 
inclination,  every  will  of  the  man  conscious  of  this  union,  was  divine  : 
Every  law  repugnant  to  these  inclinations  dissolved  this  unity. 
Human  nature  before  the  Fall  appeared  to  them  to  have  possest  this 
consciousness  in  all  its  purity  :  they  wisht  to  restore  it.  Hence  their 
nakedness  in  their  assemblies,  the  name  of  Paradise  for  their  place  of 
meeting,  instead  of  marriage  their  concubitus  promiscuus  (compare 
note  8)  for  marriage  as  a  special  connexion  seemed  to  divide  the  univer- 
sal unity. — How  Ruysbroek,  who  must  have  felt  the  necessity  of  clearly 
marking  the  distinction  between  his  doctrine  and  that  of  the  free  spirit, 
because  of  their  very  similarity,  describes  and  controverts  the  latter, 
see  Engelhardt's  Ricard  v.  St  Victor  and  Job.  Ruysbroek  s.  224. 

1*^  See  Anonymi  auctoris  brevis  narratio  de  nefanda  haeresi  Ada- 
mitica  in  variis  Austriae  locis  saccule  xiv.  grassante  in  Pezii  scriptt, 
rerura  Austriae.  ii.  533:  In  the  year  1312  many  heretics  were 
discovered,  and  several  burnt  at  Krems,  St  Polten  and  Vienna. 
Their  offences  were  :  Primus  casus  est,  quod  comparabant  Missas 
Lucifero,  credentes  et  dicentes,  quod  ipse  adhuc  cum  Michaele 
confligeret,  et  de  eo  triumpharet,  et  quod  tunc  Lucifer,  Angelique  sui 
apostatae  cum  credentibus,  h.  e.  cum  haereticis,  aeterna  gaudia  possi- 
deant.  Secundus  casus  est :  Sanctus  autem  Michael  cum  suis  Angelis 
in  beatitudine  jam  existentibus,  suisque  credentibus,  aeterno  deputetur 
incendio   puniendus.     Item  dicunt  se  habere  XVI  Apostolos,    annis 


224  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D   1305—1409. 

A.D.  1312,  and  the  Luciferians  who  appeared  in  Angermiinde  in 
1336.^^     The  Turlupines  also,  who  were  exterminated  in  the 

singulis — climata  raundi  perlustrantes,  ex  qaibus  annuatim  Paradisum 
introeant,  auctoritatem  ligandi  et  solvendi  ab  Helia  et  Enoch  recipiant, 
quam  suis  possent  communicare  credentibus.  They  denied  the  vir- 
ginity of  Mary,  rejected  the  sacraments  and  liturgy  of  the  Church, 
mockt  at  the  clergy.  Quintam  feriara  noctem  insomnem,  diemque  Pa- 
rasceues  in  luxuria  et  voluptate,  ac  dissolutione  repletioneque  ventris 
in  esu  carnium — transigebant  (because  the  Church  kept  the  strictest 
fasts  on  these  daj^s).  Their  feigned  observance  of  Catholic  usages, 
secret  countersigns.  One  of  those  who  were  burnt  at  St  Polten  said  : 
fateor  hodie,  si  fides  nostra  per  XV  annos  in  suo  robore  perstitisset, 
cogitaveramus  earn  publice  praedicare,  ac  manu  valida  defensare.  It 
was  further  remarkt :  raro  est  apud  eos  homo  cujuscunque  sexus,  qui 
textum  Novi  Testamenti  non  sciat  cordetenus  in  vulgari.  They  re- 
sisted, on  occasion  of  a  later  persecution,  see  Catalogus  Abbatum  Glu- 
nicensium  in  Pez  ii.  330  :  anno  1388  in  civitate  Laureacensi  et 
Styrensi,  aliisque  vicinis  locis  suborta  est  inquisitio  haereticorum,  et  ab 
istis  econtra  persecutio  Catholicorum,  praesertim  Cleri  et  Religiosorum. 
Jo.  Vitoduranus  also  p.  44  and  45  ad  ann.  1336,  makes  mention  of 
these  Austrian  heretics,  and  describes  their  assemblies  in  hypogeis 
sive  aliis  quibusque  locis  subterraneis  in  a  fabulous  manner.  The 
name  Adamite,  which  frequently  occurs  in  Bohemia,  in  the  15th  cen- 
tury, arose  about  this  time.  The  cotemporary  John,  Abbot  of 
Victring,  after  describing  the  heretics  of  Cologne,  (see  note  8),  says  : 
Haec  haeresis  Adamiana  dici  potest,  cujus  Isidorus  fecit  mentionem  in 
libro  Etymologiarum,  dicens  :  "  Adaraiani  vocati  sunt,  quia  Adae 
imitantur  nuditatem,  unde  nudi  erant,  et  nudi  inter  se  mares  et  foemi- 
nae  conveniunt."  Fuit  etiam  hoc  tempore  in  multis  locis  circa  metas 
Austriae  et  Bohemiae  zizania  multiplex  in  medio  tritici  seminata,  et 
pulchritudo  agrorum  Ecclesiae  defoedata.  Qui  sub  terra  in  specubus 
se  dicunt  non  peccare,  nee  absolutione  egere,  eo  quod  Dominus  Petro 
dixerit :  "  Quodcunqvie  ligaverls  super  terram,  et  solveris  etc." 

^^  Chronicon  Magdeb.  apud  Meibom.  ii.  340  :  Eo  tempore  (1336)  in 
civitate  Magdeburg  deprehensae  sunt  quaedara  Beghinae  de  his,  quae 
se  de  alto  spiritu  appellant. — Otto  Archiepiscopus — invenit  eas  non- 
nullos  profanes  et  execrandos  articulos  temere  profitentes  in  blasphe- 
miam  Christi  et  Sanctorum,  quos  etiam  articulos  ob  eorum  detestabili- 
tatem  dignum  non  duxi  scripto  commendare.  Circa  idem  tempus — in 
Angermundis  plures  personas  utriusque  sexus  invenerunt,  de  haeresi 
Luciferanorum  suspectas.  14  persons  were  burnt.  Circa  idem 
tempus  quidam  Begardus  haereticus  nomine  Constantinus  inter  alias 
suas  vesanias  asscruit,  se  esse  filium  Dei  sicut  Christum  sine  aliqua  dis- 
tinctione.  Iste — in  foro  Erfordiae  solemniter  est  creraatus.  Afterwards 
in  1367  the  sect  was  abolita  etdeleta  in  Magdeburg  and  Erfurt  by  the 
Inquisitor  Walter  Kerling,  propter  articulos  nefandos  et  haereticales  in 
constitutionibus  Clementinis  titulo  de  haereticis  oapitulo  Ad  nostrum 
dudum  damnatos  (Supplement  to  theChron.  Magd.  in  Mencken  ecriptt. 


OH.  VII.— HERETICS.  §  122.  BEGHAEDS.  225 

Isle  of  France  a.d.  1372.^^  The  teachers  of  these  sects  wan- 
dered from  place  to  place  in  imitation  of  the  apostles.  They 
were  called  apostles  by  their  follovvers,^^  and  laboured  by  teach- 

rer.  Germ.  iii.  370.  Compare  §  115,  note  6.)  In  1369  the  Emperor 
Charles  IV.  stated  with  approval,  that  the  Beghards  and  Beguins  had 
been  exterminated  by  this  Incpiisition  in  the  ecclesiastical  provinces  of 
Magdeburg  and  Bremen,  in  Thuringia,  Saxony,  and  Hesse,  Mo- 
sheim  de  Beghardis  p.  338.  Angermiinde  long  retained  the  name 
of  Ketser- Angermiinde :  there  were  14  Ketserdorfer  in  the  Neu- 
rnark. 

^^  Mosheim  de  Beghardis  p.  413  ss.  So  Gi'egorii  XI.  ep.  ad  Caro- 
lum  V.  in  Raynald  ann.  1373  no.  19  :  secta  Begardorum,  qui  alias 
Turlupini  dicuntur.  Jo.  Gersonii  sermo  de  s.  Ludovico  (0pp.  ed  du 
Pin.  iii.  1435)  :  Begardi  et  Turilupini  de  nulla  re  naturaliter  data 
erubescendum  esse  dicebant.  Id.  de  examinat.  doctrinarum  p.  ii.  Cons. 
6  in  the  year  1423  (i.  19)  :  sicut  nulla  est  vehementior  quam  luxuriosa 
libido,  sic  ad  errandum  falsumque  docendum  nulla  perniciosior.  Patuit 
in  sectis  Turelupinorurn,  quarum  sequaces  non  desunt  usque  hodie, 
quando  et  ubi  latere  putaverint  serpunt  ubilibet.  Ch.  Schmidt  essai 
sur  J,  Gerson,  Strasb.  1839,  p.  101. 

^■^  Particularly  the  wandering  teachers  of  the  sect  of  the  free  spirit 
were  so  called,  compare  the  decree  of  Henry  I.,  Archbishop  of  Cologne 
A.D.  1306,  against  the  Becgardos  et  Becgardas  et  Apostolos  vulgariter 
appellatos  (Mosheim  de  Beghardis,  p.  212),  nnd  that  of  the  Council  of 
Treves,  a.d.  1310  against  therusticos,  qui  se  Apostolos  appellant  (ibid, 
p.  222).  So  also  William  at  Liibeck  called  himself  an  apostle,  see 
note  8.  Conradus  d'_;  Monte  Puellarum,  Canon  atRatisbon  in  the  14th 
cent,  describes  these  apostles,  in  a  fragment  publisht  by  Gretser  (under 
Rainerius  contra  Waldenses,  Ingolst.  1613.  4,  also  in  the  Biblioth. 
Patrura  Lugd.  xxv.  310) :  Sunt  enim  hujusmodi  viri  rusticani,  et 
plerique  mechanici,  corpore  robusti,  et  literarum  omnino  inexperti  ac 
penitus  idiotae,  aut  si  literas  aliqualiter  norunt,  tenuissimum  tamen  est, 
quod  sciunt.  Hi  opera  manualia  suorum  postponentes  artificiorum, 
cucuUati  gyrovagando  proviiicias  per  diversas  incedunt,  et  latebras 
quaerunt  occnltas,  praecipue  hospitiis  Beginarum  inhiantes,  eo  quod 
simile  suo  simili  complaudat.  Quibus  pro  nocturno  receptaculo  in 
prima  congressione  malitiae  suae,  coloratis  verbis,  insanas  et  ut  pluri- 
mum  infectivas  seminant  doctrinas.  At  illae  illorum  in  crastino  pro- 
motrices,  seu  ut  verius  dicam  copulatrices,  ostiatim  per  domes  cursitant 
mulierum,  intimandosub  arcani  sigillo,  asserentes,  angelum  verbi  divini 
adesse  occultum,  quoadusque  conventicula  eisdem  hjpocritis  placitacon- 
gregentur.  Quibus  secretissime  convenientibus  in  unum,  labia  suae 
malitiae  resolvunt,  de  attributis  in  divinis  atque  de  proprietatibus  divinae 
bonitatis  disserendo.  Et  sic  paulatim  descendendo  affirmant,  qualiter 
ex  pietate  divina  homo  ad  Dei  imaginem  creatus  existat,  et  tantuin 
mereri  valeat  per  exercitium  bonorum  operum,  ut  Christo,  Domino 
nost.ro,  in  humana  anima  sua  aequo  perfectus  quis  efficiatur.  Talium 
etenim  unum  de  Suevia  natum  ego  in  Katispona  reperi,  qui  jaii;  prae- 
VOL.  IV.  P 


22G  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. 1).  ino5— 1400. 

ing  and  writing^*  for  the  extension  of  their  sect.  So  the  apostles 
of  the  Waldenses  and  the  sect  of  the  free  spirit,  made  their 
appearance  in  Germany,  and  it  was  owing  to  their  activity,  that 
the  Inquisition  also  after  a  long  interval  was  roused  anew  in 
Germany  with  fresh  energy.^^ 

dictum  et  articulos  alios  In  Cleinentinis  prohlbitos  sub  titulo  de  Hae- 
reticis  Ad  nostrum  (Clementln.  lib.  A^  tit.  3.  c.  3)  dlllgenter  affir- 
mabat  etc.  The  wandering  teachers  of  the  Waldenses  also,  the  real 
Pauperes  de  Lugduno,  were  held  by  their  disciples,  as  successors  of  the 
Apostles  (see  Yvonetus  part  2  §  90  note  29)  and  sometimes  even  called 
apostles,  so  at  Augsburg  and  Strasburg,  above  note  5.  The  apostles 
of  the  Beghards  beyond  doubt,  always  commenced  with  a  kind  of  Wal- 
denslan  doctrine,  and  did  not  take  up  until  afterwards  the  doctrine 
of  the  free  spirit.      So  variations  were  easily  possible. 

^^  So  Gerson  (de  distlnctlone  verarum  vislonum  a  falsis,  opp.  i.  55) 
makes  mention  of  a  libellus  Incredlblll  paene  subtllltate  ab  una  foemlna 
composltus,  quae  Maria  de  Valenciennes  (a  Begulne)  dicebatur.  Hacc 
agit  de  praerogatlva  et  eminentia  dllectlonis  divinae,  ad  quam  si  quis 
devenerit,  fit  secundum  eam  ab  omnI  lege  praeceptorum  solutus,  addu- 
cens  pro  se  illud  ab  Apostolo  sumptum  :  caritatem  habe,  et  fac  quod 
vis.  In  Germany  also  disciples  of  the  free  spirit,  publlsht  works  in 
German.  Thus  did  Walter  who  was  burnt  at  Cologne  in  1322,  see 
Trithemll  chron.  HIrsaug.Ii.l55;  Lohareus  [Lolhardus]  autera  IlleWal- 
therus,  natlone  Hollandlnus,  latinl  sermonis  parv^am  habebat  notltiam, 
et  quia  Romano  non  potuit,  sermone  sibi  teuthonico  plures  sul  errorls 
llbellos  conscrlpsit,  quos  deeeptis  per  se  occultlssime  communlcavit. 
On  Gerhai'dl  BeghardI  tract,  de  splrltuall  exercltatlone  reparationis 
lapsus  see  Mosheim  de  Beghardls  p.  376.  Also  a  work  of  the  9 
spiritual  rocks  probably  belongs  to  them  (see  §  117  note  8.)  Com- 
pare the  edict  of  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.  a.d.  1369  (In  Mosheim  p. 
369)  :  Attendentes, — quod  In  partlbus  Alemanniae  propter  sermones, 
tractatus  et  alios  llbros  in  vulgarl  scriptos,  Inter  personas  laicas 
vel  paene  laicas  disperses,  quos  llbros  ut  plurimum  vel  vltlosos, 
erroneos  ac  lepra  haeresis  Infectos  laici  legentes  — a  verltate  audltum 
avertuut.  Qua  propter  districte  praeclpiendo  mandamus  unlversis, — qua- 
tenus  in  recipiendls,  exigendls  hujusmodi  librls  vulgar!  scriptis, — 
praesertim  cum  laicis  utriusque  sexus  secundum  canonicas  sanctiones 
etiam  libris  vulgaribus  quibuscunque  de  sacra  Sc7v'ptura  uti  non  liceat 
(see  part  2,  §  89,  note  41,) — assistatis  Inqulsltoribus  etc. 

^^  About  1367  Urban  V.  appointed  two  Dominicans  to  be  Inquisi- 
tors for  Germany  (Mosheim  de  Beghardls  p.  335),  one  of  whom  Walter 
Kerllng  soon  made  himself  an  object  of  dread  to  the  Beghards.  Charles 
IV.  A.D.  1369  lent  the  Inquisitors  the  most  powerful  support  in  three 
Edicts  (Mosheim  p.  343.)  Gregory  XI.  increast  the  number  of  the 
Inquisitors  for  Germany  to  five  (Mosheim  p.  380) ;  Boniface  IX.  In 
1399  Increast  the  number  for  North  Germany  alone  to  six  (Mosheim 
p.  384.) 


CH.  VII.— HKRETlfS.  ^  123.   FLAGELLANTS.  227 

§123. 

FLAGELLANTS. 

[Jac.  Boileau]  Historia  Flagellantium,  de  recto  et  perverso  flagrorum  usu 
apucl  Christianos.  Paris.  1700.  12.  Chr,  Schoettgen  de  secta  Flagellantium 
commentatio.  Lips.  1711.  8. — Especially  Dr  E.  G.  Forstemann  die  christl. 
Geisslergesellschaften.  Halle,  1828.  8. — Compare  also  Mohnike  iiber  die 
Geisslergesellscb.  in  Illgen's  Zeitsclir.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.  III.  ii.  245.  Halm's 
Gesch.  d.  Ketser  im  Mittelalter  ii.  537. 

Although  the  Church's  forgiveness  for  sin  might  now  be  easily 
obtained  in  other  ways  :  Still  Flagellation  was  not  only  greatly 
admired  among  the  religious,  but  was  also  held  in  such  high 
estimation  by  the  common  people,  that  in  case  of  any  calamity 
or  plague,  they  thought  they  could  propitiate  the  supposed  wrath 
of  God  in  no  more  effectual  manner  than  by  scourging,  and 
processions  of  scourgers  ;^  just  as  though  the  Church's  ordinary 
means  of  atonement  were  insufficient  for  extraordinary  cases. 
A  decided  mistrust  of  the  Church's  intercession,  and  the  clergy 
who  dispenst  it,  prevailed  among  the  societies  of  Flagellants  ;^ 
roused  to  action  by  the  plague  that  past  over  from  Asia  into 
Europe  in  the  year  1348,  and  spread  devastation  everywhere,^  ever 

^  On  the  pilgrimages  of  Flagellants  in  Italy  in  the  years  1334- 
and  1350  see  Forstemann  s.  54. 

On  these  scourgers,  Cross-brethren,  Cruciferi,  Flagellatores,  Fla- 
gellantes  (in  Fomerania  they  were  called  Loisskenbrijder  from  the  Lays 
which  they  sang,  see  Mohnike  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol. 
1833.  ii.  263.  267)  see  Heinr.  a  Rebdorff  annales  ad  ann.  1349  ;  Matthiae 
Neoburg.  Fortsetzung  von  Albertus  Argent,  in  Urstisius  ii,  147  ; 
Limpurgische  Chronik  s.  10 ;  Henricus  de  Hervordia  in  Bruns  Bei- 
tragen  aus  alten  Handschriften  St  3  s.  294  ;  Closener's  strassburg. 
Chronik  (in  d.  Biblioth.  d.  literar.  Vereins  in  Stuttgart  i.  83.  This 
section  is  also  publisht  by  C.  Schmidt  in  the  theol.  Studien  u.  Krit. 
1837.  iv.  889,  and  by  L.  Schneegans  le  grand  pelerinage  des  flagel- 
lants a  Strasbourg  en  1349,  Strasb.  1837,  frei  bearbeitet  v.  C. 
Tischendorf,  Leipzig  1840.  The  section  on  the  Flagellants  in  Kon- 
igshoven's  Chronik  s.  297  is  only  an  extract  from  Closener.) 

Called  in  Germany  the  Great  Death,  in  the  north  the  Black  Death  ; 
see  upon  this  Kurt  Sprengel's  Beitrage  zvar  Gesch.  der  Medicin  i.  1,  36. 
Der  Schwarze  Tod  im  14ten  Jahrh.  nach  den  Quellen  bearbeitet  von 
Dr  Hecker,  Berlin  1832. 

p2 


228  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305—1409. 

since  the  beginning  of  the  year  1349  they  diflPased  themselves 
from  the  Hungarian  frontier  over  the  whole  of  Germany,*  and 
found  entrance  even  into  the  neighbouring  countries.  They  re- 
hearst  a  message  from  Christ,  which  was  said  to  have  been 
brought  down  from  heaven  by  an  Angel  to  Jerusalem,^  in  which 
the  wrath  of  God  was  denounced  against  the  sins  of  men,  and  pen- 
ance by  scourging  enjoined  as  the  only  atonement.  They 
practised  this  penance  according  to  a  fixt  rale,  without  the  co- 
operation of  the  clergy,  under  the  guidance  of  Masters,  Magistri,^ 
and  made  no  secret  of  the  fact,  that  they  held  the  Church's  way 
of  salvation  in  much  lower  estimation  than  the  penance  by  the 
scourge.^     Clement  VI.  put  an  end  to  the  public  processions  of 

*  According  to  their  own  statement  in  Closener  s.  94,  they  came  from 
Hungary  to  Meissen,  and  then  extended  to  Brandenburg,  Eisenach, 
Wiirzburg,  Hall,  Esslingen,  Kalw  etc.  With  this  agrees  the  fact  that 
they  appeared  in  Austria  so  early  as  about  New  Year's  Day  1349 
(Chron.  Zwetlense  in  Ranch  Scriptt.  rer.  Austr.  ii.  324),  about  Easter 
in  Magdeburg  (see  the  account  in  the  Magdeburg  Schoppenchronik  in 
v,  d.  Hagen's  Germania  iv.  123)  about  the  same  time  in  Liibeck 
(Detmar's  Chronik  herausg.  v.  Grautotf  i.  275),  14  days  after  St  John's 
day  at  Strasburg  (Closener  s.  83.) 

5  This  letter  may  be  found  in  German  in  Closener  ibid.,  publisht  in 
Latin  by  Stumpf  in  Forstemann's  neuen  Mittheilungen  aus  dem  Gebiete 
histor  antiquar.  Forschungen  ii.  9. 

fi  Closener  s.  85  :  Sii  bettent  aucb  eine  gesetzede,  daz  sii  pfaflen 
mohtent  under  in  ban,  aber  ir  keinre  soke  Meister  under  in  sine,  noch 
an  iren  heimelichen  rot  gon. — The  Masters  conferred  an  absolution  ; 
the  general  scoui'gings  began  with  the  Master  striking  them  man 
by  man  as  they  lay  on  the  ground  and  saying : 

Stant  uf  durch  der  reinen  martel  ere, 

und  hiite  dich  vor  der  siinden  mere. 

Heinr.  a  Rebdorff  ad  ann.  1349  :  Isti  Flagellatores  cum  multas  super- 
stitiones  attentare  praesumerent,  nimirum  invicem  se  absolvere  a 
peccatis,  praedicantes  apocrypha  et  similia,  propter  quod  Laici  sunt 
Clero  graviter  indignati. 

^  In  the  lay  of  the  Flagellants,  which  though  first  publisht  entire  in 
a  low  Dutch  Text  by  Dr  II.  F.  Massmann  (Erliiuterunoen  zum  Wes- 
sobrunner  Gebet,  Berlin  1824.  s.  39.  Forstemann  s.  267),  is  given  in 
high  Dutch  in  Closener's  Chronik  (some  verses  are  in  the  Flemish 
dialect  in  Willeras  oude  vlaemsche  Liederen,  Gent  1848,  p.  42)  the 
following  passage  occurs  towards  the  end  in  the  low  Dutch  text : 

"Were  duoss  bote  (Busse)  nicht  geworden, 

de  Christenh'^it  wer  gar  vorsvunden, 

de  leyde  Duvel  (leidige  Teufel)  hat  se  gebunden 

Maria  had  lost  unsen  bant. 


Cn.  VII.— HERETICS.  §  123.  FLAGELLANTS.  229 

Flagellants,  which  were  already  widely  prevalent  :^  but  penance 
by  the  scourge  Avas  only  thus  forced  into  concealment.  In 
Thiu'ingia  Cojirad  Schmidt,^  one  of  their  masters,  gave  the  form 
of  a  connected  system  of  heretical  doctrine  to  their  dislike  of  the 
Church,  which  persecuted  out  of  self-interestedness  the  work 
most   pleasing   to    God  :^'^   and  thus  there   now  rose    heretical 

8  The  Bull  of  the  20th  October  1349  addrest  to  the  German  Arch- 
bishops, is  in  Jo.  Trithemii  chron.  Hirsaug.  ii.  209,  and  in  Raynald 
ann.  1349  no.  20  :  Sane  molesta  nobis — relatio — nostrum — turbavit 
auditum,  quod  in  partibus  regni  Germaniae  et  ei  convicinis  quaedam 
sub  praetextu  devotionis  et  agendae  poenitentiae  vana  religio  et  super- 
stitiosa  adinventio — surrexerit,  per  quamprofana  multitudo  simplicium 
hominum,  qui  se  Flagellatores  appellant,  dece.pta  verbis  fictis  et  men- 
dacibus  malignorum,  asserentium  Salvatorem  nostrum  Jerosolymis 
Patriarchae  Jerosolymitano  apparuisse  (cum  tamen  a  longis  citra  teiu- 
poribus  nullus  ibidem  praesentialiter  fuerit  Patriarcha),  et  sibi  aliqua 
dixisse,  quae  colorem  non  habentia  nee  saporera,  in  quibusdam  Scrip- 
turae  sacrae  obviare  noscuntur,  in  illam  cordis  vesaniam  et  animae 
damnationis  praecipitium  est  deducta  ; — quod  se  per  societafes  et  con- 
venticula — dividens  diversas  circuivit  patrias,  caeterorum  vitam  et 
statum  contemnendo  se  justificant,  et  claves  Ecclesiae  vilipendunt,  ac 
in  contemptum  disciplinae  ecclesiasticae  crucem  Domini  ante  se,  et 
habituin  certum,  nigrum  videlicet,  ante  et  retro  ipslus  vivificae  crucis 
appensum  habentem  signaculum,  sine  superioris  licentia  deferentes,  sub 
nomine  poenitentiae  vitam  gerunt  insolitam  ;  congregationes,  conventi- 
cula  et  coadunationes,  quae  a  jure  sunt  prohibitae,  faciunt,  et  ad  alios 
actus  prosiliunt,  a  vita  et  moribus  observantiaque  fidelium  Christiano- 
rum  penitus  alienos ;  ordinationes  etiam  et  statuta,  quibus  utuntur,  imo 
verius  abutuntur,  propria  temeritate  fecerunt,  erroris  suspicione  non 
vacua  et  judicio  rationis  carentia.  But  after  the  prohibition  comes  also 
the  limitation  :  Per  praedicta  tamen  nequaquam  inteudimus  prohibere, 
quin  Christifideles  impositam  sibi  poenitentiam,  vel  etiam  non  imposi- 
tara,  dummodo  recta  intentione  et  pura  devotione  ad  illam  peragendam 
procedant,  in  suis  hospitiis,  vel  alias,  absque  superstitiosis  congrega- 
tionibus,  societatibus  et  conventiculis  supi*adictis  possint  facere. 

^  His  doctrine  and  prophecies  may  be  seen  in  Fbrstemann's  neuen 
Mittheilungen  ii,  16.  He  announced  the  end  of  the  world  for  the  year 
1369  (S.  22.). 

^^  Articuli  ab  ipsomet  Flagellantium  praedicatore  conscripti  in  Fbr- 
stemann's neuen  Mittheil.  ii.  24  :  Dominus  noster  J.  Chr.  primo  bonum 
vinum  posuit  :  niodo  autem,  i.  e.  praesenti  tempore,  quod  incepit  anno 
incarnationis  ejusdem  1349  optimum  vinum  propinavit,  salutare  inquara, 
quod  Deum  et  homines  laetificans  reconciliat.  Hoc  vinum  est  poeni- 
tentia  Flagellatorum.  Haec  igitur  poenitentia  salutaris  tam  est  neces- 
saria,  quod  nisi  quisque  fidelis  adultus  ad  minus  omni  sexta  feria,  hora 
qua  Christus  sanguinem  fudit  pro  homine,  ipse  sanguinem  fundat  pro 
Christo,   salvari   non  poterit.     Item   ista  poenitentia  est   tam  efficax, 


2a0  TIIIKD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

Flagellants  called  also  by  the  common  name  of  Begbards  ;^^  tbey 
existed  down  to  tbe  time  of  the  Reformation,  especially  in 
Thuringia,  as  an  heretical  sect  very  dangerous  to  the  Church. 


12 


quod  plus  potest,  quam  modo  baptismus  :  nempe  propter  avaritiam  et 
malitiam  sacerdotum  baptizantium,  qui  tales  poenitentes  non  siistinue- 
runt,  imminuta,  immo  falslficata  est  vis  baptismi,  et  banc  supplet  ista 
poenitentia.  Praeterea  ipsa  est  tam  sufficiens,  quod  confessio  ilia 
generalis  Deo  facta  in  cursu  illius  poenitentiae  sufficit  homini  ad  salu- 
tera,  nee  requiritur  alia  faclenda  sacerdoti  propter  malum  statnm  sacer- 
dotum praesentium.  Haec  autera  poenitentia  novam  fidera  dictat,  et 
Deum  valde  delectat. — Est  igitur  fides  nova,  scil.  ista,  quae  omnes 
salvandos  salvat,  et  antiqua,  scil.  evangelica,  quae  omnes  damnat. 
Haec  fides  ponit,  quod  baptismus  et  confessio  non  sunt  necessaria,  ut 
dictum  est.  Impossibilis  est  eucharistia  :  nullus  enim  sacerdos,  post- 
quam  praedictos  poenitentes  propter  suam  avaritiam  repulerunt,  et  quia 
turpem  vitam  et  raaxime  luxuriosam  principaliter  gerunt,  conficere 
potuit  corpus  Christi.  Quomodo  enim  mundissimum  corpus  Cbristi 
tractari  vellet  profanis  manibus  immundissimi  sacerdotis  ?  Item  inutilis 
est  unctio  extrema.  Et  ita  videtur  de  aliis  sacramentis.  Item  vana 
est  ecclesiastica  sepultura.  Nee  est  aliquid  consecratio  Ecclesiae  vel 
coemeterii.  Item  superstitiosa  res  est  quaerere  indulgentias.  In  bac 
fide  nova  sic  vivas,  quod  Deum  non  oftendas,  sed  et  pro  omni  offensa 
sangxiinem  tuum  fundas,  sicut  et  Christus  pro  tua  offensa  sanguinem 
fudit.  Panem  ilium  altaris,  quia  non  est  Cbristus,  non  adorabis,  nee  ei 
aliquem  bonorem,  vel  etiam  imagini  Crucifixi,  aut  imaginibus  Sancto- 
rum impendas. — Cum  tameu  idem  panis  praebetur  ab  altari,  cum  aliis 
aceipias  etiam  et  tu,  ne  ipsos  scandalizes,  et  ut  latere  possis. — The 
following  exhortation  is  peculiar  :  Eleemosynam  tuam  tribue  pauperi- 
bus,  et  maxime  valet  calidus  panis.  So  says  also  Conrad  Schmidt  in 
his  Propheticis  (see  note  9) :  Ir  en  solt  nummen  gebacken,  ir  en  soUet 
uwirs  brotis  warm  geben  dorch  God,  welchir  masze  ir  vormogit.  das 
ist  uch  gud,  das  was  unsem  lieben  herren  beheilich  in  der  alten  ee, 
unde  ist  ome  noch  beheilich.  For  this  they  refer  to  Sara,  who  (Gen. 
xviii.  6)  set  before  the  Lord  new  bakt  bread. 

^1  Gregorii  XI.  Letter  to  an  Inquisitor  in  Germany  in  Raynald.  ann. 
1372  no.  33  :  cum,  sIcut  accepimus,  pestis  illorum  haereticorum  negan- 
tium  ecclesiastica  sacramenta,  qui  appellantur  Flagellatores,  in  non- 
nullis  Alamanniae  partibus — dicatur  exorta  etc.  Trithemius  in  Chron. 
Hirsaug.  ii.  296  records  that  in  the  year  1392  the  Papal  Inquisitor  in 
Wiirzburg  had  discovered  haereticos  nonnullos  ex  simplicioribus  et 
rusticanis  de  secta  Flagellantium  et  Fratricellorum,  and  afterwards  at 
Erfurt  also  simili  pravitate  infectos,  Beghardos,  Beguttas  et  alios,  quo- 
rum aliqui  cremati  sunt  ignibus,  aliqui  vero  poenitentiam  egerunt  super 
erroribus  suis,  reliqui  fugam  inierunt. 

^'^  An  active  persecution  was  commenced  against  them  a.d.  1414  in 
Sangerhausen  by  the  Inquisitor  and  Dominican  Henry  Schonefeld. 
At  that  time  44  were  burnt  in  Winkel  near  Sangerhausen.,  83  in 
Sangerhausen  etc.     Their   50  articles  may  be   seen  in  Theod.  Vrie 


CH.  VI 1.— HERETICS.  §  123.  FLAGELLANTS.  231 

This  warning  example,  as  well  as  tLe  mistrust  natural  to  the 
Hierarchy  of  all  spiritual  impulses,  which  did  not  originate  from 
itself,  decided  the  destiny  of  the  later  societies  of  Flagellants. 
When  the  Whitemen  (Bianchi),  scourging  themselves  as  they 
went,  descended  from  the  Alps  into  Italy,  they  were  received 
almost  everywhere  with  enthusiasm  by  the  clergy  and  the  peo- 
ple ;  but  in  the  Papal  territory  death  was  prepared  for  their 
leader,  and  the  rest  accordingly  disperst  themselves.^^      St  Vin- 

Hlst.  Cone.  Conat.  P.  iii.  dist.  13  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  i. 
126),  in  Cyr.  Spangenberg's  Chronik  v.  Sangerhausen  (in  Buder's 
nijtzl.  Sammlung  verschiedener  meist  ungedvuekter  Schriften,  Frankf. 
u.  Leipz.  1735  S.  335  ft'.),  and  in  Forstemann's  neuen  Mittheilungen 
ii.  26,  from  a  Huysburger  Codex  in  the  library  of  tbe  University  at 
Halle.  25  other  articles  which  were  reckoned  up  in  Sondershausen  at 
the  same  time  may  be  seen  in  Forstemann  ibid.  S.  32.  They  taught 
that  since  tbe  appearance  of  the  Flagellants  all  ecclesiastical  power  was 
taken  from  the  Pope  and  the  clergy.  From  that  time  the  clergy 
reigned  as  Antichrist.  The  judgment  was  near  :  the  forerunners  Elias 
and  Enoch  were  already  come.  For  a  certain  Flagellant  burnt  at 
Erfurt  in  1366  was  Elias,  Conrad  Schmidt,  who  had  likewise  been 
long  dead,  was  Enoch.  To  establish  these  assumptions  they  taught 
Artie.  Sangerhus.  38  :  Deum  in  principio  omnium  hominum  animas 
semel  ci*eavit,  et  cum  prime  homine  eas  in  Paradisum  collocavit.  39. 
Quotieseunque  foetus  humanus  in  utero  matris  animatur,  anima  de 
Paradise  per  Angelum  adducitur  et  foetui  inspiratur.  40.  Cum  supra- 
dictus  combustus  Erfordiae  et  praefatus  Conradus  in  maternis  visceribus 
existentes  animari  debuerint,  Angeli  de  Paradise  venientes  uni  Eliae, 
alteri  Enoch  animas  infuderunt,  et  sic  Elias  unus  veraciter  extitit,  et 
Enoch  realiter  alius  fuit.  Formerly  the  Flagellants  had  only  assumed 
that,  since  their  rejection,  the  priests  had  lost  the  power  of  converting 
the  bread  in  the  Lord's  Supper  into  the  body  of  Christ :  now  henceforth 
they  quite  denied  the  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  Artie.  Sangershus. 
15  :  Quod  Deum  et  corpus  Christi  non  contineat  sub  se  realiter  altai'is 
sacramentum.  16  :  Quod  si  hoc  esset  verum,  quod  in  sacraraento 
altaris  esset  veraciter  Christus  Deus,  diu  esset  devoratus,  etiamsi  esset 
mens  ingens  et  magnus.  They  also  pronounced  all  oaths  sinful,  Artie. 
Sonderh.  24  (this  they  seem  to  have  adopted  from  tbe  Waldenses) : 
however,  they  taught  Artie.  Sang.  43  :  Quod,  quamvis  omnia  jura- 
raenta,  qualitercunque  fiant,  sint  peccata  mortalia,  eligibilius  tamen  sit, 
Flagellatores  coram  Inquisitoi'ibus  jurare,  et  multa  coramittere  perjuria, 
quam  se  et  sectam  prodere  :  quod  possint  juramenta  et  perjuria  postmo- 
dum  cum  flagello  expiare. 

1^  Compare  the  notice  of  cotemporaries  in  Forstemann  S.  104,  on  the 
execution  of  the  leader  Platina  de  vitis  Pontificum,  in  vita  Bonifaeii 
IX.  :  Sunt  qui  scribant  hujus  fraudem  quaestione  detectam  fuisse, 
hominemque    in   tanto   faeinore  deprehensum   meritas   poenas   luisse 


232  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

centius  Ferrerius  indeed,  a  Spanisli  Dominican,  who  was  probably 
the  prime  mover  of  the  penitential  pilgrimage  of  the  Bianchi,^* 
during  his  wanderings  in  Upper  Italy,  southern  France  and 
Spain  afterwards  conducted  processions  of  Flagellants,^^  but  the 
prevailing  disapproval  of  them  in  the  Council  of  Constance,^*^ 
induced  him  also  to  discontinue  them. 

igne  scilicet,  quo  exustum  ferunt.  Sunt  etiam  qui  dicant,  nil  fraudis  in 
homine  depreliensum  fuisse  sed  id  fictum  a  Pontifice,  aboleudo  rumori, 
quo  hominem  per  invidiam  captmn  et  necatum  affirmabant.  Utruin 
verius  sit,  Deus  novit. 

^*  Vincent.  Ferrer  nach  s.  Leben  u.  Wirken  dargestellt  v.  D.  L. 
Heller,  Berlin  1830,  S.  62. 

15  See  Acta  SS,  ad.  d.  5,  April,  i.  475.  Forstemann  S.  142  ss.  Hel- 
ler's Vincentius  S.  66. 

1^  Heller's  Vincentius  S.  120.  Jo.  Gersonii  epist.  ad  Mag.  Vin- 
centium  contra  Flagellantes  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin.  ii.  658) :  Crede  mihi, 
Doctor  emerite,  multi  multa  loquuntur  super  praedicationibus  tuis,  et 
niaxime  super  ilia  secta  se  verberantium,  qualem  constat  praeteritis 
temporibus  fuisse  pluries  et  in  variis  locis  reprobatam,  quam  nee  ap- 
probas,  ut  testantur  noti  tui,  sed  nee  efificaciter  reprobas.  Epist.  Petri 
Card.  Cameracensis  ad  eundem  (ibid.  p.  659).  Jo.  Gersonii  tract, 
contra  sectam  flagellantium  se  (ibid.  p.  660.) 


CH.  VIII.— REFORMERS.  §  124.  233 

EIGHTH   CHAPTER. 

EFFORTS  FOE  REFORM. 

§  124. 

IN  BOHEMIA. 

Die  Vorlaufer  des  Husitenthums  in  Bohmen.     Aus  den  Quellen  bearbeitet  v.  Dr. 
J.  P.  Jordan,  Leipzig  1846. 

In  proportion  as  the  Papacy  grew  more  powerful  and  more 
terrible,  the  sects  which  raised  themselves  against  it  partook  more 
of  the  character  of  passion  and  superstition,  and  were  rather 
inclined,  as  they  quite  despaired  of  salvation  within  the  Church, 
to  seek  the  foundation  of  their  religious  faith  without  her  pale. 
When  the  power  of  the  Papacy  sank  in  the  same  degree  as  its 
oppression  increast,  a  more  prudent  direction  was  given  to 
reform ;  recognising  the  everlasting  foundation  of  Christianity 
in  the  Church,  it  endeavoui'ed  to  rescue  her  from  the  abuses 
which  had  crept  in. 

However  the  eftorts  of  the  fourteenth  century  for  reform  pre- 
sent essential  peculiarities.  For  the  most  part  they  aimed  only 
at  the  restoration  of  external  order  in  the  Church,  to  wit,  the 
limitation  of  Papal  power,  and  the  restoration  of  outward  chastity 
and  decorum  among  the  clergy,  without  heeding  the  more  deeply 
concealed  sources  of  corruption.  The  Mystics  made  a  nearer 
approach  to  the  true  path  of  reformation  :  avoiding  all  over- 
estimation  of  divine  worship,  they  set  the  highest  value  upon  the 
life  of  religion  in  the  inner  man.  But  they  were  satisfied  with 
laying  aside  whatever  did  not  please  them  in  the  Church, 
and  were  also  incapable  from  the  singleness  of  their  gesthetic 
bent,  of  thoroughly  proving  and  prizing  the  Church's  position  as 
a  whole. 

The  genuine  Eeformers  were  distinguisht  by  the  fact  that 
they  did  not  so  much  recognise  the  corruption  in  isolated  abuses 
as  in  the   spirit  of  the   Church,  and   accordingly  strove    for  a 


234  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1401). 

renewal  of  this  spirit.  Undoubtedly  many  of  the  later  Protes- 
tants were  reckoned  among  these  testes  veritatis  (witnesses  to 
the  truth)  who  did  not  belong  to  their  number.^  There  are  others 
who  cannot  with  certainty  at  any  rate  be  enrolled  among  them, 
because  they  are  only  known  to  have  had  isolated  points  of  dif- 
ference.^ Nevertheless  a  genuine  spirit  of  reform  diffused  itself 
in  Bohemia  :  starting  from  a  demand  for  amendment  of  morals, 
it  soon  advanced  to  an  acknowledgment,  that  the  Church  was 
disorganised,  and  required  a  renovation. 

Two  preachers  of  repentance  appearing  at  Prague  about  the 
same  time,  were  the  first  to  gain  a  powerful  influence  over  the 
common  people  ;  but  for  this  very  reason  they  drew  on  themselves 
the  hatred  of  the  rest  of  the  clergy.  The  German,  Conrad  of 
Waldhausen(Conradus  ab  Austria)^incumbentof  the  Teynkirche 


1  E.  g.  John  Munsinger,  Rector  of  the  School  in  Ulm  (by  Flacius 
catal.  testium  veritatis  no.  315  and  several  others)  because  he  rejected 
the  adoration  of  the  Sacrament.  However  the  tenets,  for  which  Mun- 
singer was  pronounced  a  heretic  by  the  Dominicans  at  Ulm  in  1385, 
according  to  the  verdict  of  the  Universities  of  Prague  (Schelhorn  amoe- 
nitates  literariae  viii.  511)  and  Vienna  (1.  c.  xi.  222)  which  were  con- 
sulted on  the  occasion,  were  as  follows  :  Corpus  Christi  non  est  Deus. 
Nulla  creatura  est  adoranda  adoratione  qua  Deus  debet  adorari,  adora- 
tione  scil.  latriae  ;  But  hyperdulia  debetur  creaturae,  excellenti,  sicut 
est  Caro  Christi,  b.  Virgo  etc.  Further :  Hostia  consecrata,  non  est 
Deus  ;  but  Deus  est  suh  hostia  consecrata,  corpus  ejus,  sanguis  et  aniraa. 
So  per  hostiam  intelligo  accidentia  quae  sunt  in  pane,  rotunditatem 
videlicet,  saporem  et  gravitatem.  He  would  not  have  the  consecrated 
host  called  absolutely  corpus  Christi,  quia  accidentia  visa  non  sunt 
corpus  Christi,  licet  intus  sit  corpus  Christi.  Therefore  it  was  propter 
simplices  tutius,  to  say  hie  esse  corpus  Christi  sub  specie  panis.  So  Mun- 
singer only  meant  that  the  species  must  not  be  considered  to  be  Christ 
himself,  hut  he  did  not  by  any  means  deny  that  Christ  must  be  adored 
sub  specie  panis  :  accordingly  both  Universities  at  this  time  declared 
his  tenets  orthodox. 

2  Thus  in  Wurzburg  a.d.  1342,  the  layman  Francis  Hager  (not 
Conrad  Hager,  as  Flacius  catal.  test,  verit.  no.  305  states),  was  the 
first  to  be  obliged  to  recant  the  assertion,  that  the  Sacrifice  of  Masses 
for  the  dead  was  neither  meritorious  nor  availing  :  and  soon  after  the 
Priest  Hermann  Kiichner,  who  past  for  a  Beghard,  had  to  recant  the 
other  assertion  that  Popes  and  Bishops,  as  I'egards  their  orders,  were 
neither  greater  nor  anything  otherwise  than  other  priests ;  see  Lude- 
wig.  Gesch.  vom  BIsth.  Wurzburg  (Frankf.  1713  fob)  s.  626. 

^  The  name  Conradus  de  Stiekna  has  been  given  him  by  a  misun- 
derstanding.    Andreas  de  Broda,  a  Theologian  of  Prague,  says  in  an 


CH  VUI.— REFORMS.  §124.  CONRAD  AND  MILICZ.  235 

in  Prague  (f  1369)  made  the  mendicants  in  particular  bis  foes 
by  assailing  tbeir  misdeeds.*  The  Moravian,  Milicz  of  Krem- 
sier,^  who  laid  down  bis  ecclesiastical  office  in  1363,  with 
a  view  to  devote  himself  to  a  free  Apostolical  ministry,  gave  the 
Pope  an  opportunity  of  denouncing  him  as  a  heretic,  by  teach- 
ing that  Antichrist  was  come,  and  that  Christians,  wherever  it 
was  possible,  must  communicate  daily.^     He  went  in  person  to 

Epist.  ad  Jo.  Hussum  (in  Jo.  Cochlaei  hist.  Hussitarum,  Mogunt.  1549 
fol.  i,  42)  :  Si  non  esset  causa  alia,  praeterquam  haec,  quod  praedicatis 
contra  Clericos,  nullus  vos,  ut  aestimo,  excommunicaret.  Nam  et  an- 
tiquis  temporibus  Militius,  Conradus,  Sczekna  et  alii  quam  plurimi 
contra  Clericos  praedicaverunt,  nullus  tamen  propter  hoc  excommuni- 
cationis  fuit  sententiae  subditus.  In  this  passage  the  words  Conradus 
Sczekna  have  been  read  together  as  names  of  one  person ;  but  Johannes 
Stiekna  was  living  in  1400,  see  Jordan  S.  2  and  82. 

*  His  cotemporary  Beness  de  Weitmil,  Canon  of  Prague  speaks  of 
bid  influence :  the  passage  is  translated  from  a  MS.  in  Jordan  S.  3. 
Conrad  inveighed  with  success  against  the  finery  of  women,  against 
usury,  and  chiefly  against  the  simony  of  the  mendicants,  who  only 
admitted  persons  into  their  order  on  payment  of  large  entrance  fees. 
There  are  extracts  from  his  manuscript  Apologia  against  them  in  Jor- 
dan S.  7.  16.  Balbinus  (see  his  epitome  rerum  Bohem.  p.  406)  had 
even  seen  a  large  work  by  Conrad  in  MS.  with  the  title  Accusationes 
Mendicantium,  in  quo  et  accusat  Mendicantes  Religiosos,  et  eorum 
responsiones  ad  sua  objecta  iterate  refellit. — qui  ejus  quaedam  opera 
legerunt,  putant,  eum  nimium  licenter  de  sacris  personis  loqui,  atque 
etiam  in  Episcopos  et  Clerum  acerbas  invectivas  componere.  His 
greatest  work,  Postilla  Studentium  Universltatis  Pragensis  is  still 
frequently  to  be  found  in  MSS.  See  Jordan,  s.  16. 

5  Milicz  is  his  Christian,  not  his  family  name.  Later  writers  call 
him  erroneously  John  Milicz,  see  Jordan  s.  19.  Two  works  on  his 
life  by  disciples  of  his  are  extant.  One  vita  in  Balbini  miscellaneis 
bistoricis  regni  Bohemiae  Decadis  i.  lib.  4  tit.  34  p.  43  (Prag.  1682 
fob),  aus  der  andern  Mittheilungen  b.  Jordan  s.  18. — Matthias  v.  Ja- 
now  iiber  Milicz  s.  b.  Jordan  s.  32. — Ueber  Milicz  Scbriften  :  Libellus 
de  Anticbristo  (in  dem  gleichnamigen  Tractate  des  Matthias  v. 
Janow  erhalten),  Postilla,  u.  s.  w.  s,  Jordan  s.  29.  Adaucti  Voigt  acta 
literaria  Bohemiae  et  Moraviae  vol.  i.  (Prag.  1775.    8)  p.  216. 

^  Vita  in  Balbini  miscell.  1.  c.  p.  45  :  quamvis  in  principio  suae 
praedicationis  paucum  populum  habere  videretur,  et  licet  etiam  ab  ali- 
quibus  propter  incongruentiam  vulgaris  sermonis  derideretur  (probably 
for  his  Moravian  pi'onunciation  of  the  Bohemian  language)  never- 
theless be  went  on  with  zeal :  et  sic  per  ejus  assiduam  praedicationem 
et  austeritatem  correctionura  primo  aperiebantur  aures  surdorum, —  et 
post  coepit  populus  affluere  et  admirabantur  turbae  laudantes  nomen 
Domini  etc.     In  the  year  1367  he  first  went  to  Rome,  to  preach  there. 


236  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV— A.D.  1305—1409. 

Avignon,  and  justified  himself,  but  died  there  soon  after 
(t  1374).^  But  we  first  find  the  genuine  insight  of  a  Reformer 
into  the  state  of  the  Church  in  Matthias  of  Janow,  (Magister 
Parisiensis  from  1381  Canon  of  the  Cathedral  Church  in 
Prague  11394^,^  who  received  his  earhest  impulse  from  Milicz. 

but  he  was  thrown  into  prison  for  some  time,  for  advertising  by  a  bill, 
posted  on  St  Peter's  Church,  quod  Antichristus  venit  ;   and  the  mendi- 
cants in  Pi'ague  began  already  to  announce  in  their  sermons  :  Caris- 
simi,  ecce  jam  Militius  cremabitur  (vita  p.  51).     After  his  return  his 
zeal  was  so  successful,  ut  etiam  publicae  meretrices  de  prostibulis  per 
ejus  praedicationem  ad  poenitentiam  converterentur ;  and  he  changed 
the  prostibulum  Benatkj'  (Venetias)  nuncupatum  into  a  conservatorium 
conversarum  for  them  (vita  p.  55).     But  at  length  hatred  and  envy 
broke  forth  into  persecution  against  him,  vita  p.  58  :  malignus  spiritus 
— Praelatos,  Plebanos,  Religiosos  ad  furorem  in  euni  suscitavit,  ita  ut 
praedicationem  sibi  saepius  pi-ohiberent,  et  haereticum  eum  appellarent. 
p.  59  :  ei  verbis  multis  ac  probosis  conviciabantur,  inter  caetera  vero 
dicebant :    a  principio  praedicationis  tuae  nunquam  pace  fruimur,  sed 
semper   disturbia   multa    patimur. — Quem  saepius  et  Beghardum,  et 
Hypocritam,  et    Sodomitam  appellabant: — Postremo  vero  in  tantum 
fuerunt  in  furorem  concitati,  quod  et  12  articulos  falsos  et  mendaces 
construxerunt,    et   eos    ad   Curiam  Romanam — miserunt.     The  Pope 
charged  the  Archbishop  of  Prague  to  institute  an  inquiry  about  them 
(Raynald.  ann.  1374  no.    10,  and  sought  the  necessary  support  from 
Charles  IV.  (ibid.  no.  11).     These  twelve  articles  are  in  Jordan  s.  39. 
In  them  the  following  doctrines  were  alledged  against  him,  that  Anti- 
christ was  come,  that  it  was  damnable  to  purchase  the  taxes  of  a  com- 
munity,  that  similar  quitrents  which  the  Priests  drew  from  landed 
property  were  usurious,  quod  omnis  homo  tenetur  de  necessitate  saltern 
ad  minus    bis  in  hebdomada  sumere  corporis  dominici  sacramentum. 
Further  he  was  charged  with  having  given  the  form  of  an  order  to  his 
society  of  penitent  women,  and  likewise  to  a  congregation  of  priests, 
and  caring  for  no  man's  opposition,  nay,  with  having  even  said,  quod 
in  Papa,  Cardlnalibus,  Episcopis,  etc.  Veritas  nulla  esset,  et  nullus  ex 
eis  ducei-et  ad  viam  veritatis  ;  with  condemning  the  study  of  liberal 
arts,  and   censuring  the  modest  dress   of   women,  with  having  said 
that  he  had  suffered  more  than  Christ,  and  with  having  preacht  that 
Priests  should  hold  property  only  in  common. 

7  .Jordan  s.  27.  In  a  diploma  of  the  strictly  Catholic  Charles  IV., 
A.D.  1374  (Balbini  epit.  p.  408)  he  is  called  bonae  memoriae  honora- 
bilis  Milicius,  quondam  devotus  noster  dilectus. 

^  His  principal  work  still  extant  in  MS  is,  Regulae  veteris  et  Novi 
Testament!  in  5  books.  The  works  of  Matthias,  given  in  Balbini  Bo- 
hemia docta  ed.  ab  Raph.  Ungar  ii.  178,  are  only  certain  separate 
treatises  of  this  work,  namely,  de  hypocrisi  from  lib.  ii.,  de  frequent! 
communione,  de  unitate  Ecclesiae,  de  Antichristo,  de  abominatione  in 
Ecclesia  Dei  from  lib.  iii.  see  Jordan  s.  50,  58.  In  the  Preface  to  the 
Confessio  Boheraica,  a.d.  1535  (Niemeyer  coll.  confessionum  in  Eccl. 


(•H.  VIII.— REFORMERS,  g  124.  MATTII.  OF  JANOW.       237 

He  saw  how  the  Church  had  changed  herself  from  a  spirit  of 
power  into  a  system  of  constraint,  Hke  that  of  a  secular  state  ; 
he  vindicated  the  free  spiritual  life  of  ancient  Christendom 
against  the  heap  of  outward  dogmas  and  decrees  enforced  by 
authority,^  he  denounced  the  manifold  corruptions  of  the 
Church,^"  and  emphatically  appealed  to  the  Bible    as  the  un- 

Reformatis  publicatarura  p.  776),  it  is  stated  that  the  lib.  de  abomina- 
tione  of  Matthias,  sub  titulo  et  nomine  Magistri  Jo.  Hus  excusus  in  lucem 
exiit.  Thus  the  work  is  found  also  in  the  Historia  et  monuraenta  Jo.  Hus. 
atque  Hieron.  Prageubis,  Norimb.  17 15,  i.  473.  But,  according  to  Jordan, 
s.  52,  who  had  the  whole  work,  Kegulae  vet.  et  novi  Test,  in  MS.  before 
him  the  whole  passage  in  that  edition,  p.  473 — 627,  is  not  by  Huss,  but 
taken  from  the  manuscripts  of  our  Matthias,  only  immoderately  muti- 
lated and  imperfect.  That  the  fragment  De  mysterio  iniquitatis  Anti- 
christi  i.  603,  belongs  to  Matthiae  tract,  de  Antichristo  is  proved  by 
the  quotations  from  this  tract  in  the  lib.  de  abominatione,  which  reap- 
pear in  that  fragment  (compare  p.  512,  557,  with  610  ;  p.  515  with 
611;  p.  586  with  612).  Likewise  p.  597,  De  unitate  Ecclesiae  et 
schismate  may  well  belong  to  IMatthiae  tract,  de  unitate  Ecclesiae, 
Other  excerpta  from  Matthias'  great  work  may  be  seen  in  Jordan  s.  59. 
'^In  Jordan  s.  68  :  Dorainus  Jesus  non  dedit  ullam  legem  scriptam 
suis  posteris, — sed  solum  dedit  spiritum  suum  bonum  et  spiritum  Pa- 
tris  in  corda  credentium  pro  omni  lege  viva  et  perfecta  et  pro  omni 
regula  vitae  cujuslibet  suiificienti.  Propter  quod  et  Apostoli  ipsius, 
nolentes  gravare  populos  credentes  in  Jesum  variis  doctrinis  et  adin- 
ventionibus  et  praeceptis,  pauca  scripserunt,  pauciora  mandaverunt 
paucissima  statuis  firmaverunt  inconcusse.  tjnde  crudeliter  et  infru- 
nite  posteriores  multi  videntur  egisse  et  agere  usque  raodo,  qui  suas 
adinventiones  multas  et  doctrinas  varias  ac  mandata  rigida  in  Dei  et 
Domini  Jesu  familiam  indnxerunt  et  auctoritative  firmaverunt,  subdi- 
tos  nimis  obligantes  et  gravantes  : — quae  omnia  non  tarn  facere  suffi- 
ciunt,  sed  etiam  rescire  vel  ad  plenum  memorari.  Quapropter  apud 
me  decretum  habeo  quod  ad  reformandara  pacem  et  unionem  in  univer- 
sitate  Christiana  expedit  omnem  plantationem  illam  eradicare  et  ab- 
breviare  iterum  verbum  super  terram,  et  reducere  Christi  Jesu  Eccle- 
siam  ad  sua  priraordia  salubria  et  eompendiosa. 

1"  Matthiae  lib.  de  Sacerdotum  et  Monachorura  abhorrenda  abomi- 
natione desolationis  in  Ecclesia  Christi  in  Hist,  et  monum.  Jo.  Hus  i. 
473.  cap.  3:  ilia  nocentissima  abominatio  in  Dei  Ecclesia,  puta  con- 
troversia  inter  Sacerdotes,  et  maxime  tunc  et  manifeste  [invaluit] 
quando  Religiosi  falsi  sunt  multiplicati  per  Ecclesiam  et  invaluerunt. — 
Ubicunque  nondum  manent  Religiosi,  vel  non  visitant  ibidem  commu- 
niter,  ibi  stant  bene  Sacerdotes  concorditer  ad  invicem,  et  plebs  est  sine 
distiactione  et  dissensione. — Cap.  21  :  Vae,  vae  illis,  qui  faciimt  mul- 
tas promissiones  in  populis,  et  excogitant  atque  adinvaniunt  multas 
justificationes  peccatoribus  ! — Veluti  est  promissio  multarum  indulgen- 
tiarum  in  festis  suis  vel  locis,  ut  habeant  per  hoc  nomen,  et  prae  aliis. 


238  THIRD  PERIOD.— IV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— liOO. 

accursum  et  applausum  populoruin :  promiasio  literavum  ab  omni 
poena  et  culpa,  promissio  communionis  fratei-nitatum,  et  omnium  ora- 
tionum  vel  Missarum,  vel  aliorum  bonorura,  quae  per  confratres  exer- 
centm*  etc. — quae  nee  ipsi  certi  sunt,  si  acceptabilia  sunt  Deo,  imo  plus 
odibilia  Deo. — Cap.  30  :  Veruntamen,  salvo  judicio  meliori,  ego  puto 
coram  Domino  dulcissimo  Jesu  crucifixo,  tunc  ilia  omnia  habuisse 
suum  initium,  quando  dominus  Apostolicus  contraxit  ad  se  omnia 
beneficia  et  officia  Ecclesiae,  pro  sua  voluntate  dispensando,  et 
incepit  dispensatione  beneficiorum  totius  Ecclesiae  occupari,  atque 
distributione  bonorura  temporalium  se  ipsum  aggravare,  et  con- 
ferre  multa  privilegia,  et  exemptiones  ab  obedientia  infinitis  perso- 
nis, — puta  ut  essent  sibi  soli  subjecti,  et  a  suis  immediatis  Praelatis 
exempti, — babentes  potestatem  super  terrenos  [leg.  alienos)  subditos 
confessiones  audiendi,  et  auctoritatem  praedicandi  quae  volunt,  et  per 
consequens  impediendi  dominos  Curatos,  et  Ordinem  sanctissiraum 
conturbandi,  alios  Ordines  excogitando. — (Satan)  abduxit  Christianos — 
a  primaeva  ipsorum  dignitate  et  sanctitate — ad  quandam  mirabilem 
simulationem,  et  Deo  nimis  abominabilem  conversationem,  compositam 
ex  vltiis  et  speciebus  sanctitatis,  religionis  et  virtutum,  facietenus 
solum  apparentium  splendidae  et  laudabiles  apud  homines,  sed  nequa- 
quam  apud  Deum.  Ita  dico,  abduxit  spiritualiter  et  successive  a 
virtutibus  pulcherrimis  et  dulcissimis,  et  a  rigore  ipsarum  ad  quandam 
vanitatem  vitae,  et  teplditatem  abominabilem  solum  consuetudinum  et 
rituum  Ecclesiae  Romanae,  similiter  in  facie  bene  apparentium,  sed  in 
veritate  Dei  mortuorum,  et  desolatorum  a  Spiritu  Jesu  crucifixi :  ita 
ut  omnia  fere  Christianorum  jam  decora  et  honesta,  sint  solum  quasi 
pulchra  imago  exterius  picta  sine  spiritu  et  vita,  sint  quoque  justitia 
hominum  propria,  nimis  remota  a  justitia  Dei. — Seduxit,  inquam,  tali 
modo — populum  christianum,  ut  omnia  turpia  et  omnia  vitia,  quae  in 
primitivo  populo  tantum  erant  horribilia  et  abusiva,  sint  usitata, — 
excusata. — Et  non  solum  hoc,  sed  etiam  viceversa,  qui  alienant  se 
strenue  ab  exercitio  talium  et  a  contubernio  propter  Domini  Jesu 
timorem  et  amorem,  mox  a  vulgo  christiano  hujus  mundi  conviciantur 
et  confunduntur,  et  nota  pessima  singularitatum  vel  haeresum  crimi- 
nantur :  propter  quod  tales  homines  devoti,  qui  similia  vulgo  profano 
non  agunt,  Bechardi  vel  Turlpinii,  aut  aliis  nominibus  blasphemis 
communiter  jam  nominantur. — Cap.  37  :  Dei  Ecclesia  nequit  ad  pris- 
tinam  suam  dignitatem  reduci,  vel  reformari,  nisi  prius  omnia  fiant 
nova. — Credo, — quod  jam  tunc  surget  novus  populus,  secundum  novum 
hominem  formatus,  qui  secundum  Deum  creatus  est :  ex  quo  novi 
clerici  et  sacei'dotes  provenient  et  assumentur,  qui  omnes  odient  avari- 
tiam  et  gloriam  hujus  vitae,  ad  conversationem  caelestem  festinando, — 
Veruntamen  Dominus  piissimus  Jesus  Christus  hoc  opus,  puta  innova- 
tionis  Ecclesiae  suae,  jam  in  nostris  temporibus,  i.e.  a  50  vel  70  annis, 
coepit  valde  accelerare,  exercens  sua  judicia  manifesta  in  Christianis 
per  orbem  manifestum. — Cap.  60 :  Diabolus  omnem  religiositatem  in 
Ecclesia  multiplicat  in  conventibus  et  personis,  et  per  consequens  omnem 
sanctitatem  et  faciem  pietatis  et  gratiae  in  verbis  et  habitu  exteriori, 
sed  omnia  solum  ad  extra  et  secundum  faciem  corporalem,  et  sine 
spiritu    Jesu    crucifiKi.       Multiplicavit   insuper — omnem    decorem    et 


CH    VIII.— REFORMERS,  g  124.  MATTII.  OF  JANOW.  230 

lionestatein  iu  Ecclesiasllcis,  vel  saltern  ilia  omnia  accepit  sibi  in  adrni- 
niculum  seducendi  Chi-istianos  ad  amorem  hujus  saeculi. — Inde  etiam 
idem   Satan — multiplicavit  promissiones   infinitas,  et  magnas  in  Dei 
Ecclesia  peccatoribus  et  amatoribus  talibus  hujus  saeculi  justificationes 
multas  inventitias   humanas,   aut  ipsas  convertit   ad   suam   fortiorem 
deceptionem,  ut  Christiani  in  illis  sibi  blandirentur,  et  constituerent 
suam  spem  salutis,  non  habentes  ad  Jesum  crucifixum  fidelem  cari- 
tatem  et  ad  proximos,  et  habentes  vitam  totaliter  carnalem. — Item  ob 
id  permisit  vel  procuravit  fieri — scientias   adinventitias  et  recentes, 
quae  aequaliter  vel  magis  quam  scientia  Dei — sunt  authenticae,  tremen- 
dae,  et  maximae  auctoritatis, — Multiplicata  sunt  ad  haec  mandata  et 
cerimoniae  hominura  infinitae,  et  ut  tantum  essent  tremenda  et  tantae 
auctoritatis,    quemadmodura    Dei    summi    praecepta,    praedicantur   et 
docentur,   et  cum  magna  districtione  imperantur. — Multiplicata  sunt 
quoque  multa  incerta  corporalia,  simpliciter  nullam  virtutem  in  se  ipsis 
habentia,  nullam  efficaciam  salutis,  nullam  sanctitatem  spiritus  Jesu, 
nullam  auctoritatem  ex  Deo  vel  Scripturis,  quae  quia  sunt  in  se  recen- 
tia  et  nova,  et  splendida  coram  hominibus,  et  quasi  stupenda,  et  cele- 
berrime  praedicantur,  commendantur  et  famantur,  vulgus   ea  accipit 
nimis  ardue,  colit  et  adorat  strenue,  trerait  coram  ipsis,  et  virtutem 
quaudam  magnam  et  suffragia  ponit,  quod  in  talibus  corporalibus — et 
per  talia  sit  Deus  colendus  et  inquirendus. —  Cap.  82  :  Hypocritae,  et 
maxime   sacerdotes  amici  hujus   saeculi,  habent  illud  de  more,  quod 
Sanctos  Dei,  qui  sunt  in  caelis,  multum  nimis  solemnisant  et  extollunt : 
sanctos  vere  Christianos  secum  adhuc  in  hac  vita  pauperes  et  humiles 
contemnunt  et  persequuntur. — Sanctorum  in  caelis  ossa  et  reliquias 
sumptuose  procurant  auro,  et  serico  contegunt,  sed  pauperes  sanctos 
degentes  cum  eis  in  hac  vita  admittunt  fame  et   siti  cruciai"i,  et  nudos 
pali  gelu  et  frigora. — Et  hoc  commune  est  apud  ipsos,  illustres  viros 
et  sanctos  mortuos  laudare  et  glorificare  supra  modum,  sanctos  vero 
illustres  et  conviventes  vituperare,  et  ipsorum  facta  virtuosa  detractione 
obnubilare. —  Cap.    83 :    The    Mulier   ebria   de    sanguine    Sanctorum 
(Apoc.  17,  6)  he  explains  de  raultitudine  hypocritarum,  qui  secundum 
communem  consuetudinem  nunc  Ecclesiae  vocantur  Religiosi. — Nulli 
etenim  magis  proprie  comedxmt  peccata  populorum,  sicut  ipsi,  et  bibunt 
et  inebriantur, — In  isto  tamen  valde  talium  ebrietas  sanguinis  ostendi- 
tur  evidenter,  puta  quod  in   tantum  placet  ipsis  peccata  populorum 
comedere  et  potare,  quod  otiosam  vitam  et  quietam  continuantes,  acci- 
piant  multas  oblationes  et  donaria  magna  tradita  pro  peccatis,  quod  non 
audent  hominibus  peccatoribus  annunciare  peccata  ipsorum  vel  aggra- 
vare,  quinimo  magis  peccatis  blandiuntur  et  excusant. — Et  super  hoc 
amplius  vigilare  eos  opportet  omni  speciei  religionis  et  pietatis,  utpote 
templis  eorum  de  magno  sumptu  et  adornatissimis  omni  supellectile 
pulcherrima  et  delectabili  in   aspectu  populorum,   ita  ut  omnia  sint 
munda  coram  hominibus  ordinata,  quatenus  perinde  extrahendi  a  plebi- 
bus  alienis  magis  donaria  et  multara  eleemosynam,  multam  haberent 
occasionem  et  nimium  coloratam.     So  among  them   also  are  multae 
festivitates  gloriosae    Sanctorum    Dei    in    caelis, — multae   Sanctorum 
reliquiae, — pulcherrimae   picturae   et   statuae,    quae  faeiunt   insignia 


240  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305-1400. 

doubted  soiu'ce  of  Chi^istian  faith. ^^  He  likewise,  as  well  as 
Milicz  recommended  more  frequent  communion,  until  a  Synod 
at  Prague  a.d.  1388  decided  against  it.^^ 

These  men  were  rightly  regarded  afterwards  as  the  forerun- 

portenta  et  miracula  magna. — Et  tunc  deinceps  nequaquam  est  omit- 
tendura,  quia  talia  omnia  et  cum  multo  additamento  exquisite  in  popu- 
lis  divulgentur, — proclamentur,  ut  sciant  Christiani,  ubi  vel  qua  suam 
salutem  debeant  providere.  Enimvero  indulgentiae  magnae  et  magna 
promissa  omnibus  accurrentibus,  et  gratiae  vix  ab  hominibus  credibiles, 
alias  ita  authenticae,  et  a  dominis  apostolicis  ita  i-oboratae  per  testes  et 
per  bullas,  quod  non  est  plus  honiini  de  ipsis  nullo  modo  dubitare. 
Nam  etsi  contradicevet,  vel  non  crederet,  iudignationem  Dei  omnipo- 
tentis  incurreret.  Et  forte  plaga  manifesta  puniretur,  sicut  jam  multi, 
inquiiuit,  pro  simili  incredulitate  sunt  puniti.  Jordan,  S.  80  :  Nee  per 
hoc  ego  euro  negare,  imagines  rationabiliter  fieri  in  Ecclesia  et  poni,  ■ 
cum  hoc  teneat  universitas  sanctae  Ecclesiae,  et  dicatur  communiter, 
quod  tales  imagines  sunt  scriptura  laicorum.  Decoretur  igitur  templum 
statuis  imaginum :  huic  ego  non  obsto, — dummodo  in  talibus  cautela 
contra  daemonia,  sicut  et  in  aliis,  babeatur.  Sed  hoc  audacter  dico, 
quod  quam  cito  una  imago  amplius  reveretur  qnam  aliae  imagines  in 
templo,  vel  habet  concursum  ampliorem  plebis  cum  candelis,  genu- 
flexionibus  vel  aliter,  mox  est  de  templo  ejicienda,  tamquam  offendicu- 
lum  populi.  Item  si  adjungantur  aliqua  signa  facta  quasi  per  ima- 
ginem  aut  ratioue  imaginis  vel  aliter,  iterum  illico  ilia  statua  est 
cassanda ;  quia  jam  valde  timendum  est  plebi  Christi,  ne  foi'tasse  tunc 
accesserit  ibi  jam  daemonium,  volens  ludificare  plebejos,  et  polluere 
adorationem  Jesu  Christi  corporis  et  sanguinis  pretiosi. 

^'  Jordan  S.  30  :  Et  quam  cito  legi  b.  Augustinum  in  libro  de  doc- 
trina  Christiana,  et  Hieronymum,  dicentes,  quod  studium  textuum 
sacratissimae  bibliae  est  in  principio  et  in  fine  super  omnia  necessarium 
et  utile  cuilibet  pertlngere  cupienti  ad  agnitionem  theologicae  veritatis, 
et  ipsa  est  primum  et  fundamentale  et  debet  esse  cuilibet  literate  chris- 
tiano  :  mox  agglutinata  [est]  anima  mea  bibliae  in  amore  perpetuo. 
Ubi  fateor,  quod  a  juventute  mea  non  recessit  a  me  usque  ad  senectam 
et  senium,  neque  in  via,  nenue  in  dome,  neque  dum  occupabar,  nee 
cum  otiabar  :  et  in  omni  mea  ambiguitate,  in  omni  quaestioiie,  semper 
in  biblia  et  per  eam  sufficientem  et  lucidam  expeditionem  reperi  et 
consolationem  animae  meae,  et  in  omni  turbatione  mea,  persecutione 
et  tristitia  ubique  confugi  ad  bibliam,  quae,  ut  dixi,  semper  mecum 
ambulat,  raea  carissima. — Unde  cum  vidi,  quam  plurimos  portai'e 
semper  et  ubique  secum  reliquias  et  ossa  diversorum  Sanctorum,  pro 
defensione  sua  quilibet  et  sua  singulari  devotione ;  ego  elegi  mihi 
bibliam,  meam  electam,  sociam  meae  peregrinationi,  gestare  semper 
mecum  etc. 

^2  Jordan  S.  55.     The  Synod  determined  that  no  layman  should  be 
allowed  to  come  oftener  than  once  a  month  to  the  Lord's  Supper. 


Cir.  VIII.— REFORMERS.  §121.    MATTH.  OF  JANOW.  241 

ncrs  of  Huss.^^  Still  the  Hussites,  after  the  cup  in  tlie  Lord's 
Supper  became  the  token  of  their  party,  were  not  right  in  ap- 
pealing to  them  as  supporters  of  tliis  doctrine.  Distrust  was  at 
first  felt  towards  Matthias  v.  Janow's  stand  for  more  frequent 
communion,  as  though  he  had  demanded  the  cup  for  the  laity, 
and  administered  it  to  them.^"*  Long  afterwards  Hussite  writers 
conjectured  without  any  reason,  that  the  efforts  of  all  the  three 
men  here  mentioned  were  employed  in  promoting  u^nion  with 
the    Graeco-Sclavonian   worship,    nominally   maintained    until 

'■^  Espeically  by  Hussites  and  Protestants,  among  whom,  however, 
even  from  this  very  view  many  unauthorised  opinions  have  grown  up. 
Thus  it  is  matter  of  tradition  that  Zbyniek  (Sbynko)  Archbishop  of 
Prague  in  1410  had  the  writings  of  Milicz  and  Matthias  of  Janow 
burnt  with  those  of  Wycliff.  The  only  sources  of  this  opinion  are 
Hagel's  (-{-1553)  bohm.  Chronik  S.  659  :  Etliche  sagten,  es  waren 
daneben  viel  andere  und  mehr  als  des  WiglefFs  Biicher  verbrannt :  " 
and  Procopii  Lupacii  (-J- 1587)  calendarium  hist,  ad  d.  16  Jul.  Ferun- 
tur  tum  et  plurimi  libi'i  esse  concremati  Joannis  Militii,  Mag.  Matthiae 
cognomine  Parisiensis,  etc.  However,  in  the  archbishop's  decree  of 
condemnation  which  is  preserved  in  Huss'  appeal  (Hussii  opp.  1, 
113),  and  in  this  appeal  itself  there  is  merely  a  mention  of  Wyclitf's 
works,  and  so  the  rumour  which  ai'ose  150  years  afterwards  carries  no 
probability.  See  Balbini  Bohemia  docta  II,  178.  Milicz  was  also 
pronounced  a  heretic  by  the  Annalists  Raynaldus,  Spondanus  and 
Bzovius  ad  ann.  1374 :  on  the  contrary,  most  of  the  Catholic  authors 
of  Bohemia,  since  Balbinus,  have  maintained  the  orthodoxy  of  all  the 
three  men  mentioned  above. 

'*  V.  d.  Hardt.  Cone.  Const,  t.  III.  Prolegg.  p.  20  records  the  fol- 
lowing fact  from  the  transactions  of  the  Bohemians  at  the  Council  of 
Basle  A.D.  1433,  which  must  be  taken  from  manuscript  sources, 
as  it  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  printed  acts  :  Johannes  de  Polemar,  cum 
Rockizana  in  Basileensi  Concilio  de  cominunione  calicis  contendens, 
in  responsione  sua  agnosit  quidem,  Pragae  apud  s.  Nicolaum  Magis- 
trum  Matthiam  pro  concione  populo  nova  de  sacramento  quoque  coenae 
praedicasse,  ast  palinodiam  in  Synodo  Pragensi  anno  138..'  cecinisse, 
ait.  In  quibus  tamen  articulis,  ut  Polemarus  eos  refert,  communionis 
calicis  clara  mentio  baud  facta.  Unde  in  dubio  relinquit  Polemarus,  an 
Matthias  calicem  populo  dederit,  an  secus.  Hoc  interim  certum  esse 
ait,  eura  prohibitum  fuisse.  Sive,  inquit,  ipse  inceperit  hanc  novitaiem 
praedicare,  sive  sub  utraque  specie  commimicare,  tamen  sua  doctrina 
sive  practica  non  liahuit  progressum.  The  Hussite  Wenceslaus  Pise- 
cenus  writes  about  1520,  of  Matthias  Parisiensis  (Balbini  Bohemia 
docta  II,  178) :  multos  eruditissimos  conscripsit  libros,  in  quibus  de 
communione  utriusque  speciei  pluribus  egit  (but  compare  1.  c.  p.  179.) 
This  erroneous  notion  probably  rose  from  the  fact  that  Matthias,  in 
the  communion  of  lay  persons  also  used  the  expression  communicatio 
VOL.  IV.  Q 


242  THIRDPERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305-1409. 

these  times,  and  so  were  directed  against  the  withholding  of  the 


§  125. 

.JOHN  WYCLIFF. 

Henrici  de  Knyghton  (Canon  at  Leicester,  WyclifF  's  contemporary)  de  eventibus 
Angliae  usque  ad  ann.  1395  (in  Rog.  Twisdeni  scriptt.  X  hist.  Angl. 
Lond.  1652  fol.) — Thomae  Walsingham  (Benedictine  at  St  Albans  about 
1440)  Hist.  Anglica  major  (in  Camdeni  scriptt.  rer.  Angl.  Lond.  1754. 
Francof.  1602  fol.) 

The  history  of  the  life  and  sufferings  of  John  Wicliffe  by  John  Lewis, 
London  1720.  The  life  and  opinions  of  John  de  Wycliffe,  illustrated 
principally  from  his  unpublisht  Manuscripts,  by  Rob.  Vaughan,  London 
1829,  ed.  2.  1831,  2  voU.  S.  A.  J.  de  Ruever  Groneman  diatribe  in  Jo. 
WicklifR  vitam,  ingenium,  scripta,  Traj.  ad  Rhen.  1837.  D.  L.  Flathe's 
Gesch.  der  Vorlaufer  d.  Reformation  (2  Th.  Leipzig  1835.  36)  II,  161.  Dr 
G.  Weber's  Gesch.  der  akatholischen  Kirchen  u.  Secten  v.  Grossbritan- 
nien,  Th.  1  Bd.  1  (Leipzig  1845)  S.  62. 

In  England  the  oppressions  of  the  Papal  See  were  felt  with 
double  force  since  it  became  openly  dependent  upon  the  hostile 
power  of  France.  Government  and  Parliament,  impelled  and 
supported  by  the  general  voice  of  the  nation,  resisted  them  with 

corporis  et  sanguinis  J.  Chr.,  Leib  und  Blut  Christi  empfangen  (Jor- 
dan S.  52.  55.  56),  because  he  referred  John  vi.  53  to  the  Lord's 
Supper  (De  abominatione  c.  29  and  24  in  Hus  monumenta  I,  504.) 
This  mode  of  expression  was  dogmatically  quite  right  even  when  used 
of  partaking  in  one  kind  (Part  2,  §  77,  note  12),  but  it  was  afterwards 
so  understood  among  the  Hussites,  as  if  Matthias  had  maintained 
communion  in  both  kinds. 

^^  Paulus  Stransky  de  republica  Bojema  1633  c.  vi.  §  5  (also  in 
Goldasti  coram,  de  regni  Bohera.  juribus  ed.  Schminckii  II,  511)  is 
the  first  who  presents  this  view,  without  however  making  any  men- 
tion of  the  cup :  after  him  comes  next  Jo.  Amos  Comenius  (historia 
persecutionum  Ecclesiae  boheraicae  1648  p.  19  ss.  and  historia  Frat- 
rum  Bohemorum  1660  ed.  Buddei  p.  6),  who  is  the  first  to  make  these 
men  champions  of  the  chalice.  All  later  writers  followed  him,  especi- 
ally Augustin  Zitte  in  his  uncritical  and  fancifully  illustrated  life  of 
the  three  most  distinguisht  precursors  of  the  renowned  M.  John  Huss, 
Prague  1786  (in  the  Kurzen  Lebensbeschreibunger  beriihmter  Manner 
Bohmens  Bd.  1)  to  which  even  Sehrockh  xxxiv.  566  gives  too  much 
credit.  The  following  reasons  are  opposed  to  the  above  mentioned 
view,  I,  in  the  earlier  sources  there  is  no  trace  to  be  found  of  a  Graeco- 


t'll.  VllL— REFORMERS.  §125.  JOHN  WVCl.lFF.  243 

resolution  and  success.^  But  in  consequence  of  this,  the  eyes  of 
many  were  opened  to  other  ecclesiastical  corruptions,^  and 
chiefly  the  agency  of  the  Mendicants,  the  Pope's  most  zealous 
officers,  was  visited  with  censure  from  all  sides.^ 

In  John  Wycliff,  a  fellow  of  Merton  College,  Oxford,  dis- 
tinguisht  for  keensightedness  and  learning,*  this  general 
opinion  was  firmly  based  upon  his  love  for  his  father-land,  and 
his  zeal  for  true  Christianity.'^  He  was  the  first  to  come  for- 
ward as  a  bold  champion  in  the  quarrels  of  the  university  with 
the  Begging  Friars  a.d.  1360  :  He  denounced  without  disguise 
the  corruptions  of  these  orders.^      When  Edward  III.  in  1366 

Sclavonic  ritual  in  the  time  of  Charles  IV.,  and  a  persecution  of  it ; 
on  the  other  hand,  this  emperor  built  the  monastery  of  Emaus  in 
Prague  for  the  Latino- Sclavonic  ritual  a.d.  1347,  compare  Dobner  in 
the  Abhandl.  der  Bohmischer  Gesellsch.  der  Wissensch.  for  1785 
S.  174,  for  1786  S.  433  :  and  2,  in  the  numerous  works  and  treatises 
which  followed  the  introduction  of  the  cup  by  James  of  Misa  (with 
the  exception  of  that  remarkt  on  in  note  14)  there  is  no  trace  what- 
ever of  any  earlier  attempt  of  the  kind  to  be  found.  The  Bohemian 
brethren  in  their  Apologia  verae  doctrinae  a.d.  1538  (see  vol.  3,  Part 
1,  §  14,  note  4)  in  Lydii  Waldensia  II.,  292  state  expressly  :  Mag. 
Jacobellus  primus  omnium  communionera  utriusque  speciei  in  Bohemia 
practicai-e  cepit. 

1  See  §  103,  note  30. 

^  Thus  Robert  Longland  a  priest,  about  1350  publisht  an  allegorical 
poem,  "  The  Visions  of  Peirce  Plowman"  (with  comm.  by  Whitaker, 
Lond.  1813.  4)  which  lasht  the  ecclesiastical  superstition,  the  monks, 
&c.,  and  proclaimed  a  reformation  of  the  Church.  It  soon  became 
verv  popular,  compare  Warton  history  of  English  poetry  (Lond.  1774, 
2  voll.  4)  1,  287.  Vaughan  ii.  148.  The  Monk  John  Ball  also,  who 
afterwards  joined  Wycliff,  had  already  preacht  before  in  this  strain, 
see  Schlosser's  Weltgeschichte  ii,  266. 

^  Compare  §  112,  note  2  and  3  (the  appearance  of  Richard  Arch- 
bishop of  Armagh  upon  the  scene  against  them  at  Avignon  in  1357.) 

*  By  his  determined  adversary  Heinr.  de  Knyghton  de  eventibus 
Angliae  lib.  v.  p.  2644  he  is  called  Jo.  Wyclif — Doctor  in  Theologia 
eminentis^imus  in  diebus  illis.  In  philosophia  nulli  reputabatur  secun- 
dus,  in  scholasticis  disciplinis  incomparabilis.  His  numerous  works 
(enumerated  by  Lewis,  p.  143  SS.  Vaughan  ii.  379)  cannot  unhap- 
pily in  general  be  arranged  chronologically  with  any  certainty. 

'On  his  first  work,  "The  Last  Age  of  the  Church,"  a.d.  1356 
(Ed.  James  Henthorn  Todd,  Dublin  1841)  see  Vaughan  1,  254. 

^  The  arrangement  in  order  of  time  of  his  numerous  works  written 
against  the  Mendicants  is  no  longer  possible.  Their  entire  contents  he 
comprised  in  the  work  Objections  to  Friars  (printed  in  the  two  short 
treatises  against  the  orders  of  Begging  Friars  compiled  by  John  Wiclif, 

'    q2 


244  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.   1305.— 14U9 

with  the  lielp  of  his  Parliament  dehvered  himself  from  the 
shameful  tax  paid  to  the  Pope,  Wycliff  boldly  defended  this  step 
likewise.^  As  he  addrest  himself  in  numerous  works  in  his 
native  language  to  the  whole  nation,  he  met  with  great  sympathy 
among  all  classes,  except  the  monks  ;  this  was  further  strengthened 
by  the  fact  that  Geoffrey  Chaucer  (t  1400)  the  father  of  English 
poetry,  joined  in  the  assault  upon  the  Mendicants.^  WyclifF 
became  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Oxford  in  1372,  and  in  1375 
Rector  of  Lutterworth.  And  when  the  Government  endeavoured 
more  seriously  than  ever  to  withdraw  the  Church  of  England 
from  under  the  Pope's  arbitrary  power,  Wycliif  was  one  of  the 
ambassadors  who  negotiated  a  convention  for  this  purpose  with 
the  Papal  delegates  at  Bruges  in  1374.^  Under  these  circum- 
stances he  had  opportunities  enough  to  recognize  the  corruption 
of  the  Papacy,^^  as  well  as  the  shameful  working  of  Monasticism.^^ 
When  he  declared  his  convictions  with  candour,  he  was  accused 
by  the  Pope  in  1376  of  19  errors  in  doctrine.  Gregory  XL 
instituted  an  inquiry  upon  him.^^      All  danger  on  this  account, 

Oxford  1608.  4,  publisht  by  Thomas  James),  compare  Vaughan  i.  267. 
ii.  203.  He  maintained  especially,  sith  open  Begging  ia  thus  sharply 
damned  in  holy  Writ,  it  is  a  foule  En*or  to  meyntene  it,  but  that  is 
more  Error  to  seie  that  Christ  was  such  a  Beggar.     See  Lewis  p.  7. 

^  Compai-e  above  §  101,  note  12.  Lewis  p.  17.  Vaughan  i.  278. 
Ruever  Groneman  p.  87.  A  monk  had  written  on  the  contrary  and 
maintained,  quod  sit  falsum  et  pseudoevangelicum,  quod  domini  tempo- 
rales  possimt  in  aliquo  casu  legitime  auferre  ab  Ecclesiasticis  bona  sua. 
Wycliff  wrote  in  answer  a  Determinatio  de  dominio,  printed  in  Lewis  p. 
363  ss. 

^  Particularly  in  the  Canterbury  Tales  (publisht  by  Th.  Tyrwhitt. 
Lond.  1775.  5  T.  8.  Oxford  1798.  2  T.  4.)  See  W.  Godwin  hist,  of 
the  life  and  age  of  G.  Chaucer,  Lond.  1803.  2  T.  4.  Vaughan  ii.  137, 
Weber  i.  i.  102. 

»  See  above,  §  103,  note  20.  Lewis  p.  30.  Vaughan  i.  338. 
Ruever  Groneman,  p.  107. 

^•^  He  called  the  Pope  Antichrist,  the  proud  worldly  Priest  of  Rome, 
and  the  most  cursed  of  Clippers  and  Purse-kervers.     Lewis  p.  34. 

1^  The  isolated  charges  which  he  brought  against  the  Friars  in  his 
earlier  works,  he  collected  about  1382  into  50  heresies  and  errors, 
in  Lewis  p.  20  ss. 

1-  The  Papal  briefs  of  the  year  1377  to  the  University  of  Oxford,  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Bishop  of  London,  and  the  king  of 
England,  are  in  Walsingham  p.  201  ss.  Cone.  Magnae  Brit.  iii.  116. 
Tlie  Schedula  attacht  with  the  19  heretical  propositiones  is  in  Walsing- 


(H.  Vill.— EEFUllMEK^S.  g  125.  JOHN  WYCJ.UF,  245 

however,  was  warded  off  from  him  by  the  favour  of  the  secular 
nobles,  especially  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  who  held  the  regency 
after  Edward's  death  (f  137 7. y^ 

From  the  great  Papal  schism  (1378)  Wycliff  derived  a  fresh 
call,  as  well  as  greater  freedom,  to  search  out  the  crimes  of  the 
Church  and  propose  amendment.  He  summoned  the  secular 
powers  to  avail  themselves  of  this  favourable  time  for  the 
Reformation  of  the  Church,^*  and  sent  out  his  disciples  through. 

ham  p.  204.  Cone.  M.  B.  iii,  123.  Lewis  p.  266  :  E.g.  1.  Totum 
genus  hominura  concurrentium  citra  Christum  non  habet  potestatem 
simpliciter  ordinandi,  ut  Petrus  et  omne  genus  suum  dominetur  politice 
imperpetuum  super  mundura.  VI.  Si  Deus  est,  domini  temporales 
possunt  legitime  ac  meritorie  auferre  bona  fortunae  ab  Ecclesia  delin- 
quente.  VII.  Numquid  Ecclesia  est  in  tali  statu  vel  non,  non  est 
meum  discutere,  sed  dominorum  temporalium  examinare,  et  posito  casu 
confidenter  agere,  et  in  poena  damnationis  aeternae  ejus  temporalia 
auferre.  VIII.  Scimus,  quod  non  est  possibile,  quod  Vicarius  Christi 
pure  ex  BuUis  suis,  vel  ex  illis  cum  voluntate  et  consensu  suo  et  sui 
Collegli  quenquam  habilitet  vel  inhabilitet.  IX.  Non  est  possibile 
hominem  excommunicari,  nisi  prius  et  principaliter  excommunica- 
retur  a  seipso.  XIII.  Discipuli  Christi  non  habent  potestatem 
coacte  exigere  temporalia  per  censuras.  XVI.  Hoc  debet  catholice 
credi  :  quilibet  sacerdos  rite  ordinatus  habet  potestatem  sufficienter 
sacramenta  quaelibet  conferendi,  et  per  consequens  quemlibet  contrltum 
a  peccato  quolibet  absolvendi.  XIX.  Ecclesiasticus  imo  et  Romanus 
Pontitex  potest  legitime  a  subditis  et  laicis  corripi  et  etiam  accusari. 
Vaughan  i.  354.     Ruever  Groneman,  p.  125. 

^'  Lewis  p.  50  ss.  At  the  second  hearing  in  the  Archbishop's 
palace  at  Lambeth  in  London,  where,  as  Walsingham,  p.  205,  complains 
non  dico  cives  tantum  Londonienses,  sed  viles  ipsius  civitatis  se  impu- 
denter  ingerere  pvaesunipserunt  in  eandem  capellam,  et  verba  facere  pro 
eodem,  et  istud  negotium  impedire.  "Wyckliff  gave  in  a  declaratio  of 
those  Propositions  (p.  206),  in  which,  on  some  points  at  any  rate,  be 
yielded  artfully,  e.g.  ad  I.  :  patet  non  esse  in  hominum  potestate 
impedire  adventum  Christi  ad  finale  judicium. — ad  VI.  :  Si  Deus  est, 
ipse  est  omnipotens.  Et  si  sic,  ipse  potest  praecipere  dominis  tempora- 
hbus,  sic  auferre  : — sed  absit  ex  illo  credere,  quod  intentionis  raeae  sit, 
saeculares  dominos  licite  posse  auferre,  quandocunque  et  quomodo- 
cunque  voluerint  vel  nuda  auctoritate  sua,  sed  omnino  auctoritate 
Eeclesiae  in  casibus  et  forma  liraitatis  a  jure.  But  others  he  de- 
fended, e.g.  ad  viii.  :  patet  ex  fide  catholica,  cum  oportet  domi- 
num  [m]  omni  operatione  vicaria  tenere  primatum.  Ideo  sicut 
in  omni  habilitatione  subject i  prius  exigitur  gratia  et  dignitas  habilitati, 
sic  in  omni  inbabilitatione  prius  exigitur  dignitas  ex  demeritoinhabili- 
tati,  et  per  consequens  non  pure  ex  ministerio  vicarii  Christi  fit  talis 
habilitatio  vel  inhabilitatio.  Comp.  Ruever  Groneman  p.  134. 
"  In  his  work  on  the  Schism  of  the  Popes,  see  Vaughan  ii.  3  ss. 


246  THIRD  TEKIOD.— DIY.  IV.— A.  D.  1305—1400. 

the  country  (poor  Priests  called  Lollards  by  their  adversaries),^^ 
to  oppose  a  genuine  apostolical  agency  to  the  pretence  of  the 
Begging  Friars,  and  to  preach  against  the  antichristian  Hierarchy 
and  the  abuses  in  the  Church.  Hitherto  he  had  attackt  only 
the  ecclesiastical  constitution  and  discipline ;  now  he  advanced 
with  bolder  steps.  In  1380  he  began  to  translate  the  Bible 
into  English,  and  as  this  undertaking  was  forthwith  assailed 
as  heretical,  he  maintained  the  people's  right  to  Holy  Writ.^^ 
When  he  began  in  the  year  1381  to  impugn  even  the 
doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  many  who  were  his  parti- 
sans   up    to  this   point   were  alarmed,^'    but  Wycliff  had   al- 

^^  Upon  thera  see  Vaughan  ii,  163.  Ruever  Groneman  p.  217. 
Wycliff's  work  furnishes  information  enough  for  us  to  know  them  :  Pro 
egentibus  Presby teris,  s.  de  causis  ob  quas  pauperes  Presbyteri  beneficiis 
non  gaudent,  printed  in  Lewis  p.  287. 

1^  Henr.  de  Knyghton  p.  2644  :  Hie  Magister  Jo.  Wyclif  Evan- 
gelium,  quod  Christus  contulit  Clericis  et  Ecclesiae  Doctoribus,  ut  ipsi 
Laicis  et  infirmioribus  personis  secundum  temporis  exigentiara  et  per- 
sonarum  indigentiam  cum  mentis  eorum  esurie  dulclter  ministrarent, 
transtulit  de  Latino  in  Anglicam  linguam,  non  angelicam,  unde  per 
ipsum  fit  vulgare  et  magis  apertum  laicis  et  mulieribua  legere  scieuti- 
bus,  quam  solet  esse  Clericis  admodum  literatis  et  bene  intelligentibus  : 
et  sic  evangelica  margarita  spargitur,  et  a  porcis  conculcatur  etc. 
WycHff  defended  his  translation  in  his  work,  on  the  truth  and  mean- 
ing of  Scripture,  see  Vaughan  ii.  7.  Passages  from  it  may  be  seen  in 
Wharton  auctarium  historiae  dogmaticae  J.  Usserii  de  scripturis  et 
sacris  vernaculis.  Londin.  1689.  4  p.  432  ss.  in  Lewis  p.  67  ss.  E.g. 
The  clergy  cry  aloud,  it  is  Heresy  to  speake  of  the  Holy  Scripture 
in  English,  and  so  they  woulde  condempne  the  Holy  Goste  that  gave 
it  in  Tongues  to  the  Apostles  of  Christe,  as  it  is  written,  to  speake  the 
Worde  of  God  in  all  Languages  that  were  ordayned  of  God  under 
Heaven,  as  it  is  wrytten.  Wycliff's  translation  of  the  New  Testament 
is  publlsht  by  J.  Lewis,  1731,  and  by  H.  H.  Baber,  1810.  Compare 
Vaughan  11.  42.     Ruever  Groneman,  p.  16(',  252. 

^^  He  came  forward  with  twelve  concluslones,  which  he  was  ready  to 
mantaln  publicly  (publlsht  by  Vaughan  11.  425)  :  I.  Hostla  consecrata, 
quam  vldemus  in  altarl,  nee  est  Christus,  nee  allqua  sui  pars,  sed 
efficax  ejus  slgnum.  111.  Olim  fuit  fides  Ecclesiae  Romanae  in  pro- 
fessione  Berengaril,  quod  panls  et  vlnum,  quae  remanent  post  benedlc- 
tlonem,  sunt  host  la  consecrata.  IV.  Eucharlstla  habet  vlrtute  verborum 
sacramentalium  tarn  corpus  quam  sangulnem  Chrlstl  vere  et  reallter  ad 
quemlibet  ejus  punctum.  The  Chancellor  of  the  University  immedi- 
ately condemned  this  doctrine  (see  the  Definitio  in  Lewis,  p.  268. 
Vaughan  1.  c.)  :  but  Wycliff  appealed  to  the  king.  Et  post  appella- 
tlonem  advenit  nobilis  domlnus,  dux  Lancastriae, — proliibens  Maglstro 
praedlcto  Johanni,  quod  de  caetero  non  loquerctur  de  Ista  materia.   Sed 


(;ir.  A'lII.— REFOEMERS.  g  125.  JOHN  WYCLIFF.  247 

ready  so  many  adherents  among  the  learned,  especially  in 
Oxford,  that  he  could  not  be  quite  put  down.  William 
Courtney,  distinguisht  his  promotion  to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of 
Canterbury*by  condemuing  a  string  of  Wycliffite  opinions  as 

nee  ipse   contemperans    suo  ordlnario    Cancellario,    nee   tarn    strenuo 
domino  incepit    Confessionem    quandam    facere,    in   qua   continebatur 
omnis  error  pristinus,  sed   secretins  sub  velainine  vario  verboruin,  in 
qua   dixitj  suum   conceptum,   et  visus  est  suam   sententiam  probare. 
Sed  velut  haereticus  pertinax   refutavit  omnes   Doctores  de    secundo 
Millenario    in    materia    de    Sacramento  Altaris,  et  dixit,  omnes  illos 
errasse   praeter    Berengarium, — et   ipsum    et    suos    complices;    dixit 
palam  Sathanam  solutum  et  potestatem  habere  in  Magistro  Sententia- 
rum  et  in  omnibus  qui  fidem   catholicam  praedicaverunt   (see  Lewis 
p.  271.)     The  Confessio  in  Lewis  p.  272,  in  Vaughan  ii.  428  :  Saepe 
confessus  sum  et  adhuc'  confiteor,  quod  idem  corpus  Christi  in  numero 
quod  fuit  assumptum  de  Virgine,  quod  passum  est  in  cruce, — est  vera 
et  realiter  panis;sacramentalis  : — cujus  probatio  est,  quia  Christus,  qui 
mentiri  non  potest,  sic  asserit.     Non  tamen  audeo  dicere,  quod  corpus 
Christi  ^sit  essentiahter,   substantialiter,  corporaliter  vel  identice  ille 
panis. — Credimus  enim,  quod  triplex  est  modus  essendi  corpus  Christi 
in  hostia  consecrata,  scil.  virtualis,  spiritualis  et  sacramentalis.     Virtu- 
alis,  quo  benefacit  per  totum  suum  dominum  \_leg.  domtnium^  secundum 
bona  naturae  vel  gratiae.     Modus   autem   essendi  spiritualis  est,  quo 
corpus  Christi  est  in  Eucharistia  et  Sanctis  per  gratiam.     Et  tertius 
est  modus  essendi  sacramentalis,  quo  corpus  Christi  singulariter  [est^ 
in  hostia  consecrata.     Sed  praeter  istos   tres  modes  essendi  sunt  alii 
tres  modi  realiores  et  veriores  quos  corpus  Christi  appropriate  habet 
in  caelo,  scil.  modus  essendi  substantialiter,  corporaliter  et  dimensiona- 
liter.     Et  grosse  concipientes   non  intelligunt  alium   modum   essendi 
naturalis  substantiae  praeter  illos.     Illi  autem  sunt  valde  indispositi 
ad   concipiendum    arcana    Eucharistiae,    et    subtilitatem     Scripturae. 
These  adherents  of  Transubstantiation  were  designated  as  secta  cultorum 
accidentium,  cultoi'es  signorum,   and  refuted  from  several  passages  of 
the  fathers   of  the   Church.     The  conclusion  ;,  Vae  generationi  adul- 
terae,   quae  plus   credit  testimonio  Innocentii  vel   Raymundi,   quam 
sensui  Evangelii  capto  a  testibus  supradictis.     Idem  enim  esset  scan- 
dalizare  illos  in  isto,  et  imponere  eis  haeresim  ex  perversione  sensus 
Scripturae,  praecipue  et  iterum  de  ore  perverse  Apostatae  accumulan- 
tis  super  Ecclesiam  Romanam  mendacia,  quibus  fingit,  quod  Ecclesia 
posterior  priori  contraria  correxit  fidem,  quod  sacramentum  istud  sit 
accidens    sine  subjecto,  et  non  verus  panis  et  vinum  ut  dicit  Evan- 
geliura   cum    Decreto.       Nam    teste    Augustine    tale    accidens    sine 
subjecto   non  potest  sacerdos  conficere.     Et  tamen  tantum  magnificant 
saccrdotes   Baal  mendaciter,  indubie  juxta   scholam  patris  sui ;  con- 
secrationem    hujus    accidentis,   quod    reputant    Missas    alias    indig- 
nas  audiri,  vel  dissentientes  suis  mendaciis  inhabiles  alicubi  graduari  : 
sed  credo,   quod  finaliter  Veritas   vincet  eos.     Before  the  people   he 
defended  his  doctrine  by  his  work,  the  Wicket,  printed  at  Nuremberg 
in  1546,  ed.  by  H.  Jackson,  Oxford   1612,  and  in  Writings  of  John 


248  THIRD  PERIOD. -DTV.  IV-A.D.  1305— 140'.1. 

heretical,   at    a  council  in   London   (May  and  June   1382.)  ^^ 

WicklifF,  printed  for  the  Religious  Tract  Society,  London  (without 
date,  probably  1836)  p.  153,  compare  Vaughan  ii.  64.  Ruever  Grone- 
man  p.  181. 

^^  See  Mansi  xxvi.  695.  The  following  were  condemned  as  Conclii- 
siones  haereticae  :  I,  Quod  substantia  panis  materialis  et  vini  maneat 
post  consecrationem  in  sacramento  altaris,  II.  Item  quod  accidentia 
non  raaneant  sine  subjecto  post  consecrationem  in  eodem  sacramento. 
III.  Item  quod  Christus  non  sit  in  sacramento  altaris  identice,  vere  et 
realiter  in  propria  praesentia  corporali.  IV.  Item  quod  si  Episcopus 
vel  sacerdos  existat  in  peccato  mortal!,  non  ordinat,  conficit,  nee 
baptizat.  V.  Item  quod  si  homo  fuerit  debite  contritus,  omnis  confessio 
exterior  est  sibi  superflua  vel  inutilis.  VI.  Itempertinaciter  asserere, 
non  esse  fundatum  in  Evangelio,  quod  Christus  Missam  ordinaverit. 
VII.  Item  quod  Deus  debet  obedire  Diabolo.  VIII.  Item  quod  si 
Papa  sit  praestigiator  et  malus  homo,  ac  per  consequens  membrum 
Diaboli,  non  habet  potestatem  supra  fideles  Christi  ab  aliquosibi  datam, 
nisi  forte  a  Caesare.  IX.  Item  quod  post  Urbanura  sextum  non  est 
aliquis  recipiendus  in  Papam,  sed  vivendum  est  more  Graecorum  sub 
legibus  propriis.  X.  Item  asserere,  quod  est  contra  sacram  Scripturam, 
quod  viri  ecciesiastici  habeant  pos-sessiones  temporales.  Then  follow 
14  Conclusiones  erroneae :  I.  Quod  nullus  Praelatus  debet  aliquera 
excommunicare,  nisi  prius  Ipsum  sciat  esse  excommunicatum  a  Deo. 

III.  Item  quod  Praelatus  excommunicans  clericum,  qui  appellavit  ad 
Regem  et  consilium  regni,  eo  ipso  traditor  Dei  est,  Regis  et  regni. 

IV.  Item  quod  ilH,  qui  dimittunt  praedicare  seu  audire  verbum  Dei  vel 
evangelium  praedica'um  propter  excommunicationem  hominum,  sunt 
excommunicati,  et  in  Die  judicii  traditores  Dei  habebuntur.  V.  Item 
asserere,  quod  liceat  alicui,  etiam  Diacono  vel  Presbytero,  praedicare 
verbum  Dei  absque  auctoritate  sedis  apostolicae  vel  Episcopi  catholici, 
seu  alia  de  qua  sufficienter  constet.  VI.  Item  asserere,  quod  nullus  est 
dominus  civilis,  nullus  est  Episcopus,  nullus  est  Praelatus,  dum  est  in 
peccato  mortali.  VII.  Item  quod  domini  temporales  possint  ad 
arbitrium  eorum  auferre  bona  temporalia  ab  ecclesiasticis  habitualiter 
delinquentibus,  vel  quod  populares  possint  ad  eorum  arbitrium  dominos 
delinquentes  corrigere.  VlII.  Item  quod  decimae  sunt  purae 
eleemosynae,  et  quod  parochiani  possint  propter  peccata  suorum 
Curatorum  eas  detinere,  et  ad  libitum  aliis  conferre.  IX.  Item 
quod  speciales  orationes  applicatae  uni  personae  per  Praelatos  vel 
Religiosos  non  plus  prosunt  eidera  personae,  quam  orationes  gene- 
rales,  caeteris  paribus,  eidem.  X.  Item  quod  eo  ipso,  quod  aliquis 
ingreditur  religionera  privatam  quamcunque,  redditur  ineptior  et 
inhabilior  ad  observantiam  mandatorum  Dei.  XI.  Item  quod 
Sancti  instituentes  religiones  privatas  quascunque,  tam  possessionato- 
rum,  quam  mendicantium,  in  sic  instituendo  peccaverunt.  XII. 
Item  quod  Religiosi  viventes  in  religionibus  privatis  non  sint 
de  religione  Christiana.  Error  perniciosus.  XIII.  Item  quod 
Fratres  teneantur  per  laborem  manuura,  et  non  per  raendica- 
tionem   victum    suum    adquirere.     Damnatus  ab.   Alev.   IV.     XIV. 


CH.  VIII.— REFORMERS.  ?  125.  JOHN  WYCLIFF.  249 

When  the  Hierarchy  contrived  to  make  it  generally  believed 
that  the  peasants'  rising  in  1381  was  occasioned  by  Wycliil's 
doctrines/^  the  king  seemed  for  some  time  to  be  induced  thereby 
to   give   effect   to    the    ecclesiastical    decrees.^"      Wy cliff    was 

Item  quod  conferens  eleemosynam  Fratribus  vel  Fratri  praedicanti  est 
excominunicatus  et  recipiens.  Three  of  Wyclift's  most  eminent  adhe- 
rents, men  of  learning  at  Oxford,  Nicholas  de  Hereford,  John  Aston, 
and  Philip  Repingdon,  had  to  present  themselves  in  person  before  this 
Council :  but  their  declarations  with  regard  to  these  propositions  were 
not  satisfactory.  Wycliff  complained  that  many  assertions  were  falsely 
attributed  to  him  at  this  Council,  for  instance,  Deus  debet  obedire 
Diabolo,  see  Lewis  p.  96. 

'^  With  regard  to  this  see  Knyghton  p.  2633.  Walsingbam,  p.  247. 
Schlosser's  AVeltgeschichte  IV.  ii.  271.  Ruever  Groneman  p.  221. 
John  Ball  was  the  spiritual  leader  of  the  peasants,  as  Wat  Tyler  was 
the  temporal.  The  end  in  view  was  communistic.  The  rich  were  to 
be  slain,  and  all  property  divided.  The  peasants  cry  was, 
^^  han  Adam  dalfe  and  Eve  span, 
Who  was  than  a  gentleman  ? 

™  Compare  the  royal  edict  of  12  July,  13S2,  in  Lewis  p.  282. 
Wilkins  Cone.  M.  B.  iii.  1 56,  whereby  permission  was  granted  to  the 
bishops  ad  omnes  et  singulos,  qui  dictas  conclusiones  sic  damnatas 
praedicare  seu  manutenere  vellent,  arrestandos  etc.,  and  the  injunction 
on  the  University  of  Oxford  of  13  July  (Lewis  p.  379,  Wilkins  iii. 
166)  to  expel  all  qui  quicquam  praedictorum  haeresiura  vel  errorum — 
foverint  vel  defenderint,  vel  qui  magistros  Jo.  Wycliff,  Nicholaum 
Herforde,  Philippum  Repyngdonn,  Jo.  Astonn — in  domos  et  hospitia 
ausi  fuerint  acceptare,  vel  cum  eorum  aliquo  communicare  etc.  The 
wandering  poor  priests  were  to  be  imprisoned  by  the  sheriffs  (Fox  Acts 
and  Monuments  i.  575.  Vaughan  ii.  79).  The  clergy  showed  them- 
selves duly  grateful,  Walsingbam  Hypod.  Neustriae,  p.  535  :  In  Par- 
liament©, facta  Londoniis  circa  festum  sancti  Michaelis  (1382),  concessa 
fuit  Regi  per  Clerum  una  decima,  et  a  laicis  quintadecima  ;  condition- 
aliter  tamen  ex  parte  Cleri,  ut  videlicet  Rex  manus  apponat  defensioni 
Ecclesiae,  et  praestet  auxilium  ad  compressionem  haereticorum  Wick- 
levensium,  qui  jam  sua  prava  doctrina  paene  infecerant  totum  regnum. 
Wycliff  on  the  other  hand  appealed  to  the  King  and  Parliament  19 
Nov.  1382  (a  complaint  of  John  Wycliff  exhibited  to  the  King  and 
Parliament,  printed  in  Th.  James's  two  short  treatises,  see  above,  note 
6,  compare  Vaughan  ii.  97),  and  required  of  them  to  reform  the 
Church,  to  wit,  1.  To  abolish  monastic  orders.  2.  To  confiscate 
Church  property,  and  remit  taxation.  3.  To  allow  no  revenues  to  the 
wicked  clerg3%  4.  To  recognise  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in 
its  purity.  True,  the  lower  house  did  not  accede  to  these  proposals,  but 
it  declared  that  edict  against  heretics  invalid,  as  being  issued  by  the 
King  alone  (Vaughan  ii.  106).  So  immediately  afterwards  Wycliff 
could  defend  his  appeal  without  fear,  before  a  Convocation  of  Bishops 
in  Oxford,  before  which  he  was  summoned  to  answer  for  its  contents 
(Vaughan  ii.  112). 


250  TIIlIiD  TEKIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305— 14U9. 

obliged  to  leave  'Oxford,  and  withdraw  to  his  cure  at  Lutter- 
worth. However  here  lie  could  proceed  without  opposition  in 
his  zeal  against  Church  abuses.  Not  long  before  his  death 
(t  1384)  he  wrote  the  Trialogus,  in  which  he  drew  up  the 
knowledge  he  had  attained  with  regard  to  the  Church  and 
theology,  as  his  theological  bequest.^^ 


21  Jo.  Wiclefi  dialogoruni   libri  iv.  ed.  (Basileae)   1525.  4.     (Com- 
pare  Baumgarteii's    Nachi-.    von    einer   hall.    Bibl.  v.   178) ;  ed.  L. 
Ph.   Wirth.   Fraucof.   et   Lips.    1753.    4.      Wycliff  himself  calls  the 
work   Trialogus ;    compare    the    introduction :    vidimus    quod   posset 
multis    utilis    quidam    esse    Trialogus,    ubi    primo    Alithia    tanquam 
eolidus    theologus   loqueretur ;    secundo   infidelis    captiosus    tanquam 
Pseudis  objiceret ;    et  tertio    subtilis  theologus  et  maturus  tanquam 
Phronesis  decideret  verltatem.     Contents  :  Lib.  i.  de  Deo  et  ideis  (in 
which   platonic   realism   is  emphatically  defended),   lib.   ii.   de  rebus 
creatis  (in  which,  c.  14,  a  strict  Predestinarianism  is  maintained :  Et 
sic  videtur  mihi  probabile,  quod   Deua  necessitat  creaturas   singulas 
activas  ad  quemlibet  actum  suum.     Et  sic  sunt  aliqui  praedestinati, 
hoc  est  post  laborem  ordinati  ad  gloriam  :  aliqui  praesciti,  hoc  est  post 
vitam  miseram  ad  poenam  perpetuam  ordinati  (cf.  Thomas  Bradwar- 
dinus,  §  116,  note  13),     Lib.  iii.  de  virtutlbus  et  vitiis  (cf.  cap.  31  : 
nulla  alia  scriptura  capit  auctoritatem  vel  valorem,  nisi  de  quanto  sua 
sententia  a  Scriptura  sacra  sit  derivata. — Et  hinc  Augustinus — saepe 
praeclpit,  quod  nemo  credat  scriptis  suls  vel  verbis,  nisi  de  quanto  se 
fundaverint  in  Scriptura,  et  in  ipsa,  ut  saepe  dicit,  omnis  Veritas  impli- 
cite  vel  explicite  continetur.     Et  indubie  idem  est  judicium  de  scriptis 
aliorum  sanctorum    doctorum,   et  multo  magis  de  scriptis    Romanae 
Ecclesiae,  et  doctorum  novorum. — Et  tunc   Scriptura  sacra  foret  in 
reverentia,  et  bullae  papales  (sicut  debent)  forent  postpositae,  et  tarn 
leges   papales,  quarn   doctorum   novorum   scntentiae,   quae    sunt   post 
solutionem  Satanae  promulgatae,  forent  in  suis  liniitibus  veneratae). 
Wycliff  comes  forward  as  a  reformer  of  the  Church  in  Lib.  iv.  espe- 
cially, in  which,  beginning  with  the  sacraments,  he  censures  many 
abuses  and  errors  in  the  Church,     First,  de  Eucharistia,  c.  2 — 10, 
where   he  controverts    as    heresy  the   opinion,    quod   hoc   sacramen- 
tum    sit    accidens    sine    subjecto.     Cap.  2 :    Ipsa   curia    ante   solu- 
tionem  diaboli   cum  antiqua  sententia  planius  concordavit,  ut  patet 
Dist.  ii.  c.   Ego  Berengarius   (see  Part   1,  §  29,  note  13).     Et  sic  de 
omnibus  Sanctis  doctoribus,  qui  usque  ad  solutionem   Satanae  istam 
raateriam  pertractarunt.     A  tempore  autem  solutionis  Satanae,  dimissa 
fide   Scripturae,   multa  haeresis  in  ista  materia,   et    specialiter  inter 
Fratres  et  discipulos  eis   similes,  volitarunt.     Cap.  4  :  Non  dubium 
etiam  laico  idiotae,  quin  sequitur  :  iste  panis  est  corpus  Christi,  ergo  iste 
panis   est,  et  per  consequens  manet  panis,  et  sic  simul  est  panis  et 
corpus  Christi,     Exempla  autem  possunt  grossa  poni  pro  ista  materia 
attestanda,     Non  enim  oportet,  sed  veritati  repugnat,  quod  homo,  dum 
fit  domiuus  vel  Praelatus  Ecclesiae,  desinat  esse  eadem  persona  :  sed 
maneat  omnino  eadem  substantia  quodammodo  exaltata.     Sic  oportet 


CH.  VIII.— IIEFOKMEKS.  §  125.  JOHN  WYCUFF.  251 

credere,  quod  iste  panis  virtute  verboruni  sacramentalium  fit  consecra- 
tions sacerdotis  primi  veraciter  corpus  Cbristi  : — natvira  panis  non  ex 
hinc  destruitur,  sed  in  digniorem  substantiaui  exaltatur.  Cap.  6  :  I  stain 
ergo  repute  causam  lapsus  hominum  in  istam  haeresim,  quod  discredunt 
Evangelio,  et  leges  papaies  ac  dicta  apocrypha  plus  acceptant.  Cap.  7  : 
Jdeo  si  essent  centum  Papae,  et  onines  Fratres  essent  versi  in  Cardi- 
nales,  non  deberet  concedi  sententiae  suae  in  materia  fidei,  nisi  de  quanto 
se  fundaverint  in  Scriptura. — Cap.  14 :  De  conjirmatione.  Doubts  de  ejus 
fundatione  ex  fide  Scripturae. — Cap.  15:  De  sacramenlo  Ordinis  :  In 
priraitiva  Ecclesia — suti'ecerunt  duo  ordines  clericorum,  scil.  sacerdos 
atque  diaconus,' — Tunc  enim  adinventa  non  fuit  distinctio  Papae  et 
Cardinalium,  Patriarcharum  et  Archiepiscoporum,  Episcopoi'ura  et 
Archidiaconorum,  Officialium  et  Decanorum  cum  caeteris  ofificiariis,  et 
privatis  religionibua,  quorum  non  est  numerus  neque  ordo.  De  con- 
tentionibus  autem  circa  ista,  quod  unumquodque  istorum  est  ordo,  et  in 
ejus  acceptione  gratia  Dei  ac  character  imprimitur,  cum  aliis  diffi- 
cultatibus,  quas  nostri  balbutiunt,  videtur  mihi  tacendmn,  cum  sic 
loquentes  nee  fundant  quod  asserunt,  nee  probant.  Sed  ex  fide  Scrip- 
turae videtur  niihi  sufficere,  esse  Presbyteros  atque  Diaconos,  servantes 
statura  atque  officium,  quod  eis  Christus  imposuit,  quia  certum  videtur, 
quod  superbia  caesarea  lios  gradus  et  ordines  adinvenit. — Dixit  Do- 
minus  ad  Aaron :  in  terra  eoriim  nihil  possidebitis^ — Jiiiis  autem  Levi 
dedi  omnes  decimas  Israel. — Si  ergo  Praelati  nostri — fundant  se  in 
secunda  parte  hujus  dicti  dominici  ad  avide  capiendum  decimas, — cur 
non  primam  partem  auetoritatis  Domini  pro  amore  Christi  pauperis 
adeo  amplectuntur  ?  Cap.  17  :  Habere  civiliter,  cum  necessitat  ad. 
Bollicitudinem  circa  temporalia  et  leges  hominum  observandas,  debet 
omnino  clericis  interdici.  Et  quantum  ad  Sylvestrum  et  alios,  est  mihi 
probabile,  quod  in  recipiendo  taliter  dotationem  graviter  peccaverunt. 
Cap.  18  :  Temporales  domini  in  isto  graviter  peccaverunt.  Et  hinc 
credo  quod  justo  Dei  judicio  taliter  in  suis  mundanis  divitiis  sunt  pu- 
niti.  Ex  hoc  enim  orta  sunt  bella,  contentio  et  paupertas  multoruin 
saecularium  dominorum. — Unde  narrant  Chronicae,  quod  in  dotatione 
Ecclesiae  vox  audita  est  in  aere  angelica  tunc  temporis  sic  dicentis  : 
hodie  effiisum  est  venenum  in  Ecclesia  sancia  Dei.  Unde  a  tempore 
Constantini,  qui  sic  dotavit  Ecclesiara,  decrevit  imperium  Romanum, 
et  in  ipso  dominium  saeculare. — Nos  autem  dicimus  illis  [dominis  tem- 
poralibus],  quod  nedum  possunt  auferre  temporalia  ab  Ecclesia  habitu- 
dinaliter  delinquente,  nee  solum  quod  illis  licet  hoc  facere,  sed  quod 
debent  sub  poena  damnationis  gehennae,  cum  debent  de  sua  stultitia 
poenitere  et  satisfacere  pro  pcccato,  quo  Christi  Ecclesiam  macularunt. 
Cap.  23  :  De  poenitentia.  Prima  est  solum  in  animo  et  insensibilis, 
quia  contritus  Domino  confitetur.  Ilia  autem  licet  sit  parvipensa,  est 
tamen  virtute  maxima,  sine  qua  aliae  nihil  valent.  Secunda  vero  est 
poenitentia  aggregata  ex  ilia,  et  expressione  vocali  singulariter  facta 
Deo,  et  sic  tam  Patres  legis  veteris,  quam  Patres  novi  Testamenti 
communiter  sunt  confessi.  Sed  tertia  est  poenitentia  aggregata  ex 
duabus  prioribus,  et  promulgatione  secreta  private  facta  Presbytero. 
Et  ad  istam  poenitentiam  magis  attendimus  propter  lucrum.  Utrum 
autem  ista  poenitentia  tertia   sit  de  necessitate   salutis,  vel  qua  auc- 


252  THIRD  PEUlOl).— DIV.   IV.— A.D.   VMo—lWX 

toritate  introducta  fuerat,  est  dissensio  apud  multos.  —  Sed  non 
credat  aliquis,  quin  sine  tali  confessione  auriculari  stat  hominem  vere 
conteri  et  salvari,  cum  Petrus  injunxit  generalem  poenitentiam.  On 
the  passage  Matt.  xvi.  19  :  Quodcunque  ligaveris  etc.  Non  videtur 
hoc  dictum  in  Petro  ulteriorem  sapere  potestatem,  nisi  quod  omne, 
quod  ligaverit  vel  solverit  super  terram  conformiter  ad  Christi  judicium 
et  Ecclesiae  triumphantis,  erit  solutum  et  in  caelis.  Cap.  25  :  De  ex- 
treraa  unctione.  This  sacrament  is  not  grounded  upon  the  passage 
James  v.  14  :  cum  fidelis  posset  dicere  satis  probabiliter,  quod  ille 
sanctus  Apostolus  non  specivocat  infirmitatem  finalem,  sed  consola- 
tionem  faciendara  a  Presbytero,  dum  aliquis  infirmatur,  et  quia  per 
viam  naturae  oleum  abundans  in  illis  partibus  valet  ad  corporis  sani- 
tatem.  Ideo  talem  meminit  unctionem,  non  quod  illud  oleum  agat  in 
animam,  sed  quod  oratio  effusa  a  sacerdote  devoto  medicat  quenquam, 
ut  Deus  infirmitati  animae  suffragetur.  Si  enim  ista  corporalis  unctio 
foret  sacraraentum,  ut  modo  fingitur,  Christus  et  caeteri  Apostoli  ejus 
proraulgationem  et  executionem  debitam  non  tacerent. — Et  sic  in  Sacra- 
mento baptismatis,  in  sacramento  confirraationis  et  cunctis  aliis  Anti- 
christus  ritus  infundabiles  adinvenit,  et  ad  onus  Ecclesiae  extra  fidem 
Scripturae  supra  fideles  subditos  cumulavit.  Sacramenta  autem  alia 
necessaria  praetermisit,  ut  patet  de  septem  operibus  spiritualis  miseri- 
cordiae,  quae  dcbent  apud  fideles,  et  specialiter  Presbyteros,  esse 
sacramentum  etc.  Cap.  26  :  De  speciebus  ministrorum :  Antichristus 
habet  sub  specie  cleri  procuratores  duodecim  contra  Ecclesiam  Christi 
machinantes,  cujusmodi  communiter  ponuntur  Papae  et  Cardinales, 
Patriai'chae,  Archipraesules,  Episcopi,  Archidiaconi,  Officiales,  Decani, 
Monachi  et  Canonici  bifurcati,  Pseudofratres  introducti  jam  ultimo,  et 
Quaestores  (from  these  must  be,<Iistinguisht  sacerdotes  Christi,  recte 
ejus  Evangelium  praedicantes.  Et  ista  pars  debet  esse  quasi  anima 
corpori  mati'is  nostrae.)  Omnes  autem  isti  duodecim,  et  specialiter 
Praelati  Caesarii  et  Fratres  infundabiliter  introducti  sunt  manifeste 
discipuli  Antichristi,  quia  libertatem  Christi  tollunt,  ac  onerant  sanctam 
Ecclesiam  et  impediunt,  ne  currat  lex  evangelii  libere  sicut  olim.  Cap. 
27  :  Quod  Fratres  comminiscant  haeresim  in  Ecclesia.  Tres  blaspbe- 
mias  de  multis  ostendi  populo  de  istis  Fratribus  in  vulgari.  Prima 
est  de  quidditate  sacramenti  altaris  (to  wit  quod  ipsa  consecrata  hostia 
sit  accidens  sine  subjecto)  ;  secunda  de  mendicatione  Christi,  et  tertia 
de  literis  fraternitatum  falsissimis  (in  which  they  pretend,  quod  per- 
sonae,  quibus  istas  concedunt,  participabunt  post  mortem  de  suis 
meritis,)  On  this  point  down  to  c.  31.  Cap.  32:  De  indulgentiis : 
Superbia  eorum,  qui  Deum  oderunt,  ascendit  semper.  Ideo  licet  fons 
haeresis  et  peccati  sit  in  ipso  tenebrarum  principio,  tamen  rivu- 
lus  Fratrura  ab  eo  descendens  nititur  ut  dictum  est,  innaturaliter 
se  extollere  supra  fontem.  Fateor,  quod  indulgentiae  papales,  si 
ita  se  habeant  ut  dicuntur,  tunc  sapiant  manifestam  blasphem- 
iam.  Dicitur  enim,  quod  Papa  praetendit  se  habere  potentiam 
ad  salvandum  sin^ulos  viatores  : — et  nedum  ad  mitigandum  poenas 
eorum,  qui  deliquerunt,  ad  suffragandum  eis  cum  absolutionibus  et 
indulgentiis,  ne  unquam  veniant  ad  purgatorium,  sed  ad  praecipienduni 
Sanctis  angelis,  ut  anima  separata  a  corpore,  indilate  ipsam  deferant  in 

2 


ClI.  VIII.— REFORMERS.  §  125.  JOHN  WYCLIFF.  253 

So  long  as  Richard  II.  reigiied,  government  stood  firm  in  its 
resistance  to  ecclesiastical  usurpations.-"'^  The  Wycliffites,  now 
called  Lollards  as  a  body,^^  were  but  little  disturbed  in  spite  of 

requiem  sempiternam  (see  §  120  not.  10.)  Et  per  Fratres  coloratur 
ista  blasphemia  per  hoc,  quod  Christus  est  omnipotens. —  Sed  Papa  est 
planus  vicai'ius  ejus  in  terris,  et  ideo  potest  idem  quicquid  potest 
Christus  humanitus. — Unde  ad  declarandura  papalera  potentiam  pseudo- 
fratres  in  secretis  fidei  sic  procedunt.  Supponunt  enim  primo,  quod 
in  caelis  siut  infinita  Sanctorum  supererogata  merita,  et  specialiter 
meritum  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  quod  sufificeret  salvai-e  mundos 
alios  infinitos  ;  et  super  ilkim  totum  thesaurum  Christus  Papam  con- 
stituit  ad  secundum  quod  sibi  libuerlt  dispensandum  :  ideo  infinitum 
potest  de  illo  distribuere,  cum  hoc  remaneat  infinitum.  Contra  istam 
rudem  blasphemiam  invexi  alias  primo  sic.  Nee  Papa  nee  Dcminus 
Jesus  Christus  potest  dispensare  cum  aliquo,  nee  dare  indulgentias, 
nisi  ut  aeternaliter  deltas  justo  consilio  definivit. — Item  quaero  de  illis 
supererogatis  meritis  sempiternis,  in  quo  membro  Ecclesiae  subjec- 
tantur  ?  Si  in  Chrlsto  et  membris  suis,  mirabile  videtiir,  quod  Papa 
potest  a  subjectis  propriis  ilia  subtrahere  propter  multa.  Primo  quia 
accidens  non  potest  esse  sine  subjecto.  Secundo  quia  nullus  eorum 
ilia  desiderat,  praeteriit  illis  hora  merendi.  Et  tertio  quia  plene  juxta 
suum  meritum  praemiatur.  Quomodo  ergo  Papa  potest  per  rapinam 
talem  imaginativam  facere  Deo  et  illis  injuriam  ?  Item  per  deducens 
ad  impossibile  declaratur,  quod  si  viator  in  tempore  alicujus  Papae 
damnabitur,  ipse  Papa  erit  reus  damnationis  propter  hoc,  quod  omiltit 
ipsum  salvare  etc. — In  tales  infinitas  blasphemias  involvitur  infatuata 
Ecclesia,  et  specialiter  per  caudam  illius  draconis,  hoc  est  sectas 
Fratrum,  quae  ad  illusionem  istam,  et  alias  seductiones  Ecclesiae  Luci- 
ferinae  deserviunt.  Sed  eia  milites  Christi,  abjicite  prudenter  haec 
atque  fictitias  principis  tenebrarum,  et  induimini  Jesum  Christum,  — 
et  excutite  ab  Ecclesia  tales  versutias  Antichristi  etc. — Cap.  33  to  38 
are  against  the  Mendicant  Friars.  With  this  should  be  compared  the 
collection  of  his  opinions  with  the  original  passages  quoted  in  Lewis 
p.  125,  among  which  his  expressions  with  regard  to  the  abuse  of  the 
mass,  artistical  church  music,  images,  consecrations  of  oil,  salt,  wax, 
&c.,  canonisations,  pilgrimages,  ecclesiastical  asylums,  coelibacy  of  the 
clergy,  are  worthy  of  notice.  Heresy  he  defines  p.  140  as  errour 
meyntened  agenst  holy  Writt,  and  that  in  Life  and  Conversation,  as 
well  as  in  Opinion.  His  condemnation  of  war  and  punishment  by 
death  is  also  remarkable.  Compare  die  theologische  Doctrin  J. 
Wicliffe's  von  D.  E.  A.  Lewald,  in  Niedner's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol. 
1846.  II,  171.  IV,  503.  Wicliffe  als  Prediger,  Progr.  v.  J.  G.  V. 
Engelhardt,  Erlangen  1835. 

■^2  See  above,  §  105.  not.  9. 

25  There  is  a  list  of  Wycliffs  most  distinguisht  adherents  in  Wood 
hist.  Univ.  Oxon.  p.  186  and  in  Lewis  p.  175. — Henricusde  Knyghton 
lib.  V.  p.  2660 :  Erant  etiam  milites,  dorainus  Thomas  Latymer,  doni. 
Johannes  Trussel  etc. — cum  Ducibus  et  Comitibus,  isti  erant  praeeipue 
eis  adhaerentes  et  in  omnibus  eis  faventes. — Curaque  aliquis  pseudo- 


254:  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.-A.D.  l'U)5— I40ft. 

all  their  spiritual  condemnations.-^  Tliey  even  addrest  a  requi- 
sition to  the  King  and  Parliament  in  1394,  to  reform  the  Church 
upon  Wycliff  s  principles.^^    This  indeed  remained  without  result, 

praedicator  ad  partes  alicujus  istorura  militum  si  diverteret  praedica- 
tionis  causa,  in  contlnenti  cum  omni  pi-omptitudiiie  popukini  patriae 
convocare,  et  ad  certura  locum  vel  Ecclesiam  cum  ingenti  sollicitudine 
congregai-e  satagebat,  ad  audiendum  voces  eorum,  licet  iavitos,  resis- 
tere  tamen  vel  contradicere  non  audentes.  Nam  assistere  solent  juxta 
sic  inepte  praedicantes  gladio  et  pelta  stipati,  ad  eorum  defensionem, 
ne  quis  contra  eos  aut  eorum  doctrinam  blasphemam  aliquid  tentare 
vel  contradicere  quandoque  auderet. —  Crevit  populus  credentium  in  ista 
doctrina,  et  quasi  germinantes  multipHcati  sunt  nimis,  et  impleverunt 
ubique  orbem  regni, — audacesque  ad  plenum  facti  sunt. — Sicque  a 
vulgo  Wyclif  discipuli  et  Wycliviani  sive  Lollardi  vocati  sunt. — Secta 
ilia  in  maximo  honore  illis  diebus  habebatur  et  in  tantum  multiplicata 
fuit,  quod  vix  duos  videres  in  via,  quin  alter  eorum  discipulus  Wyclefi 
fuerit. — Thomas  Walsingham  in  Hypodigma  Neustriae  p.  544  :  Lol- 
lardi sequaces  Jobannis  Wicklifif  in  tantam  sunt  evecti  temeritatem,  ut 
eorum  Presbyteri  more  Pontificum  novos  crearent  Presbyteros,  asser- 
enfes,  quemlibet  sacerdotem  tantam  habere  potestatem  conferendi  sacra- 
nienta  ecclesiastica,  quantam  Papa.—  Audierunt  et  cognoverunt  haec 
regni  Pontifices,  sed  abierunt  alius  in  villam  suam,  alius  ad  negotia- 
tionem  suam  :  solus  Norwicensis  teniporibus  malis  aususest  esse  bonus. 
Ilenricus  de  Knyghton  p.  2706  says  of  them  :  insuper  novos  errores 
antiquis  immiscent,  and  then  gives  a  catalogue  of  25  errors,  amongst 
which,  beside  the  Wycllffite  doctrines  already  noticed,  the  following 
appear:  VII.  quod  non  est  supplicandura  Sanctis  orare  pro  viventibus, 
nee  dicenda  est  Letania  :  affirmant  enim  Deum  omnia  facere,  ipsos 
nihil  facere  posse,  quos  Sanctos  A^ocamus.  Sed  multos  eorum  praedi- 
cant  esse  in  inferno,  quorum  festa  celebrantur.  XI.  quod  nuUus  intra- 
bit  regnum  caelorum,  nisi  omnibus  renunciaverit,  ea  dando  pauperibus, 
solum  Deum  sequendo,  raodo  ipsorum.  XIII.  quod  omnia  inter  clericos 
debent  esse  communia.     XVI.  quod  non  licet  aliquo  modo  jjrare. 

2*  cf.  Wilkins  Cone.  Britanniae  iii.  202  ss.  Compare  especially 
Cone.  Londin.  ann.  1396  p.  277  ss.  (Mansi  xxvi.  p.  811  ss.),  where 
again  18  apborisms  of  Wj^cliff's  were  condemned. 

■'^  They  presented  12  Conclusiones,  in  Lewis  p.  298,  in  Wilkins  Cone. 
M.  B.  iii.  221  :  Prima  conclusio  est,  quod,  quando  Ecclesia  Angliae 
incepit  delirare  in  temporalitate  secundum  novercam  suam  magnam 
Ecclesiam  Romanam,  et  Ecclesiae  fuerant  auctorizatae  per  appropria- 
tionem  diversis  locis  ;  fides,  spes,  caritas  inceperunt  fugere  de  Ecclesia 
nostra,  quia  superbia  cum  sua  dolorosa  genealogia  mortalium  peccato- 
rum  vindicabat  hoc  titulo  veritatis. — Secunda  conclusio,  quod  nostrum 
usuale  sacerdotium,  quod  incepit  in  Roma,  fictum  potestate  Angelis 
altiori,  non  est  istud  sacerdotium,  quod  Christus  ordinavit  suis  Aposto- 
lis. — III.  quod  lex  continentiae  injuncta  sacerdotio,  quae  in  praejudi- 
cium  mulierum  prius  fuit  ordinata,  inducit  Sodomiam  in  totani  sanctarn 
Ecclesiam. — IV.  quod  fictum  miraculum  sacramenti  panis  inducit  omnes 


CH.  VIII.— IlEFORMEES.  §  125.  JOHN  WYCLIFF.  2o5 

but  also  without  puiiisliment.  But  when  upon  the  dethronement 
and  miu'der  of  Richard  II.  (1399)  the  house  of  Lancaster  came 
into  power  w^ith  Henry  IV.,^*^  the  new  King  believed  that  he  could 
only  secure  himself  on  the  throne  he  had  usurpt,  by  the  help  of 

homines — in  idololatriara — Sed  vellet,  Deus,  quod  ipsi  vellent  credere, 
quod  Doctor  Evangelicus  dicit  in  suo  Trialoyo^  quod  panis  Altaris  est 
accidentaliter  corpus  Christi. — V.  quod  Exorcismi  et  benedictiones 
factae  super  vinuin,  panem,  aquam  et  oleum,  sal,  cerara  et  incensum, 
lapides  Altaris,  et  Ecclesiae  muros,  super  vestimentum,  raitrara,  crucem 
et  baculos  peregrinorum  sunt  vera  pi*actica  necromantiae  potius  quam 
sacrae  theologiae. — VI.  quod  Rex  et  Episcopus  in  una  persona,  Prae- 
latus  et  judex  in  temporalibus  causis,  Curatus  et  Officialis  in  mundiali 
officio  facit  quodlibet  regnum  extra  bonum  regimen. — VII.  quod  spi- 
rituales  orationes  pro  animabus  inortuorum  factae  in  Ecclesia  nostra, 
praeferentes  unum  per  noraen  antequam  alium,  est  falsum  fundamentum 
eleemosynae. — VIII.  quod  peregrinationes,  orationes,  et  oblatione* 
factae  caecis  crucibus  sive  Modys,  et  surdis  imaginibus  de  ligno  et 
lapide,  sunt  prope  consanguineae  ad  idololatriam  : — imago  usualis  de 
trinitate  est  maxime  abominabilis. — IX.  quod  auricularis  confessio, 
quae  dicitur  tarn  necessaria  ad  salvationem  bominis,  cum  ficta  potestate 
absolutionis,  exaltat  superbiam  Sacerdotum,  et  dat  illis  opportunitatem 
secretarum  sermocinationum,  quas  nos  nolumus  dicere,  quia  domini  et 
dominae  attestantur,  quod  pro  timore  confessorum  suorum  non  audent 
dicere  veritatem,  et  in  tempore  confessionis  est  opportunum  tempus 
procationis,  id  est  of  Wowyng  et  aliarum  secretarum  conventionum  ad 
peccata  mortalia.  Ipsi  dieunt,  quod  sunt  commissarii  Dei  ad  judican- 
dum  de  omni  peccato,  ad  perdonandum  et  mundandura,  quemcumque 
eis  placuerit.  Dicuut,  quod  habent  claves  caeli  et  inferni,  et  possunt 
excommunicare  et  benedicere,  ligare  et  solvere  ad  voluntatem  eorum, 
in  tantum  quod  pro  bussello  vel  XII.  denai'iis  volunt  vendere  benedic 
tionem  caeli  per  cartam  et  clausulam  de  warrantla  (garantie)  sigillata 
sigillo  communi. — X.  quod  homicidium  per  bellum  vel  praetensam 
legem  justitiae  pro  temporali  causa,  sine  spirltuali  revelatione,  est  ex- 
presse  contrarium  Novo  Testamento,  quod  quidem  est  lex  gratiae  et 
plena  misericordiarum. —  XI.  quod  votum  continentiae  factum  in  nostra 
Ecclesia  per  mulieres,  quae  sunt  fragiles  et  imperfectae  in  natura,  est 
causa  inductionis  maximorum  horribilium  peccatorum  possibilium  liu- 
manae  naturae  :  quia,  licet  interfectio  puerorum  antequam  baptizentur, 
et  abortivorum,  et  destructio  naturae  per  mediciuam  sint  turpia  peccata, 
adbuc  commixtio  cum  seipsis  vel  irrationalibus  bestiis,  vel  creatura  non 
habente  vitam,  tali  transcendit  indiguitate,  ut  puniantur  poenis  inferni. 
— XII.  quod  multitudo  artium  non  necessariarum  usitatarum  in  nostro 
regno  nutrit  multum  peccatum  in  ivaste  curiositate  et  inter  disguising. 
— videtur  nobis  quod  aurifabri  et  armatores,  et  omnimodae  artes  non 
necessariae  homini  secundum  Apostolum  destruereutur  pro  incremento 
virtutis. 

-^  On  this  revolution  see  Flathe's  Geschicbte  der  Vorlaufer  der  Re- 
form, ii.  250. 


256  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

the  clergy.  Opposition  to  them  was  given  up  :  on  the  other 
hand  strict  laws  of  heresy  were  forthwith  issued  r'  true  they 
could  not  be  brought  into  immediate  operation  on  account  of  the 
threatening  aspect  of  the  other  party :  but  fi'om  the  time  tliat 
Henry  V.  mounted  the  throne  (1413),  principally  by  the  sugges- 
tions of  the  King's  Confessor,  Thomas  Waldensis  the  Carmelite,^* 
they  were  brought  to  bear  upon  the  Wycliffites  with  such  blood- 
thirsty zeal,^^  that  their  numbers  were  greatly  diminisht,  and 

2^  The  statute  de  comburendo  haeretico  was  issued  in  1400  by  King 
and  Parliament  (Wilkins  Cone.  M.  B.  iii.  252.)  To  complete  the 
statute  the  heresies  which  should  be  persecuted  were  designated  on  the 
part  of  the  clergy,  in  the  Constitutiones  dom.  Thomae  Arundel  Can- 
tuar.  Archiep.  ann.  1408  (in  Wilkins  iii.  314.)  These  were  directed 
against  preaching  without  license  from  the  authorities,  against  erro- 
neous doctrines  of  the  Sacraments,  against  Wycliff's  works,  against 
translations  of  the  Bible,  and  so  on.  Const.  VII.:  Periculosa 
quoque  res  est,  testante  b.  Jeronymo,  textum  sacrae  Scripturae  de  uno 
in  aliud  idioma  transferre,  eo  quod  in  ipsis  translationibus  non  de  facili 
idem  in  omnibus  sensus  retinetur,  prout  idem  b.  Jeronymus,  etsiinspira- 
tus  fuisset^  se  in  hoc  saepius  fatetur  errasse.  Statuimus  igitur  et 
ordinamus,  ut  nemo  deinceps  aliquem  textum  sacrae  Scripturae  aucto- 
ritate  sua  in  linguam  Anglicanam  vel  aliani  transferat  per  viam  libi'i, 
libelU  aut  traetatus  :  nee  legatur  aliquis  hujusmodi  liber,  libellus  aut 
tractatus  jam  noviter  tempore  dicti  Johannis  AVycliff,  sive  citra,  com- 
positus,  aut  inposterum  componendus,  in  parte  vel  in  toto,  publice  vel 
occulte,  sub  majoris  excommunieationis  poena,  quousque  per  loci  dioece- 
sanum,  seu  si  res  exegerit  per  Concilium  provinciale  ipsa  translatio 
fuerit  approbata.  Qui  contra  fecerit,  ut  fautor  haeresis  et  erroris 
similis  puniatur. 

2^  He  wrote  beside  many  other  books  Doctrinale  antiquitatum  fidei 
Ecclesiae  cathol.  (against  Wickliffites  and  Hussites)  ed.  Paris  1532. 
Venet.  1571  fob 

-^  The  persecution  began  with  the  arrest  of  John  Oldcastle,  Lord 
Cobham,  who  escaped  from  the  Tower,  but  was  afterwards  imprisoned 
again,  and  in  1416  hung  in  chains  and  burnt.  Compare  Walsingham 
hist.  Angliae  p.  382  ss.  Ejusd.  hypodigma  Neustriae  p.  574  ss.  Jo, 
Fox  rerum  in  Ecclesia  gestarura,  quae  postremis  et  periculosis  his 
temporibus  evenerunt  (Basil.  1559  fob)  i.  97.  Vaughan  ii.  361. 
Flathe  ii.  261.  Weber  I.  i.  117. — Comp,  Thomas  Waldensis  in  pro- 
oemio  (Raynald.  ann.  1414  no.  16)  :  Henricus  V.  Christo  et  mundo 
commendatissimus  inter  Reges,  gaudebat  in  ipso  regni  sui  priniordio 
contra  Wiclevistas  haereticos  erexisse  vexillum,  dum  scilicet  ad  Christi 
natalem  cum  duce  iniquitatis  eorum  Joanne  Castriveteris  (Oldcastle) 
contra  inclytum  Regeni  conspirare  coeperunt :  nee  mora  longa  proees- 
fiit,  quin  statutum  publicum  per  omne  regni  concilium  in  publico  ema- 
navit  edieto,  quod  omnes  Wielevistae,  sicut  Dei  proditores  essent,  sic 


CH.  VIII.— REFORMERS.  ^  125.  JOH^  WYCLIFF.  257 

the  remnant  withdrew  into  conceahnent.  However  the  perse- 
cuted cause  of  truth  quickly  rose  again  in  Bohemia,  like  a 
phoenix  from  her  ashes  :  and  the  renewed  condemnation  of 
Wycliff  at  the  Council  of  Constance,  like  the  burning  of  his  bones 
in  1428,^*'  only  served  to  bring  to  light  the  weakness  of  earthly 
power  when  opposed  to  truth  and  spiritual  freedom.  For  even  in 
England  Wycliffitism  continued,  though  in  deep  concealment, 
and  under  heavy  persecutions,  mitil  the  great  Reformation  of 
the  sixteenth  century.^  ^ 

proditores  Regis  et  regni  proscriptis  bonis  censerentur,  duplici  poenac 
dandi,  incendio  propter  Deum,  suspendio  propter  Regeni :  factumque  est 
ita.  Stat  res  jure  perenni.  Multi  eoriim  depreheusi  ignibus  consumti 
sunt,  contriti  sunt :  et  sic  malignantium  habita  opportunitate  relicto  regno 
decesserunt.  Si  qua  alia  gens  (Bobemians)  bujus  fascinata  criminibus 
coUigere  dignum  ducat  paleas,  quas  nos  auctoritate  sanctorum  antis- 
titum  cum  clero  regni  et  principali  terrore  discussimus,  quis  imputet 
Anglicis  ?  Mare  nostrum  ejicit  mortuos  nostros,  et  terra  nostra  dedit 
fructum  centuplura,  quIs  criminabitur  Angliam  quod  populus  circum- 
ventus  dolo  baeretico  mortuos  nostros  coHt  et  veneratur  ut  Deos  ? 

^•^  The  Council  of  Constance  in  its  eigbtb  sitting,  4  May,  1415,  con- 
demned forty-five  articles  of  Wycliff's,  adjudged  bis  works  to  the 
flames,  and  decreed  at  last,  corpus  ejus  et  ossa,  si  ab  aliis  fidelium  cor- 
poribus  discern!  possint,  exbumari,  et  procul  ab  ecclesiastica  sepultura 
jactari  secundum  canonicas  et  legitimas  sanctiones  (v.  d,  Hardt.  Cone. 
Const,  iv.  150).  Tbe  accomplishment  of  this  last  command  however, 
had  to  be  enjoined  over  and  over  again  by  Martin  V.  upon  the  Bishop 
of  Lincoln,  so  late  as  1427  (Raynald  ann.  1427.  no.  14). 

^'  Burnet  hist.  Reform,  i.  15. — The  opinion  of  tbe  earlier  Lutheran 
divines  upon  Wycliff  was  unfavourable.  Luther  censures  the  "  Spit- 
zigen  Wikleff "  for  bis  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  supper  (Bekenntniss  voni 
Abendmal  Christi  in  Walch's  Ausg.  Tb.  20.  S.  1808  and  1294). 
Melancbthon  in  Apologia  August.  Confess,  ad.  art.  xvi.  :  Plane  furebat 
Wiglefus,  qui  negabat  licere  sacerdotibus  tenere  proprium.  And 
again  in  the  Unschuldigen  Nachrichten  a.d.  1712.  S.  558,  we  find 
Wycliff  cannot  "  unter  die  rechten  Zeugen  der  Wahrheit  gezehlet 
werden,  weil  er  selbe  vielmebr  zufallig  bezeuget,  und  viel  sonticos 
naevos  gehabt  hat." 


VOL    IV 


258  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.  1305—1409. 


NINTH   CHAPTER. 

EXTENSION    AND    LIMITATION    OF    CHRISTENDOM. 

§  126. 

If  we  were  to  allow  that  the  mere  performance  of  the  bap- 
tismal ceremony  was  equivalent  to  conversion  to  Christianity, 
the  conversion  of  the  last  heathen  nations  in  Europe  began  at 
this  time.  In  Lithuania  individuals  had  already  betaken  them- 
selves to  the  Russian  Church,  when  the  Grand  Duke  Jagello,  in 
order  to  win  the  young  Hedwig  to  wife,  and  with  her  the  Crown 
of  Poland,  was  baptized  into  the  Roman  Church,  1380,  and 
required  his  subjects  to  follow  his  example.^  Baptized  indeed 
many  of  them  were  :^   but  the  disposition  of  the  Lithuanians 

1  Jo.  Dlugossi  (canon  at  Cracow  ■\-  1480)  hist.  Poloniae.  Francof. 
1711  fol.  lib.  X,  p.  96  ss.  According  to  page  104,  at  the  same  time 
with  Jagello,  his  brother  Switrigal  and  his  cousin  Witoudt  were  bap- 
tized ;  reliqui  Lithuaniae  Duces,  fratres  Ducis  Jagyellonis  cum  dudum 
ante  Graecorum  ritu  baptisma  sortiti  fuerint,  ad  iterandum,  vel  ut  sig- 
nificantiori  verbo  utar,  ad  supplendum  baptisma  non  poterant  induci. 
Compare  Schlozer's  Gesch.  von  Litthauen,  in  der  AUgera.  Weltgesch. 
Th.  50.     S.  84  ff. 

2  Jo.  Dlugossus  1.  c.  p.  109  s.  In  the  year  1387  Jagello,  now 
Wladislaw  XL,  went  with  a  great  retinue  to  Lithuania,  and  had  the 
heathen  sanctuai'ies  destroyed.  Confractis  autem  et  exterminatis 
idolis,  dum  Deorum  suorum  falsitatem — oculis  pervidissett,  universa 
Lithuanorum  gens  et  natio  fidem  christianam  suscipere — prona  et 
obedient!  devotione  consensit.  Per  dies  autem  aliquot  de  articuHs 
fidei,  quos  credere  oportet,  et  oratione  dominica,  atque  symbolo  per 
sacerdotes  Polonorum,  magis  tamen  per  AVladislai  Regis,  qui  linguam 
gentis  noverat  et  cui  facilius  assentiebat,  [operam]  edocta,  sacri  baptis- 
matis  unda  renata  est,  largiente  Wladislao  Rege  singulis  ex  popularium 
numero  post  susceptum  baptisma  de  panno  ex  Polonia  adducto  novas 
vestes,  tunicas,  et  indumenta.  Qua  quidem  provida  liberalitate  et 
largitione  effecit,  ut  rudis  ilia  natio  et  pannosa,  lineis  in  earn  diem  con- 
tenta,  fama  hujusmodi  liberalitatis  vulgata  pro  consequendis  laneis 
vestibus  catervatim  ad  suscipiendum  baptisma  ex  omni  regione  accur- 
reret.  Et  quoniam  labor  immensus  erat,  unumquemque  credentium 
baptisare  singillatim,  concurrentis  ad  baptisma  popidi  Lithuanici  uti*i- 


CH.  IX.— CONVERSIONS.  §  126.  LITHUANIANS.  259 

remained  for  a  loner  time  heathenish.^  The  case  was  the  same 
with  regard  to  the  conversion  of  the  Laplanders,  which  Hem- 
ming, Archbishop  of  Upsala,  commenced  in  1335.'^ 

The  Popes  still  continued  to  delude  themselves  with  the  vain 
hope  of  winning  the  Mongols.  Most  of  their  tribes  declared 
themselves  all  the  more  decidedly  in  favour  of  Mahometanism.^ 
The  young  Christian   community  in  China  ^   was   completely 

usque  sexus  multitudo  mandante  Rege  sequestrabatur  in  turmas  et 
cuneos,  et  universis  de  qualibet  turmarum  benedicta  aqua  sufficienter 
conspersis,  cuilibet  etiam  turmae  et  universis,  qui  in  ea  constiterant, 
nomen  christianum  et  usitatum  abrogatis  barbaricis,  videlicet  priraae 
turmae  Petrus,  secundae  Paiilus  etc. — imponebantur.  Militaribus 
tamen  et  natu  majoi'ibus  speciale  impendebatur  baptisma  etc.  The 
facts  which  follow  throw  some  light  on  the  chai'acter  of  these  conver- 
sions ;  the  Lithuanian  prince  Witoudt  was  baptized  in  Prussia  so  early 
as  1384,  when  he  fled  to  the  German  order  (see  Jahrbiicher  Johannes 
Lindenblatt's,  a  cotemporary,  herausg.  v.  Joh.  Voigt  u.  Schubert, 
Konigsberg  1823.  S.  60),  and  afterwards  a  second  time  by  some 
Russian  priests  (see  Lucas  David's,  -J-  1583,  preuss.  chronik,  herausgeg. 
V.  Henning,  Bd.  7.  S.  174,  anm.  s.  189,  225),  before  he  received  bap- 
tism at  Cracow.  The  Samaiten  (Samogitae),  a  Lithuanian  tribe, 
obtained  baptism  from  the  German  order  in  1401,  (Lindenblatt  S. 
130)  ;  in  1413  King  Wladislaw  found  the  country  still  entirely  heathen- 
ish, he  overran  and  converted  it  (Dlugossus  lib.  xi.  p.  342  ss.) :  but 
in  1418  the  Samaiten  drove  out  their  priests  once  more,  burnt  their 
churches,  and  returned  to  Heathenism  again  (Lindenblatt  S.  334.) 

^  Aeneas  Sylvius  de  statu  Europae  sub  Frider.  III.  c.  20  (in  Freheri 
rer.  Germ,  scriptt.  ed.  Struveii.  114)  relates  from  the  mouth  of  a  certain 
monk  Hieronymus  Pragensis,  how  he  had  found  idol- worship  completely 
prevalent  shortly  before  the  Council  in  Lithuania.  When  Jerome, 
supported  by  King  Wladislav  and  Duke  Witoudt,  began  to  destroy 
the  sanctuaries,  there  was  a  threatening  of  rebellion :  motus  ea  re 
Witoldus,  veritusque  populorum  tumultum,  Christo  potius  quam  sibi 
deese  plebem  voluit,  revocatisque  Uteris,  quas  Praesidibus  provinciarum 
dederat  jubens  parere  Hieronymo,  hominem  ex  provincia  decedere  jus- 
sit.  Even  in  the  16  th  century  secret  idolatry  was  found  in  Lithuania, 
Lucas  David  vii.  205. 

*  Jo.  Schefferi  Lapponia,  Francof.  1673.  4.  p.  63  ss.  Dalin  Gesch. 
des  Reicha  Schweden  ii,  169. 

^  Compare  Part  2.  §  93.  note  8.  Mosheim  hist.  Tartarorum  eccle- 
siast.  p.  90  ss. 

^  What  its  condition  was  may  be  seen  from  the  letter  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan Andreas  de  Perusio,  Bishop  of  Canton,  in  Raynald  1326  no. 
31  :  In  isto  vasto  imperio  sunt  gentes  de  omni  natione,  quae  sub  caelo 
est,  et  de  omni  secta,  et  conceditur  omnibus  et  singulis  vivere  secun- 
dum sectara  suam.  Est  enim  haec  opinio  apud  eos,  seu  potius  error, 
quod  unusquisque  in  sua  secta  salvatur.     Et  nos  praedicare  possumus 

r2 


260  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

broken  up  in  1369  by  tlie   expulsion  of  the  Mongols  from     bis 
country.^ 

§  127. 


PERSECUTIONS  AND  CONVERSIONS  OF  THE  JEWS. 

Tlie  mutual  fanatical  hatred  which  existed  between  the  Jews 
and  the  Christians,  could  only  find  expression  on  the  part  of  the 
former  in  covert  and  concealed  acts,  while  on  the  side  of  the 
Christians,  it  frequently^  broke  out  in  bloody  persecutions  of  the 
Jews.     One  of  the  severest  was  that  which  extended  from  Seville 


libere  et  secure,  sod  de  Judaeis  et  Saracenis  nemo  convertitur :  de 
idololatris  baptizantur  quamplurimi,  sed  multi  ex  baptizatis  nen  recte 
incedunt  per  viam  Christianitatls. 

"^  Mosheim  1.  c.  p.  119  ss. 

^  Compare  Jost's  Gesch.  der  Israeliten  seit  der  Zeit  der  Maccabaer  vi 
341  and  vii.  Frequent  pretexts  for  persecution  were  the  poisoning  of 
fountains,  the  murder  of  Christian-children,  and  desecration  of  the  host. 
The  persecution  for  poisoning  fountains  was  most  fearful  in  the  year 
of  the  great  plague  1349  (Chrou.  Mellic.  in  Pezii  scriptt.  rer.  Austr. 
i.  248  :  Judaei  in  Suevia  et  Bavaria  cremati  fuerunt,  quia  convicti 
quidam  profitebantur,  se  mortalitatem  praedictam  inter  Christianoa 
pulvere  toxicato  generasse).  However  much  inclined  we  may  be  in 
this  case  to  make  allowance  for  popular  opinion,  misguided  by  the 
singularity  of  the  disaster,  it  is  still  suprising,  that  it  should  be  stated 
in  minutes  received  among  the  Jews  at  Friburg  (Schreiber's  Urkun- 
denbuch  der  Stadt  Freiburg  im  Breisgau  i.  378)  that  in  Waldklrch, 
according  to  the  Jews'  own  statement,  sacks  of  poison  were  found  in  the 
fountains  (S.  383).  No  less  remarkable  are  the  proceedings  on  the 
death  of  a  Christian  child  in  Diessenhoven  a.d.  1401  ( Schreiber  ii.  167). 
The  perpetrator  of  the  crime,  a  Christian  hind,  was  taken  in  the  very 
act,  and  declared  he  was  employed  by  the  Jews,  to  give  them  the 
child's  blood.  By  this  declaration  he  could  not  better  his  fate,  but  rather 
make  it  worse.  The  Jews  who  were  arrested  confest :  they  incurred  rea- 
dily, even  openly,  the  condemnation  of  the  Christians,  by  allowing  that 
they  must,  at  least  once  in  seven  years,  have  the  blood  of  a  Christian  child 
under  thirteen  years  old  for  their  passover,  that  they  partook  of  it,  as  they 
had  done  before  of  the  Paschal  Lamb,  smeared  themselves  with  it,  and 
swallowed  it,  "  ze  Fristung  ihres  Libes"  (for  the  refreshment  of  their 
body),  but  took  particular  care  not  to  smell  of  it :  Besides  they  were 
able  by  means  of  the  dried  up  blood  to  cause  a  plague  within  a  circle 
of  half  a  mile,  or  poison  the  air.  At  an  examination  in  Endingen 
1470  (Si  1:  ■„'ibtr  ii.  520)  they  answered  on  the  contrary,  that  they  used 
tLe  blood  as  an  ointment  after  circumcision.     The  diversity  of  these 


CH.  IX.— CONVERSIONS,  g  127.  THE  JEWS.  2G1 

statements  proves  that  they  were  borrowed  from  the  popular  opinions  of 
the  day.     Torture  compelled  men  in  those  days  to  confess  all  that  was 
desired.     And  when  Jews  content  without  torture  (as  in  Schreiber  ii. 
110  and  170)  we  may  understand,  that  they  foresaw  inevitable  death, 
and  wisht  to  undergo  it  without  previous  torments.      However  in  both 
the  cases  mentioned  above  the  corpora  delicti  and  their  weight  of  evi- 
dence do  not  admit  of  being  lied  away.     That  the  Jews,  according  to 
their  law  required  no  human  blood  for  the  Paschal  feast  is  certain,  and 
on  occasion  of  the  Jews'  persecution  at  Damascus  in  1840  was  demon- 
strated   with    overwhelming  proofs  (see  the  Schriftenverzeichniss   in 
lUgen's  Zeitschrift  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.  1841.  iv.  174.    Compare  also  Saal- 
schiitz  ibid.  S.  139).     But  it  is  a  different  question  whether  the  Jews 
might  not  have  been  carried   away  to  crimes  by  their  hatred  of  the 
Christians,  and  whether  among  the  manifold  superstitions  which  had 
flowed  in  among  them  since  the  olden  time  (see  vol.  i.,  Part  1,  §  17, 
note  9)  the  blood  of  a  child  might  not  be  required  for  certain  crimes. 
Even  if  there  were  ground  for  the  charge  in  isolated  cases,  still  many 
innocent  persons  may  have  been  done  to  death.     The  desecration  of  the 
host  is  certainly  for  the  most  part  erroneously  charged  upon  the  Jews. 
The  desire  which  was  attributed  to  them,  of  paining  Christ  afresh,  and 
putting  him  to  shame,  is  conceived   altogether  in  the  strain   of  the 
Catholic  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation.     That  the  fraud  of  the  Chris- 
tian priesthood  was  often  employed  this  vfaj,  is  plain  from  Benedicti  XII. 
epist.  ad  Albertum   Ducem   Austriae,  in   Raynald.  ann.  1338  no.  18  : 
When   a  persecution  of  the  Jews   had  arisen    upon  occasion  of  the 
discovery  of  a  blood  stained  host  before  the  house  of  a  certain  Jew  in 
the  district  of  Passau,  the  Duke  took  the  part  of  the  Jews,  and  wrote 
to  the  Pope,  quod  olim  in  ducatu  Austriae  in  oppido  Neirmiburch  — 
quaedam   hostia  non  consecrata  cruore  madefacta  per  quendam  clericum 
in  Ecclesia  dicti  oppidi  posita  fuit,  qui  postmodum- — confessus  fuit,  se 
dicto  cruore  praefatam  hostiam  madidasse  ad  praesumptionem  inducen- 
dam,  quod    a   Judaeis   contumeliose  dehonestata  taliter    extitisset  in 
opprobrium  Salvatoris,  quae  etiam  cum  a  Christifidelibus  per  aliquod 
temporis  spatium  tanquam    verum  corpus  Christi  adoraretur,   demum 
vermibus  tineisque  scaturiens   demolita  extitit  penitus  et  consumpta. 
Quam    quidara  clericus   ejusdem    Eeclesiae  sic  cousumptam    aspiciens 
suggestione    diabolica  peVsuasus,    errorem    errori    accumulans,   aliara 
hostiam  non  consecratam,  cruore  per  ipsura  intinctam,  loco  praedictae 
hostiae  sic  consumptae  reponere  minime  formidavit,  sicut  postmodum 
per  confessionem  ejusdem  clei'ici  talia  perpetrantis  extitit  revelatum  : 
eademque  hostia  in  alterius  locum  supposita — usque  ad  hodiernum  diem 
tanquam  verum  corpus  dominicum  a  Christifidelibus  hujusmodi  fraudem 
ignorantibus  veneratur. — casus   similis  ob  invidiam  et  odium  Judaeo- 
rum  in   oppido  Werchartstof  coeperat  exoriri  etc.     Jo.   Vitoduranus 
also  relates  another  such  case  in  the  Thesaurus  hist.  Helvet.  p.  44  s. 
and  adds  thereto,  the  lying  priest  suo  Diocesano  erat  praesentatus,  qui 
eum   captum  et   vinctum  detinuit  per  plures    dies,    sed    quod  arctae 
custodiae  carceris  traditus  fuerit,  vel   alias  secundum  exigentiam  mali- 
tiae  suae  punitus  sit,  non  audivi :  quod  ex  intimis  meis  doleo  praecor- 
diis. — Quod  autem  Episcopus  suus  remissus  et  negligens  fuit, — in  eo, 


262  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

in  the  year  1390,  over  a  large  part  of  Spain,  and  effected  a  great 
number  of  seeming  conversions.^ 

ut  quidara  ajunt,  ratio  haec  est,  quia  per  pecuniam — pletani — corntptus 
fuit.  It  is,  however,  very  possible,  that  the  Jews  in  some  of  the  many 
cases  of  the  kind,  in  order  to  strengthen  themselves  in  their  conviction 
of  the  idolatry  of  the  Christians,  procured  consecrated  hosts,  and 
examined  them  in  every  way. 
Jost  vii.  53. 


APP.  I.— GREEK  CHURCH,  g  128.  EFFORTS  FOR  UNION.         263 


FIRST  APPENDIX. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  GREEK  CHURCH. 

§  128. 

EFFORTS  FOR  UNION  WITH  THE  LATIN  CHURCH. 

Leo  AUatius  de  Eccl.  Occident,  et  orient,  perp.  consensione  lib.  ii.  c.  16 — 18. 

In  order  to  avert  the  danger  wliicli  threatened  them  from  the 
side  of  the  Turks,  by  the  help  of  the  western  powers,  the  Greek 
emperors  laboured  almost  without  interruption  throughout  the 
fourteenth  century,  to  effect  a  reunion  of  the  two  divided 
Churches.  But  beside  themselves  and  a  small  party  at  court, 
no  one  else  on  either  side  would  consent  to  yield,  and  so  all  efforts 
were  necessarily  fi'ustrated.  First  the  Emperor  Andronicus 
m.  Palgsologus  (1328—1341)  opened  fi-esh  negotiations  ( 1333)^ 
in  consequence  of  which  a  Greek  embassy  negotiated  in  vain  at 
Avignon  (1339).^     True,  the  most  eminent  of  these  ambassadors 

1  See  the  brief  of  Pope   Joha  XXII.  to  the  Greek  Emperor,  the 

Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  etc.  in  Raynald.  ann.  1333  no.  17  gs. 

On  the  negotiations  of  two  bishops,  ambassadors  of  the  Pope  at  Con- 
stantinople (1334)  see  Niceph.  Gregorae  Byzantina  hist.  lib.  x.  c.  8 
(ed.  Bonn.  1829  i.  501),  who  took  an  active  jiart  in  them  himself. 

'^  On  this  point  see  the  Protocol  (in  Raynald.  ann.  1339  no.  19  ss. 
and  taken  from  another  manuscript  in  Allatius  1.  c.  p.  788  ss.)  and  Bene- 
dictiXII.ep.adPhiHppumregemFranciaein  Raynald.  ann.1339  no,  33. 
The  Greek  ambassadors  stated,  quod  in  generali  concilio — articulus  de 
processione  Spiritus  sancti  per  disputationes  et  concertationes  ibidem 
concordaretur  inter  Latinos  et  Graecos  :  quodque  ante  omnia  super 
recuperatione  trium  vel  quatuor  civitatum  magnarura,  quae  per  Turcos 
— detlneri  dicuntur, — praestaretur  auxilium.  Barlaam  the  Greek 
ambassador,  who  was  the  principal  speaker,  promised,  quaecunque  a 
generali  concilio  determinata  fuerint,  omnes  Orientales  libenter  haec 
recipient. — Si  autem  aliquis  dicet,  quia  jam  factum  est  de  istis  generale 
concilium  in  Lugduno,  in  quofueruntet  Graeci  (Part  2,  §  95,  note  15)  : 
sciat,  quod  nemo  poterit  humiliare  populum  Graecum,  ut  recipiant 
illud    concilium    sine    alio    concilio.     Quare  I   quia    illi    Graeci,    qui 


204  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305-1409. 

interfuerunt  isti  concilio  non  fuerunt  missi  neque  a  quatuor  Pa- 
triarch is,  qui  gubernant  orientalera  Ecclesiam,  neque  a  populo,  sed 
a  solo  Imperatore,  qui  conatus  fuit  facere  unionem  vobiscura  ex  vi,  et 
non  voluntarie.  But  the  aid  against  the  Turks,  so  ran  Barlaam's  petition, 
ought  to  precede  the  Council,  first  quod  naturaliter  oranes  homines 
magis  volunt  subjugari  benefacientibus  eis,  quam  contra  facientibus, 
secondly  because  the  Emperor  could  not  summon  a  council  before  the 
close  of  the  Turkish  war,  neque  enim  dum  guerra  fit,  poterit  quatuor 
Patriarchas  et  alios  Pontifices  in  unum  conjugare,  nee  concilio  poterit 
interesse.  The  Pope  refused  a  general  council,  because  non  esset 
decens, — sic  clarum  deterrainatum  et  definitum  articulum  fidei — nunc 
per  novas  disputationes — in  dubium  revocare.  Then  Barlaam  made 
the  remarkable  proposal,  quod  saltem,  si  ad  profitendum  dictum  arti- 
culum Graeci  forsan  induci  non  possent,  reunione  facta  permitterentur 
ipsi  Graeci  quod  super  eodem  articulo  tenent  credere,  Latinique  crederent 
catholice  Spiritum  sanctum  a  Patre  et  Filio  procedere  :  but  responsum 
extitit,  hoc  esse  nullatenus  tolerandum,  quia  in  Ecclesia  catholica, 
in  qua  una  fides  esse  noscitur,  quoad  hoc  duplicem  fidem  minus 
veraciter  esset  dare.  The  Pope  on  the  other  hand  proposed  that  the 
Greek  Church  should  choose  plenipotentiaries,  and  send  them  into  the 
west,  qui  cum  aliis  viris  sapientibus, — per  sedem  apostolicam  super  hoc 
deputandis,  non  per  modum  disputationis  vel  concertationis,  sed  instruc- 
tionis,  quoad  Graecos  ipsos,  salutifere  haberent  maturos  et  diligentes 
tractatus,  Barlaam  fell  back  upon  his  last  proposal :  The  Pope  might 
send  ambassadors  to  the  four  Greek  Patriarchs,  and  the  emperor  with 
the  following  declaration  :  Virifratres,  quoniam  vos  et  nos  confitemiir 
in  divhiis  imam  suhstantiam  et  ti^es personas,  etiavi  unum  principiwn,  et 
neque  vos  neque  nos  adducimus  in  divinis  aut  identitatem personarum,  aut 
divisionem  substantiae  ;  sufficiant  ista  nobis,  ut  habeamus  unionem.  De 
processione  autem  Spiritus  sancti  non  dividamur  ab  invicem ;  sed 
sapientes  quidem  vesiricitm  nostris  dispident  de  ista  quaestione  si  volunt  : 
communiter  vera  non  haberemus  propter  hoc  divisionem,  sed  tenete  vos 
quod  vidtis  de  isto,  et  nos  similiter :  et  non  damnemus  p)ropter  hoc  alte- 
7'utrum,  sed  factum  sit  tantum.  Vos  quidem  date  Ecclesiae  Romanae 
ilium  honorem,  quern  dabant  et  antiqui  Patriarchae  in  tempore 
unionis,  quern  determinaverunt  etiam  leges  Imperatorum  et  canones 
sanctorum  Patrum,  et  plus  non  petimus  a  vobis  :  Nos  autem  parati 
sumus  dare  et  firmare  Ecclesiae  orientali,  et  specialiter  Ecclesiae 
Constantinopolitanae  et  imperio  Constantinopolitano  omnia  jura,  quae 
S'lntvel  ab  anfiqua  consuetudine,  vel  determinata  aut  a  legibus  Impe- 
ratorum aut  a  canonibus  sanctorum  Pa.trum.  Most  of  the  Greeks 
would  yield  obedience  to  such  a  demand.  The  Pope's  fiual  answer 
was,  quod  ex  eo  justa  petitio  non  videtur,  quia  si  [Graeci]  fortificati, 
ditati,  exaltati  et  confirmati  per  sedem  apostolicam,  Reges,  Principes 
et  populos  catholicos  ante  reunionem  praedictam,  postea  terga  et  non 
faciem  verterent  Romanae  Ecclesiae  memoratae,  sicut  alias,  dum  cre- 
debantur  reuniti, — fecisse  noscuntur  :  proculdubio  idem  dominus  sum- 
mus  Pontifex,  Ecclesia,  et  fideles  remanerent  delusi,  et  dici  posset 
opprobrium  non  modicum,  quod  suos  et  fidei  juverant  et  fortificaverant 
inimicos  et   hostes,  et    participassent   scandalose  cum  eis.     Sed  si  per 


APP.  I.— GREEK  CnURCH.  §  128.  EFFORTS  FOR  UNION.       265 

the  Greek  Abbot,  Barlaam,^  induced  by  his  controversy  with 
Gregorius  Palamas,  went  over  to  the  Latin  Church  himself  a.d. 
1341,  and  invited  his  brethren  in  rehgion  to  follow  him.*  But 
even  the  step  of  the  Emperor  himself,  John  V.  Pala^ologus 
(1341 — 1391)  who  in  his  hour  of  need  repeatedly  swore  alle- 
giance to  the  Pope  (1355  ss.)^  failed  to  move  the  Greek  people 

ilium,  qui  omnem  hominem  venientem  in  hnnc  mundum  illuminat, 
eorundem  Graecoi-um  cordibus  infusione  gratiae  spiritualis  illustratis, 
per  viam  tactam  per  eundem  dominum  nostrum  vel  aliam  accommodam 
et  honestam  ad  obedientiani — Romanae  Ecclesiae  redire  curaverint 
cum  effectu  ;  ipsos  tunc  effusis  gaudiis,  ac  gratiis  et  favoribus  largiflue 
dispen.satis — ipse  dominus  noster  et  apostolica  sedes  recipient, — non 
solum  super  his  quae  petunt,  sed  super  aliis  eorum  opportunitatibus 
oxbibituri  tunc — auxilia,  consilia  et  favores.  Lastly,  Barlaam 
explained  bow  tbe  way  proposed  by  the  Pope  de  mittendis  pro  parte 
Graecorum  sapientibus  was  almost  impossible,  viz. :  quia  Imperator  non 
audet  manifestare  se,  quod  velit  uniri  vobiscum,  quoniam  si  manifes- 
tasset  se,  raulti  ex  principibus  suis,  etiam  ex  populo,  tiraentes  ne  forte 
ipse  vellet  facere,  sicut  fecit  ipsis  Michael  Palaeologus,  quaererent 
opportunitatem  interficiendi  ilium.  Praeterea  Ecclesia  Constantino- 
politana  non  mitteret  ad  hoc  negotium  legates  sues  sine  consilio  et 
consensu  Patriarcharum  Alexandrini,  Antiocbeni  et  Jerosolymitani : 
quare  oportet  eos  in  simul  congregare,  quod  est  difficile  propter  guerras  : 
et  praeter  hoc  iucertum  est,  si  vocati  ad  hoc  voluissent  venire  :  et  dato, 
quod  jam  venissent,  et  omnes  unanimiter  concordassent  ad  mittendum 
legates  super  praedictis,  ipsi  non  darent  unquam  plenum  posse  super 
hoc  talibus  legatis,  nee  promitterent  illud  quod  factum  fuisset  per  ipsos 
legates  ratum  habere,  nisi  sub  certis  articulorum  pactis,  quae  pacta  vos 
nullatenus  admitteretis.  Barlaam  departed  with  tbe  promise,  that 
nevertheless  he  would  labour  zealously  to  accomplish  this  end,  how- 
ever nothing  was  done. 

3  Before  bis  accession  to  the  Latin  Church,  he  had  written  several 
works  against  it,  see  Allatius  1.  c.  p.  825  ss.  Cave  hist,  literaria  vol, 
ii.  App.  p.  37,  especially  'koyos  irepl  Tfjs  tov  HuTra  apxrjs,  best  edited  in 
CI.  Salmasii  libr.  de  priaiatu  Papae.  App.  p.  101. 

*  In  five  letters,  see  Allatius  1.  c.  p.  839  s.  Four  of  them  may  be 
found  in  Canisii  lectt.  ant.  ed.  Basnage  iv.  369. 

^  He  swore  to  a  Papal  Nuntio  in  1355  (Raynald,  ad  b,  a  no.  34) : 
in  primis  quod  ero  fidelis,  obediens,  reverens,  et  devotus  beatissimo 
patri  et  domino,  domino  Innocentio  sacrosanctae  Romanae  ac  univer- 
salis Ecclesiae — summo  Pontifici,  et  ejus  successorlbus. — Item  quod 
faciam  toto  posse  mco, — quod  omnes  populi  sub  nostro  imperio  constituti 
— erunt  fideles,  obedientes,  reverentes  et  devoti  eisdem  domino  nostro 
et  summo  Pontifici,  et  ejus  successorlbus.  Et  quiadiuturnitas  temporis 
induravit  et  aggravavit  animos  populorum,  et  vix  possent  a  consuetis 
retrabi,  et  per  viam  novam  incedere,  nisi  cum  mode  sapientiae  et  mo- 
deratione  prudentiae  :  istum  modum,  qui  sequitur, — ordinavi  :  He  was 


266  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

to   follow  his   example.^     His   son    and   successor  Manuel   11. 

ready  to  send  his  son  Manuel  Palaeologus  to  the  Pope,  in  return  the 
Pope  was  to  send  him  15  transport  ships  (usceria)  5  galleys  (galeas), 
500  knights,  and  1000  foot  soldiers  for  six  months  to  carry  on  his  war 
against  the  Turks,  in  quo  tempore  legatus  domini  nostri  Papae  dabit 
beneficia  et  dignitates  ecclesiasticas  personis  sufficientibus  graecis,  qui 
ad  unionem  et  obedientiam  Ecclesiae  sponte  redibunt,  secundum  quod 
sibi  et  nobis  melius  videbitur.  Ubi  vero  infra  sex  menses — Grraeci 
sponte  ad  obedientiam  Ecclesiae  noluerint  redire,  quod  non  credimus, 
promittimus  ex  nunc  pro  tunc,  quod  faciemus  cum  consilio  et  delibera- 
tione  legati  domini  nostri  Papae,  quod  omnino  erunt  obedientes.  He 
promises  to  assign  to  the  Papal  Legate  palatium  magnum  and  pulchram 
et  venerabilem  Ecclesiam.  Item  dabo  filio  meo  primogenito  unum 
magistrum  latinum,  qui  docebit  eum  literas  et  linguam  latinam  de  con- 
silio et  voluntate  dicti  legati.  Item  dabo  hospitia  tria  magna,  in 
quibus  tenebuntur  scholae  literarum  latinarum,  et  ego  dabo  operam 
efficacem  et  favorem  cum  corde  sincere,  quod  filii  magnatum  et  poten- 
tum  Graecorum  ibunt  addiscere  literas  latinas.  In  casu  ubi  praedicta 
omnia  et  singula  non  observarem, — ex  nunc  pro  tunc  judico  auctoritate 
imperiali  me  indignum  imperio,  et  privo  memet  ipsum  jure  imperii,  et 
transfer©,  do,  cedo  jus  et  potestatem  imperii  et  imperandi  in  praedictum 
filium  raeum  ; — transferojus  patriae  potestatisin — suramum  Pontificetn 
super  dictum  filium  meum  : — do,  concede  et  trade  potestatem — summo 
Pontifici,  quod  possit  acquirere — imperium  nostrum  pro  dicto  filio 
nostro  tanquam  pro  vero  et  legitime  Imperatore,  et  dare  eidem  filio 
meo  uxorem,  bajvilos  (governors),  tutores  et  curatores  usque  ad  praefi- 
nitum  tempus  a  jure ;  et  possit  de  praedicto  imperio  ordinare  et 
disponere  tanquam  de  imperio  sibi  de  jure  debito,  vice  et  nomine  pi-aedicti 
filii  nostri  etc.  In  case,  however,  that  he  fulfilled  all  the  conditions  the 
Pope  was  to  support  him  with  more  numerous  troops,  and  contribute 
towards  their  stipend  :  But  the  Emperor  was  to  be  principalis  capi- 
taneus  et  signifer  et  vexillarius  s.  matris  Ecclesiae  cum  mere  et  mixto 
imperio  et  plenaria  potestate  over  the  whole  army.  If  the  Emperor 
were  to  fail  to  fulfil  all  pro  eo  quod  potentia  et  non  voluntas  deficeret, 
and  appear  in  person  before  the  Pope,  the  Pope  should  lend  him  aid 
for  the  reconquest  of  his  kingdom.  Nevertheless  just  as  the  Pope's 
summons  to  the  knights  of  St  John  to  lend  their  assistance  to  the 
Emperor  remained  without  effect  (Raynald.  1.  c.  no.  38  ss.),  so  also 
his  continued  exhortations  to  the  Emperor,  to  come  over  to  the  Church 
of  Rome  with  all  his  people,  produced  no  result  (Raynald.  ann.  1365, 
no.  22,  ann.  1366,  no.  1.)  True,  the  Emperor  took  a  fresh  oath  of 
obedience  as  regai'ds  the  Pope  to  Lewis  King  of  Hungary,  to  whom 
he  came  in  person  in  quest  of  aid  (Raynald.  ann.  1366  no.  4)  and 
ended  in  going  over  to  the  Latin  Church  at  Rome  in  1369  by  swear- 
to  a  Roman  confession  of  faith  (Raynald.  1369  no.  2.  in  Grreek  in 
Allatius  p.  843  ss.) :  However,  neither  was  the  wisht  for  aid  granted, 
nor  the  union  of  the  Churches  effected. 

^  Petrarca  rerum  senilium  lib.  vii.  circa  finem  :  Graeculi  isti  totis 
nos  visceribus  et  metuunt  et  oderunt :  nos  canes  vocant. 


APR  I.— GREEK  CHURCH.  §  129.  HESYCHAST  CONTROVERSY.    267 

(1391 — 1425)  even  wrote  against  the  Latins.^  Many  Greek 
authors  besides  him  in  this  century,  wrote  against  the  distinctive 
doctrines  of  the  Latin  Church.^  There  was,  however,  no  lack 
of  others,  who  went  over  to  the  Latins  after  Barlaam's  example, 
and  then  attackt  their  ancient  Church.^ 


§  129. 

HESYCHAST  CONTROVERSY. 

Dionys.   Petavii  de  theologg.  dogmatibus  t.  i.  lib.  i.  c.  12.  13.     Engelhardt 
iiber  die  Hesychasten,  in  lUgen's  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.  viii.  i.  68. 

That  intuition  of  the  Divine,  which,  according  to  the  Pseudo- 
dionysius,  ought  to  be  pursued  as  the  loftiest  aim  of  mystic  zeal,^ 
was  misconceived  by  the  monkish-saints  on  Mount  Athos  in  the 
coarsest  manner:  they  thought  by  means  of  a  motionless  asceticism 

7  Although  he  remained  long  in  the  west,  see  note  5.  cf.  Leo  Alla- 
tius  de  perp,  consens.  p.  854. 

^  Thus  did  Bai'laam  (see  note  3) ;  the  Monk  Maximus  Planudes 
about  1340  (De  processione  Spirit,  sancti  contra  Latinos,  ed.  in  Petri 
Arcudii  opusculis  aureis  theologicis,  Romae  1630  and  1671.  4.  p.  614) ; 
Nilus  Cabasilas,  archbishop  of  Thessalonica  about  1340  (De  causis 
divisionum  in  Ecclesia  and  De  primatu  Papae  in  Salmasii  de  primatu 
Papae.  App.  p.  10.  De  processione  Spir.  s.  adv.  Latinos,  Ms.  in 
Vienna,  Basle,  and  Venice,  cf.  Allatius  diatr,  de  Nilis  et  eorum  scriptis 
p.  49  ss.  Cave  hist.  lit.  vol.  ii.  App.  p.  39)  :  The  Monk  Gregorius 
Palamas  about  1350  (libb.  ii.  dno^eiKTiKol  quod  non  ex  Filio,  sed  ex 
solo  Patre  procedat  Spiritus  sanctus,  publisht  with  several  similar 
works  Lond.  1624.  4. — Opusculum  adv.  Latinorum  confessionem  in 
the  Catalogus  biblioth.  Taurinensis  i.  282) ;  the  Monk  Nilus  Damyla 
about  1400  (several  works  de  processione  Spir.  s.  besides  De  Damaso 
Papa  et  fide  antiquae  Romae,  and  De  Synodis  duabus  Photianis,  only 
fragments  of  which  have  been  made  known  by  Leo  Allatius  lib.  de 
Synodo  Photiana  p.  179  and  de  Eccl.  occid.  et  orient,  perp.  cons.  p. 
622.  857.  859.  916.  1375.  1376).— cf.  J.  G.  Walchii  hist,  controv. 
Graecorum  Latinorumque  de  process,  spir.  s.  p.  97  ss. 

^  Thus  did  Demetrius  Cydonius  about  1357,  who  went  over  at  Milan 
to  the  Latin  Chui*ch  (cf.  Cave  hist.  lit.  vol.  ii.  App,  p.  57,  59) ;  the 
Dominican  Manuel  Caleca  about  1360  (cf.  Jac.  Quietif  et  Jac.  Echard 
scriptt.  Ord.  Praedicatorum  i.  719)  ;  the  Dominican  Simon  Constan- 
tinopolitanus  (1.  c.  p.  558). — cf.  Walch  L  c.  p.  109  ss. 

1  Dionys.  Areopag.  de  mystica  theol.  c.  1  :  aii  8/,  &  (plXf  Tt/xd^ee,  rfi 
nrpi  TO  fji,v(TTiKa   6ea[iaTa    trvvrova   diarpi^fj   koI  tos  alcrdrjaeis   anoXdne,   Kal 


268  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  130b— 1400. 

to  attain  to  a  sensuous  perception  of  the  divine  light  {r^avx^aaral^ 
r}(TV')(ai^ovTe'i).  The  censure  which  Barlaam  pronounced  upon 
them,^  involved  him  in  a  controversy  with  Gregorius  Palamas, 
who  inclined  towards  them,  as  to  whether  this  divine  light, 
namely  that  which  appeared  at  the  transfiguration  of  Christ,  was 
created  or  uncreated.^     When  a  Synod  assembled  at  Constanti- 


Tas  voepas  evepyeias.,  Kcii  ndi'TU  alcrdrjra  Koi  vorjra,  Koi  Trtivra  oiiK  ovra  Ka\ 
ovra,  Koi  npos  rrjv  evaxriv,  ais  efpiKTov,  dyi/cocrrtos  dvaTaBrjTi  rov  inrep  wacrav 
ovaiav  Koi  yvSxnv  tjj  yap  4avTov  kol  TTavraiv  d<T)(iT<a  Kai  dnokiiTa  KadapSis 
eKardcrei  npus  ttjv  VTrepovcnov  tov  deiov  aKurovs  aKrii/a,  Trdvra  dcpeXcov  Kal  eK 
TtdvTdiv  aTToXu^eiy,  dva)(^dr](Tr]. 

^  The  Emperor  John  Cantacuzenus,  Avho  took  an  active  part  against 
Barlaam  in  these  transactions,  records  (Hist.  lib.  ii.  c.  39  ed.  Bonn.  I, 
543),  that  he  always  secretly  inclined  to  the  Latins,  Trpdcj^aa-lv  ripa 
^rjTcov,  e^  Tjs  TO.  fjpeTfpa  BiaKmp.uidrja'eL  koi  Trpos  TTokfpov  x^copi^aei,  (pavepas,  cos 
8?)  (ladrjTLav  Tivi,  TrposrjXdf  rwv  rjavx^a^ovroiV,  Xoyou  re  dTrea-Teprjpeva  TravreXais 
Koi  oXiyov  8ia<pepovTL  dKoycov  Koi  ov8e  <f>poi'rj(Tecos  yovv  p,fTe(rxrjK6Ti  Trpenovaris 
iSicoTT/'  Kai  vTveKplvfTO  ^ovKe<j6ai  padrjrevcrai  nap'  avT(i,  Kal  rrjv  686v  rfjs 
Tjavxias  eKdiBdcrneadai  Ka\  roiis  vopovs  Trjs  vTrorayiis.  —  6  8e  tov  re  86Xov  p.T) 
criiftScbr,  VTTo  re  rijs  ayav  Kov(f)6TT]Tos  eTrapdelg,  ciXXa  re  eSiSacr/ce  rov  novqpo- 
rarov  6  dvo-qros,  Ka\  (os  rrpoKOTrrovres  Kara  piKpbv  ol  r]crv)(ci^ovres  KaX  Trpocrev- 
xdpevoi  ddopv^cos,  dyaXkiaaiv  re  riva  Kal  cipprjrov  r]8ovTjv  Kal  6eiav  eTn8e-)(ov- 
rai  ev  rfj  'v/'UXi'?'  "'*'  (pcos  opaxii  rols  aapariKols  d<pdaXp.ols  dcrrpdnrov  irepl 
avrovs.  Etti  pev  ovv  rols  ciXkois  noXXrjv  KareyivacTKev  6  BapXaap  avoiav  rov 
dv8p6s  Kal  dpadiav  (pas  8e  aKovaas  opmpevov  6(p6dkpo1s  crapariKo'ls,  ovKeri 
ov8e  Tjpepelv  rjveaxero,  dWa  Koivfjv  eTTOielro  rav  Tjavx^a^ovroiv  Kara8popr]v^ 
anaremvas  Ka\S)v  Kal  ■^ev8opevovs  Kal  MacraaXiavovs  Kal  Op(pa\o'^v)(^ovs  k.  r.  X. 
Barlaam  had  discovered  among  them  a  method  of  contemplation  re- 
sembling that  for  which  in  still  earlier  times  an  abbot  Simeon  had 
given  the  following  directions  (in  Allatius  de  Eccl.  occid.  et  orient, 
perp.  cons.  p.  829)  :  KaSicras  ev  pia  yavla  Kara  povas  TTpoae^ai  iroirjaas  o 
Xeyo)  crof  Kkelaov  rrjv  Bvpav,  Kal  enapov  rov  vovv  aov  dno  navros  paralov 
rjyovv  TTpocTKaipov  eira  epeiaas  ra  arrjdeL  crov  ircDyava,  klvcov  rov  alcrdrjrov 
o(P6a\pbv  (Tvv  u\co  vol  ev  pecrco  rr]s  Koikias  fjyovv  Kara  rov  opcpoKov,  ay^ov 
KUL  rrjv  rrjs  pivos  rov  Trvevparos  o^erjv,  rov  prj  dSews  Trve'iv  epevvrjcrov  ev8ov 
ev  rols  eyKarois  evpe'iv  rov  rorrov  ttjs  Kap8Las,  ev6a  ep<p)iKo-}(a>pelv  rrecpvKacnv 
irdcrai  at  ■v|/'v;(tKat  8vvdpeis.  Kal  irpwrov  pev  aKoros  evprjcreis  kuI  ird^os  dvev- 
8orov  empevovros  8e  (rov,  Kal  rovrov  rov  e'pyov  vvKros  Kal  rjpepas  Tvoiovpevov, 
(vprj(Teis,  CO  rov  davparos,  akrjKTOV  ev(j}pocrvvr]v  Spa  yap  evprj  6  vovs  rov  roirov 
TTji  Kap8ias,  /3X«7ret  irapevOvs  d  ov8eTrore  rjTTl(Traro-  jBXeTvei  yap  roi/  pera^v  rrjs 
Kap81,as  depa,  Kal  eavrov  (poireivbv  oKov  Kal  8iaKpia-ea>s  epTvKeov.  (There  waS 
a  similar  practice  among  the  ascetics  in  Siam,  see  Kampfer's  Gesch.  v, 
Japan  i.  30,  and  in  India  see  Franc.  Bernier  voyages  ii.  127.) 

3  Jo.  Cantacuzenus  1.  c.  ^'\mong  the  r](TvxdCovres  in  Thessalonica 
Palamas  and  his  brothers  distinguisht  themselves.  They  remonstrated 
with  Barlaam,  e8eovro  Trave(r6ai  rov  roiavra  kol  (Ppoveiv  Kal  \eyeiv  Kara  rav 
rj(rv)(aCdvTa}V,  Kal  pfj  8id  rrjv  aTreiplav  evos  ra  laa  ndvrcov  Kara\lM](f)i^ecr6ai,  Kal, 


APP.  I.— GREEK  CHURCH.  §  129.  HESYCHAST  CONTROVERSY.   2G9 

nople  in  1341  on  this  account  took  the  monks  under  its 
})rotection,  Barlaani  withdrew  to  Italy,  and  went  over  to  the 
Roman  Church.^  But  his  disciple  Gregorius  Akindynos  con- 
tinued the  dispute.  Several  Synods  were  assembled  at  Con- 
stantinople on  this  question  (1341,  1347,  1350),  all  decided 
against   the  opinion   of  the  apostate    Barlaam.^      So    also    did 

Toye  fls  avrbv  rjKov,  rov  aKporarov  ^lov  kol  ttjs  TeXecoTaTTjs  TroXireias  (or  as  it 
IS  given  below  r^s  Upcis  T]<Tvx}as^  rovs  dvdpunrovs  aTToarepflv.  They  en- 
deavoured to  prove  chiefly  from  the  Transfiguration  of  Jesus  upon  Mount 
Tabor  tliat  holy  men  might  be  surrounded  with  a  divine  Hght  (or 
dwaroi'  eivai  Tois  acup-aTiKols  d<p6a\p,ols  Oelov  kol  ukticttov  (f>ci)s  Beacracrdai)  : 
el  ovv  Kaneivoi  (the  Aposlles),  avdpcoTvoi  re  ovreg,  kol  en  uTeXecrTepov  8iaKei- 
f-ievoL,  TO  TTepiacTTpa^av  avroiis  6e'iov  kcu  aKTiCTTOv  (pais  rjhvvi]6rj(Tav  Ibelv,  ri 
6avp.acrTov,  el  kol  vvv  tovs  dyiovs  (paiqpev  (pas  opav  auaiBev  eWupiropevovs  en 
6eov :  However  the  uncreated  h'ght  upon  Mount  Tabor  furnisht  Bar- 
laam  with  fresh  matter  for  censure.  He  exclaimed  :  ttjs  dronlas  !  kutt- 
vbv  yap  cpevyovres  ep-ne-rvTiOKapev  eis  ivvp-  liKOve  ovpave  Ka\  eucori^ov  rj  yr]-  to 
iv  Qa^ap  (pais  ciktiotov  koi  t'l  iiKko  fj  deos  Kaff  i/xay  !  ovhev  yap  ukticttov  on 
p.r]  6e6s'  el  ovv  prjTe  KTicrpa  to  cf)ws  tKelvo,  prjTe  deov  ovcria  {^6e6v  yap  ov8e\s 
eaipoKe  TTWTTore),  ti  Xoittov  fj  8va\  XoTpevecv  deols,  ev\  pev,  tco  TrdvTcov  drjpiovpyS, 
ov  KOL   dopaTov  Tvds   Tis    av   6poXoyr)creie,    8evTepa>   6e,  TtS   Ka6    vpds   opconevco 

OKTICTTCO  TOVTCO   (pCOTl   ', 

*  Cantacuzenus  lib.  ii.  c.  40.  Nicephorus  Gregoras  lib.  xi.  c.  10  (ed. 
Bonn.  i.  557.) 

^  Compare  the  detailed  naiTatives  of  Cantacuzenus  and  Nicephorus 
Gregoras,  who  both  took  an  active  part  in  the  controversy,  the  former 
for,  the  latter  against  Palamas.  The  decision  of  the  Synod  of  1350  in 
Mansi  xxvi.  127  i?s.  answers  the  following  questions  proposed  to  it  by 
the  emperor  John  Cantacuzenus,  only  by  stringing  together  expressions 
of  the  fathers  of  the  church,  p.  150:  irpSiTOV,  el  eaTiv  eVt  6eov  deorrpeTrrjs 
diaKpiais  ov(rLas  Kal  evepyeias  (viZ.  p.  174  ttjs  Oelas  (pvcriKTjs  evepyeias,  p. 
187  r]TLs  (pv(TeL  Ka\  VTrepcPvas  TTpoaecTTiv  eKaaTTj  toiv  Qeap-x^iKuiv  vTroGTacreuiv)  ; 
answered  in  the  aftirmative  :  eiveiTa  biaKpiaeuis  dvacpaveiarjs,  noTepov  i) 
evepyeia  avTrj  kticttt]  eaTiv,  *]  ciKTiaTos  j  Answer,  iikticttos.  Then  :  e'lye 
uKTiaTOS  aTTo^eixdeir]  f]  6eoiTpeivi)s  avTT]  evepyeia,  ttois  civ  tis  eK(pvyoi  to  p-f/ 
Tvapa  toIto  crvvdeTov  tov  6eov  elvai  vopi^eiv  ;  on  this  question  nothing  is 
given  but  passages  from  the  Fathers  :  TeVaproj/  8e,  e'lye  ?/  cpaivrj  ttjs  deoTT)- 
Tos  ovK  eirl  ttjs  ovcrias  povov,  aXXci  kol  ttjs  deias  evepyeias  ivapd  toiv  deoXoycov 
vpvrjTai ;  affirmed  ;  TrepnTov  8e,  e'inep  ol  deoXoyoi  kutu  ti  ttjv  ovaiav  tt^s 
evepyeias  vTrepKelaOai  (pacrlv ;  answered  in  the  affirmative.  Lastly,  tIvos 
peTe)(ova-i  tci  rravTa,  ttjs  6eias  ovaias  rj  ttjs  tov  deov  deias  evepyeias  ;  answer, 
ndv  8r]piovpyT]pa  Trjs  evepyeias  tov  ^qpiovpyrjcravTos,  aXX'  ov)(l  t?]s  ovaias  pe- 
Takay)(^dvei,.  —  (cat  ol  aytoi^  Trj  npos  6ebv  eviocreL  deonoiovpevoi,  ov  Trjs  deias 
ova-ias,  dWa  Trjs  avTov  deias  evepyeias  peTe-^ovai.  And  SO  it  follows  ac- 
cordingly,  OTl  Tl  (IKTiaTOV  eCTTl  TO  (pmS  TTJS  TOV    KVpioV  peTapOpC^COCTCOClS,  Ka\  OTC 

OVK  ecTTi  TovTo  fj  ovcTia  Toil  deov.  The  view  of  Barlaam  and  his  adherents 
on  the  other  hand  is  stated  thus  in  the  Synopsis  of  the  cotemporary, 
Nilus  Metrop.  Rhodii  (Mansi  xxv.  p.  i  148) :  iBoypaTicrav,  vvv  pep  ov8e- 


270  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A.D.  11305-1400. 

Nicolas  Cabasilas,  the  most  distinguisht  mystic  author  of  this 
period,  after  1350  Archbishop  of  Thessalonica.® 

fjiiav  biaKpiaiv  eivai  eVt  t^s  Qelas  (f)v(T€(os  ovtrias,  koI  evepyeias,  dWa  ravrbv 
fivai  K.al  a,8id(popov  vvv  8e  diaKpiaiv  p.ev  elvai  eXeyov  7r\f]v  ttjv  peu  ovcriav 
aKTiuTov,  ras  Se  avriis  ovaiadeis  ivepye'ias,  Koi  (pvcriKas  <TvyxcL>povvTfs  irepas 
fivai,  TrXfjv  ovk  aKTiaTovs,  dWa  KTiaras,  koi  en  to  iv  rca  Qa^apia  iiiKdp.'^av 
Oelov  eKslvo  (^cof,  (pdcrpa  oTrXw?  kol  KTia-fxa,  yivop-fvov  kcu  aTvoyivopavov,  dWa 
ovre  6e[as  (pvaecos  (pvaiKrjv  a'lyXriv,  kol  6e6Tr]Ta,  koi  (pas  aTTpocrtTov  koi  ov  koL 
Xeyd/xej/oi'.  A  short  sketch  of  the  speeches  and  repUes  which  past  be- 
tween Barlaam  and  Palamas  is  given  by  a  certain  David,  publisht  by 
Engelhardt  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  viii.  1,  74. 

^  With  regard  to  his  work  irep).  t^s  ev  Xpiara  C^rjs,  there  is  a  review 
of  it  and  some  fragments  by  A.  Jahn  in  the  Theolog.  Studien  u.  Krit. 
1843.  iii.  721.  There  is  a  complete  edition  :  Die  Mystik.  des  Nicolaus 
Cabasilas  vom  Leben  in  Christo,  erste  Ausgabe  u.  einleitende  Darstel- 
ung  von  Dr  W.  Gass,  Greifswald.  1849. 


AIM'.  1 1. -ORIENTAL  CHURCHES,  g  130.  ARMENIAN.  271 


SECOND  APPENDIX. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  REMAINING  ORIENTAL  CHURCHES. 

§  130. 

The  Kings  of  Armenia  continually  desiring  the  help  of  the 
western  world  against  the  Mahometans,  sought  even  on  this 
account  to  maintain  inviolate  the  union  of  the  Armenian  with  the 
Roman  Church.^  However,  this  remained,  like  the  efforts  for 
union  on  the  part  of  the  Greek  Emperors,  a  merely  political 
measure,  for  which  the  Court  alone  felt  any  desire.  Notwith- 
standing all  the  efforts  of  the  Popes,  the  people  woidd  not  suffer 
themselves  to  be  deprived  of  their  ancient  and  characteristic 
opinions.^     As  the  support  of  the  Western  powers  continued  to 

1  The  Embassies  of  the  Armenian  kings  to  the  Popes  and  western 
princes,  to  raise  crusades  for  their  support  (see  Raynald.  ann.  1317  no. 
35,  1331  no.  30),  readily  promised  the  renunciation  of  all  departures 
from  Roman  faith  and  customs  in  their  country  (Raynald.  1318  no.  8 
ss.)  :  Armenia  inferior  also  united  itself  with  the  Roman  Church. 
(Rayn.  1323  no.  7.)  Nevertheless,  the  Pope's  summons  for  a  crusade 
remained  without  effect,  owing  to  the  internal  discord  of  the  western 
world  (Rayn.  1322  no.  30,  &c,),  and  only  furnisht  the  kings  of  France 
with  a  pretext  for  drawing  a  tithe  from  the  Church  (see  above  §  99, 
note  37.)  The  Armenians  only  received  aids  in  money  from  the 
Popes,  Rayn.  1323,  no.  4,  1336,  no.  41. 

2  John  XXII.  sent  some  Dominicans  to  the  Armenians,  who  were 
to  preach  to  the  people,  and  open  Latin  schools  (Raynald.  1318,  no. 
15)  :  but  the  Latin  monks  were  quickly  driven  away  by  the  Arme- 
nians (see  the  work  of  an  anonymous  Dominican  of  the  year  1330  in 
Quetif  et  Echard  Script.  Ord.  Praedic.  i.  573.)  In  the  year  1341 
Benedict.  XII.  complains  to  the  King  and  Catholicos  of  Armenia 
(Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  45),  that  he  had  heard  from  incontrovertible 
witnesses,  quod  tam  in  majori  quam  in  mlnori  Armenia  nonnulli  exe- 
crandi  errores  tenentur  a  multis  et  dogmatizantur,  and  requires  that 
these  should  be  condemned  by  an  Armenian  Synod.     The  list  of  them 


272  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV,  IV.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

in  117  articles  is  1.  c.  no.  49  ss.     E.g.  I.  and  II. ;  tlTe  early  Armenian 
teachers   had  taught  rightly  quod    Spir.   s.   procedit  a  filio  sicut  et  a 
Patre  (hoc  fuerat  deter minalum  in  conciliisConstantinopolhano  et  Ephe- 
sinoj,  but  in  less  than  612  years  a  general  Armenian  Council,  according 
to  Art.  85  concilium  Manesguerdense,  quod  congregatum   fuit  ibi  de 
raandato  cujusdam  Sarraceni,  nepotis  Machometi  (the  Council  assem- 
bled at  Manaschierti   by  command  of  the   Saracen  Caliph  Omar,  see 
Galani  hist.  Armen.  c.  17),  had  commanded  them  only  to  maintain  the 
procession  from  the  Father ;  most  of  the  Armenians  still  followed  this 
decree.      III.    Item   quod  in   dicto  concilio  roprobaverunt  concilium 
Chalcedonense, — et    determinaverunt,    quod    sicut    in    Domino    Jesu 
Christo  erat  unica   persona,  ita  erat  una  natura  scil.  divina,  et  una 
voluntas  et  una  operatio. — In  dicto  etiam  concilio  Dioscorum  condemna- 
tum  per  dictum   concilium  Chalcedonense  canonizaverunt, — et  adhuc 
ter  in  anno  faciunt  festum  de  eo  sicut  de   Sancto, — et   maledicunt  b. 
Leonem  et  concilium  Chalcedonense.     TV.   Item  quod  Arraeni  dicunt 
et  tenent,  quod  peccatum  primorum   parentum  personale  ipsorum  tarn 
grave  fuit,  quod  omnes  eorum  filii  ex  semine  eorum  propagati  usque  ad 
Christi   passionem   merlto  dicti  peccati    personalis    ipsorum    damnati 
fiierunt, — non  propter  hoc  quod  ipsi  ex   Adam  aliquod   peccatum  ori- 
ginale  contraxerint,  cum  dicant,  pueros  nullum  omnino  habere  originale 
peccatum  nee  ante  Christi  passionem  nee  post : — sed  post  Domini  pas- 
sionem, in  qua  peccatum  primorum  parentum   deletum   fuit,  pueri  qui 
nascuntur-  ex  filiis   Adam  non  sunt  damnation!  addicti.     VIII.  The 
Armenians  taught  that  the   Saints   non  videbunt  Dei  essentiam,  quia 
nulla  creatura  eam  videre  potest ;  sed  videbunt  claritatem  Dei,  quae  ab 
ejus  essentia  manat.     XVII.  Item  quod  Armeni  communiter  tenent, 
quod  in  alio  saeculo  non  est  purgatorium  animarum,  quia,  ut  dicunt,  si 
Ghristianus  confiteatur  peccata  sua  omnia  peccata  ejus  et  poenae  pecca- 
torum  ei  dimittuntur.      Nee  etiam  ipsi  orant  pro  defunctis,  ut  eis  in  alio 
saeculo  peccata  dimittantur ;  sed  generaliter  orant  pro  omnibus  mortuis 
sicut  pro  b.  Maria,    Apostolis,    Martyribus,    et  aliis   Sanctis,   ut  in  die 
judicii  intrent  in  regnum  caeleste  (see  vol.    i.    Part  2,  §  99,  note  17.) 
XXXII.  The  Armenians  said  :    Sunt  jam  trecenti  anni,  quod  omnes 
daemones  sunt  disligati  et  seduxerunt  homines  a  fide  Christi  per  totum 
mundum  exceptis  Armenis  :  sed  a  triginta  annis  citra  illos  homines  de 
minori  Armenia,  et  a  viginti  quinque  annis  citra  Armenos  de  majori 
Armenia  seduxerunt  a  fide  Christi,  quia,   ut  dicunt,  ex  tunc  Armeni 
posuerunt   in    sacrificio  aquam    in  vino,   et   fecerunt  festum  nativitatis 
Domini  vigesima  quinta  die   Decembris,  et  sic  a  daemonibus   seducti 
fidem  Christi  dimiserunt.      XXXIV.  Dicunt  etiam  quod  Hex  et  nobi- 
les  minoris  Arvnemae,  quia  tenent  supradictos  articulos  cum  Ecclesia 
Romana   et    Graeca,  non    sunt  de   Ecclesia    catholica    et    apostolica. 
XXXVIII.  Item  quod  Armeni  credunt  et  tenent,  quod  in  aliis  Eccle- 
siis — non  datur  peccatorum  remissio,  quia  aliae  Ecclesiae  negaverunt 
veram  fidem,  recipiendo  concilium  Chalcedonense,  nee  etiam  habent 
verum  baptismum.     XLVI.  Item  quod  dicti  Armeni  observant  discre- 
tionem  ciborura  mundorum  et  imraundorum  animalium  secundum  quod 
lex  Moysi  dicit:  et  licet  aliqui  ex  Armenis  comedant  porcum,  tamen 
secundum  eos,  si  sacerdos  comederet  de  porco,  postea  non  posset  expel- 


APP.  II.— ORIENTAL  CHURCHES.  §  130.  ARMENIAN.        273 

lere  daemones  de  obsessis  corporibus,  quia,  ut  dicunt,  Dojiiinus  expc^l- 
lens  daemones  de  dnobus  hoininibus  misit  eos  in  porcos.     LVI.  Those 
who  were  baptized  into  the  Armenian  Church,  if  they  went  over  to  the 
Saracens  or  Jews,  and  afterwards  returned,  were  not  baptized  again  : 
Si  tamcn   aliquis   fuisset   baptizatus   in   Ecclesia  alicujus   Catholicon 
Armcnorum,  et  postea  converteretur  ad   fidem  Romanae  Ecclesiae  vel 
Graecae,  si  postea  vellet  venire   ad   Ecclesiam  primam, — ilia  Ecclesia 
sic  baptizaret  eum,  ac  si  nunquam  fuisset  baptizatus.     Likewise  Eccle- 
sia Armena  baptizat  baptizatos  in   Ecclesia  latina  vel  graeca,  quando 
veniunt  ad  earn,     LVIII.    Item   quod   Armeni  dicunt  et  tenent,  quod 
ad  hoc,   quod  sit   baptismus  verus,    ista  ti'ia  requiruntur,    scil.    aqua, 
chrisma  et  Eucharistia.     LIX.  Many  Armenians  baptized  with  wine, 
others  Avith  milk,  most  vvith  water  ;  all    with  arbitrary  forms.      LXV. 
Item  Armeni  dicunt  et  tenent,  quod  ilia  inunctio  cum  chrismate  facta 
in  novem  locis  (in  baptism)  valet  Christianis,  dum  vivunt,  pro  omnibus 
inunctionibus,  quae  fiunt  per  Ecclesiam  latinam  :  unde  apud  eos  non 
est  sacramentum  confirmationis,   nee  extremae  unctionis  :  nee  quando 
consecrantur  Presbyteri  vel   Episcopi,   inunguntur  eorum   manus  vel 
capita.     LXXIV,     Item  quod  apud  Armenos  majoris  Armeniaenon 
sit  imago  Crucifixi,  nee  aliae  imagines  teneiitur  Sanctorum.    LXXVII. 
The  Catholicos  of  lesser  Armenia  had  had  many  persons   ill-treated, 
who  had  been   baptized  in  forma   Ecclesiae  latinae,  and  LXXVIII. 
charged  his  bishops,  quod  non  celebrarent  Missam  latinam,  sed  Arme- 
norum  Missam  antiquam,  quod  non  servarent  jejunia  Ecclesiae  Romanae, 
sed  antiqua  jejunia  Armenorum  etc.   Et  ad  testimonium  et  confirma- 
tionem  horum   dictorum  est  hoc,  quod  —  supradictus  Catholicos  con  • 
secravit  sex  Episcopos  Armenos,  et  accepit,   ab  eis   literam  publicam, 
quod  ipsi  non  darent  pueros  de  partibus  suis   ad  addiscendum  litei-am 
latinam,  nee  admitterent  aliquem  praedicatorem  latinum,  qui  praedicaret 
veritatem  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  etc.     LXXXII.     Item  quod  quando 
aliqui  communicare  debent,  per  sacerdotem  fit  confessio  generalis,  — 
et  postea  populus  reiterat  dictam  confessionem  :  in  secreto  tamen  raro 
vel  nunquam  aliquis   Armenus   confitetur    sacerdoti  sua  peccata  :  — 
dicunt  et  tenent,  quod  dicta  generalis  confessio  sufficit  ad  remissionem 
peccatorum.     LXXXIV.     Item  Armeni  dicunt  et  tenent,  quod  Ca- 
tholicos,   Episcopi    et    Presbyteri    Armenorum    eandem    et   aequalem 
potestatem    habent   ligandi   et    solvendi,   quantam    et   qualem   habuit 
Petrus   Apostolus,  cui  a  Domino  dictum   est  :   Quodcunque  h'gaveris 
etc.,  nee  quoad  hoc  rainorera  potestatem  habent  Presbyteri  Armenorum 
quam  eorum  Catholicos  et  Episcopi.    LXXXV.     Item  Armeni  dicunt 
et  tenent,  quod  usque  ad  concilium  Nicaenum   Romanus   Pontifex  non 
habuit  potestatem    majorem,    quam    alii     Patriarchae  :  sed    nunc  de 
voluntate  dicti  concilii   fuit  oi'dinatum,  quod  dictus  Romanus  Pontifex 
haberet  potestatem   super  alios   Patriarchas.      Quam   potestatem  ha- 
buerunt   Romani   Pontifices  usque  ad  concilium   Chalcedonense  :   sed 
quia  in  dicto  concilio,  ad  instantiam  b.  Leonis  Papae  congregate,  fuit 
determinatum,  quod    in  Cbristo  erant    duae  naturae  et  una  persona, 
Romani  Pontifices   perdiderunt  dictam   potestatem,   et  omnes  illi,  qui 
dicto  concilio    consenserunt.     XC.     Item   Armeni  dicunt    et  tenent, 
quod  potestas   ilia,   quam  Christus  dedit  b.  Petro,  dicendo  ei  :  Quod- 
vol..  IV.  s 


274  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  IV.— A. D.   1305—1400. 

cunque  ligaveris  etc.  sit  solum  data  personae  Petri  et  pro  ipso  solo,  ita 
quod  haec  potestas  non  ti-ansivit  ad  aliquera  ejus   successorem,     CX.' 
Item  quod  apud  Armenos  sunt  multi  errores  a  praedictis,  qui  errores 
coutinentur  in  infrascriptis  libris  Armenorum,  quorum  primus  intitulatur 
Tenophacer   i.e.  contra  festivitates,  quas  celebrant  Ecclesiae  Romana 
et  Graeca.     Secundus  liber  vocatur  Anadoarmat   i.e.  radix  fidei.  — 
Decimus  liber  vocatur  liher  canonwn  Apostolorum,  in  quo  continentur 
omnes  en-ores  Armenorum  etc.     CXVI.     Item  quod  cum  Rex  Ar- 
menorum vocatus   Ethom,  ut  Armeni  unirentur  Ecclesiae  Romanae, 
congregassct  omnes   Episcopos   Armeniae,  et  magistros,  et  Catholicon, 
ut  disputarent  cum  legato  misso  eis  per  Romanam  Ecclesiam,  et  facta 
dicta  disputatione  cognovisset  dictus  Rex,   quod  veritatem  tenebat  s. 
Romana  Ecclesia,  et  quod  Armeni  errantes  erant  a  veritate  ;  ex  tunc 
Reo-es  Armeniae  minoris  tenuerunt  fidem  a.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  :  sed 
Episcopi,    magistri,    et    Principes    Armenorum    non   fuerunt  de   hoc 
contenti.       Et  post  recessum  dicti   legati    quidam    magister   vocatus 
Vartan  de  Nigromonte  coinposuit  unum  libruin  de  Bisma,  i.e.  versus 
pedem,  contra  Papam  et  suum  legatum,  et  contra  Ecclesiam  Romanam, 
in  quo  vocavit   Papam   Romanum    superbum    Pharaonem    cum   suis 
subclitis  in  mare  haeresis  submersum,  et  legatum  ejus,  ambaxatorem 
Pharaonis,  fuisse  reversum  cum  maxima  verecuudia  :  et  dixit,  quod 
Ecclesia  Romana  erat  umltum  decepta,   quia  nativitatem  et  aquam  a 
maledicto  Artomono  recepit,   et  multas  alias  blasphemias    scripsit  in 
dicto  libro,  qui  magnus  est.  Et  multi  ministri  Armenorum,  et  Episcopi, 
ac  Presbyteri  dictum  librum  honorant  tanquam  canones  Apostolorum. 
(So  War  tan  the  Great  t  1271,  one  of  the  most  highly-prized  writers 
of  the  Armenians,  is  no  doubt  the  author  of  those  works  written  against 
the  Church    of    Rome,    which   the    Mechitarists  consider  forged,  see 
Neumann's  Gesch.  d.  armen.  Literatur  s.   188.)     In  order  to   satisfy 
the  Pope  the  Armenians  held  a  Synod  on  the  question  (Raynald.  1341 
no.   118):  Still  Clement  VI.  found  it  necessary  to  send  to  the  Armenian 
bishops  two  legates,  Antonius  Episc.  Gajetanus  and  Joannes  electus 
Coronensis,  (Raynald.  1346  no.  67  ss.),  ut  per  eos  de  ipsa  fide  ejusque 
salutari  doctrina  informemini  plenius  et  imbuamini  viva  voce,  quam 
possetis  scriptura  instrui  vcl  Uteris  informari,  and  they  brought  word 
back  (Raynald.  1350  no.  37),  quod  dicti  Rex,  Catholicos  et  populus 
adhue  in  multis  a  veritate  catholicae  fidei  aberrabant,  so  that  the  Pope 
on  occasion   of  a  fresh  request  for  aid   from  the  Armenians,  resolved 
only  to  send  the  following  engagement  to  the  Archbishop  of  Nicosia 
(I.  c.),  quatenus  eidem  Regi  populoque,  cum  ipse  ac  dicti  Catholicos  et 
populus  aliquas  recognitiones   super  aliquibus,  quibus  ab  ejusdem  fidei 
discrepant  veritate,  fecerint  juxta  formam,  quam  tibi  —  transmittemus, 
— ■  sex  millia   florenonun   auri  de  pecuniis  camerae   nostrae  tradi  et 
assignari  facere  non  omittas.      By  means  of  those  ambassadors  the 
Pope  had  also  laid  before  the  Catholicos  of  Armenia  quaedam  capitula 
pro  pleniori  eruditione,  and  received  responsiones  :  But  he  represented 
to   him  in   a  new   brief  (Raynald.   1351   no.  2    ss.)   :  non  potuimus 
nee  possumus  ex  responsionibus   hujusmodi    quoad  plura  elicere,  quid 
tu  et  eadem   Ecclesia  minoris  Armeniae   sincere  et   pure  credatis  : — 
ex    quarum     (responsionum)     aliquibus    oonditionata,  ex    quibusdara 


AFM'.  11.— ORIENTAL  CIIUHCIIES.  g   130.  ARMENIAN.         275 
1)3  very  insignificant,  in  13G7  Armenia  fell  beneath  the  sword 

vero  dirainuta  vel  imperfecta,  et  ex  nonnulHs,  forsitan  scriptoris 
vel  interpretis  vitio,  minus  vera  coiifessio  manlfeste  colligitm*.  Ac- 
cordingly he  examines  these  responsiones  throughout,  and  appends  to 
each  new  questions,  to  draw  forth  their  meaning  and  purpose.  Then  : 
Post  praedicta  omnia  mirari  cogimur  vehementer,  quod — subtrahis 
de  LI II.  primis  capitulis  capitula  XVI.  Primum,  quod  Spiritus 
sanctus  procedit  a  Patre  et  Fiiio.  Tertium,  quod  parvuli  ex  primis 
parentibus  contrahunt  origlnale  peccatum.  Sextura,  quod  animae  ex 
toto  purgatae  separatae  a  suis  corporibus  raanifeste  Deum  vident. 
Nonum,  quod  animae  decedentium  in  mortali  peccato  in  infernum  des- 
cendant. Duodecimum,  quod  baptismus  deleat  originate  et  actuale  pec- 
catum. XIII.  quod  Christus  non  destriixit,  descendendo  ad  inferos, 
inferiorem  infernum.  XV.  quod  angeli  a  Deo  fuerunt  creati  boni. 
XXX.  quod  efifusio  sanguinis  animalium  nullam  operatur  remis- 
sionem  peccatorum.  XXXII.  quod  non  judiceut  comestores  piscium 
et  olei  in  diebus  jejuniorum.  XXXIX.  quod  in  Ecclesia  catholica 
baptizati,  si  efficiautur  infideles,  et  postmodum  convertantur,  non  sunt 
iterum  baptizandi.  XL.  quod  parvuli  ante  octavum  diem  possunt 
baptizari,  et  quod  baptismus  non  potest  esse  in  liquore  alio,  quam  in 
vera  aqua.  XL  1 1,  quod  corpus  Christi  post  verba  consecrationis  sit 
idem  numero,  quod  corpus  natum  de  virgine  et  immolatum  in  cruce. 
XLV.  quod  nullus,  etiam  Sanctus,  corpus  Christi  potest  conficere,  nisi 
sit  sacerdos.  XL VI.  quod  est  de  necessitate  salutis,  confiteri  proprio 
sacerdoti,  vel  de  licentia  ejus  [alii]  omnia  peccata  mortalia  perfecte  et 
distincte. — Ideo  volumus  clare  et  sine  velamine  a  te  scire,  si  praedicta 
XVI.  capitula  diminuisti  de  LIII.  pro  eo,  quod  non  credis  esse  vera 
neque  catholica,  vel  ex  qua  causa  ipsa  capitula  diminuisti.  Item  in 
scriptis  rogasti  Archiepiscopum  et  Episcopum  antefatos  (the  Papai 
Legates),  ut  esset  inter  cos  et  te  verborum  finis  : — scias,  quod  non  pos- 
semus  nos  ■— finem  imponere, — nisi  prius  pure,  clare,  perfecte  et  integre 
tu  et  Armeni — fidem  illam  receperitis,  quam  ipsa  Romana  tenet  et 
docet  Ecclesia. — Caeterum  quia  fidedignorum  plurium,  et  quorundam 
etiam  Armenorum  relatio  frequenter  nostris  auribus  instillavit,  quod  ta 
et  antecessores  tui — ea,  quae  circa  ipsius  fidei  nosfrae  cultum — Roma- 
nis  Pontificibus — descripsistis  et  promisistis, — in  nullo  penitus  obser- 
vatis, — ac  fidem  ipsius  Ecclesiae  Romanae,  extra  quam  nulli  est 
gratia,  nulli  salus,  habuistis  damnabiliter  in  derisum :  ideo  fraterni- 
tatem  tuam  monemus, — quatenus  responsiones  per  te  ad  interroga- 
tiones  nostras  faciendas,  et  omnia,  quae  tu  et  iidem  obedientes  tibi 
Armeni  circa  ipsius  fidei  nostrae  negotium  proraittetis  et  dicetis,  vos 
credere  ac  tenere, — taetis  sacrosanctis  evangeliis,  juramentis  solemni- 
bus  roboretis :  et  nihilominus  sub  juramentis  similibus  promittatis, 
quod  nobis  et  successoribus  nostris  Romanis  Pontificibus — parebitis 
cum  effectu,  ut  ora  de  te  ot  Armenis  eisdem  sic  graviter — obloquen- 
tium  obstruas  : — sciturus  pi'o  certo,  quod  praeter  salutis  aeternae  prae- 
mia,  et  famae  titulos,  quae  provide  consequeris,  dabit  tibi  Deus,  ille 
omnium  opulentissimus  retributor,  unde  in  praesenti  quoque  saeculo 
gratiis  et  beneficiis  affiuas. 

s  2 


270  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  lA^— A.D.  1305—1400. 

of  the  Mamelukes,  who  immediately  began  to  persecute 
Christianity  with  cruelty.^ 

The  Coptic  Christians  also  in  Egypt  during  the  foiu'teenth 
century  suffered  under  the  dominion  of  the  Mamelukes  several 
severe  persecutions,  during  which  many  of  them  went  over  to 
Islam.* 

The  invitations  of  Pope  John  XXII.  to  the  Ethiopians^  and 
Jacobites^  to  submit  themselves  to  the  Roman  Church,  remained 
without  result. 

^  Cf.  dementis  VII.  Epist.  ad  Archiep.  Taraconensem  in  Raynald. 
J382.no.  49. 

*  Makrizi's  (in  Cairo  -J-  1441)  History  of  the  Copts,  translated  by 
F.  Wijstenfeld,  in  d.  Abhandlungen  d.  kgl.  Gesellschaft  d.  Wlssen- 
schaften  zu  Gottingen,  Bd.  3  (1847),  historisch-pliilol.  Classe  S.  71. 
Compare  Renaudot  hist.  Patriarcharum  Alexandrinorum  Jacobitaruni. 
Paris    1713.  4.  p.  602.  ss. 

^  Raynald.  1829  no.  98. 

*'  Ravnald.  1330  no.  57. 


DIVISION   V. 


FROM  THE  COUNCIL  OF  PISA  TO  THE  REFORMATION.      1409—1517. 


MOST  EMINENT  HISTORIANS. 

Antoninus,  a  Domiuicau,  from  1446  Archbishop  of  Florence,  f  1459,  canonized 
1523  (Summa  historialis  in  III.  Partt.  down  to  1459.  publisht  Venet.  1481. 
Norimb.  1484  &c.  last  in  0pp.  omn.  Florent.  1741.  T.  i.  fol.). — Joannes 
Trithemius  or  von  Trittenheim,  from  1483  Abbot  of  Spanheim,  from  1506 
Abbot  of  St  James  in  the  suburb  of  Wiirzburg  f  1516  (Chronicon  Monast. 
S.  Martini  Spanheimiense  in  0pp.  Trithemii  historicis  ed.  Marq.  Freherus. 
T.  ii.  Francof.  1601.  Chron.  Monast.  S.  Jacobi  Majoris  in  J.  P.  Ludewig 
Scriptt.  rerum  Herbipolitanarum,  Halae  1713.  By  far  the  most  important 
are  the  Annales  Hirsaugienses,  ed.  in  Monast.  St.  Galli,  1690.  Tomi  ii.  fol.) 
Albert  Kranz,  Lecturer  in  Theology  and  Canon  Law  at  Rostock,  afterwards 
Canon,  and  at  length  Dean  of  the  Cathedral  Chapter  at  Hamburgh  f  1517. 
(Metropolis,  a  Church  History  of  Northern  Germany  until  1504,  cum. 
praef.  Dav.  Chytraei,  Vitebergae  1576.  Francof.  ad  M.  1576.  1590. — 
Kranzens  Saxonia,  Vandalia,  and  Chronicon  Regnorum  Aquilonarium 
relate  to  political  history.) 


FIRST    CHAPTER. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY. 

• 
Bartholouiaei  Platiuae  (properly  Barth.  de  Sacchi  from  Piadina  in  the  district 
of  Cremona,  under  Pius  II.  Papal  AbbrcTiatcr,  persecuted  under  Paul  II., 
under  Sixtus  IV.  librarian  of  the  Vatican  f  1481)  vitae  Pontiiicuni  Roma- 
norum,  ed.  Venet.  1479.  fol.  publisht  afterwards  very  often,  but  not  always 
without  alterations.       The  editions  which    appeared  m    12.   in  Holland 


278  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—15)7. 

without  the  name  of  the  place  a.d.  1640,  1045,  and  1664,  are  sufficiently 
accurate  reprints  of  the  Edit.  I'rinceps  and  accordingly  much  prized. 
Compare  Dan.  Guil.  Moller  disp.  de  B.  Platina.  Altoif  1694.  4. 


§  130.  (edit.  I.) 

COUNCIL  OF  PISA  (25.  MARCH— 7.  AUG.  1409.)  ALEXANDER  V.  (26. 
JUNE  1409-3.  MAY  UIO.)  JOHN  XXIII.  (17.  MAY  14I0-DEPOSED  29. 
MAY  1415,) 

Thedoricus  a  Niem  (see  Part  iii.  ahove  g  102)  de  Schismate  lib.  iii.  c.  38  ss. 
Ejusdem  Vita  Johannis  XXIII.  in  Meibomii  Rerum  Germ.  T.  i.  p.  5  ss. 
and  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Constant.  T.  ii.  p.  336  ss. 

Leonardi  Ai-etini  (Private  Secretary  to  Innocent  VII.,  Gregory  XII., 
Alexander  V.,  and  John  XXIII.,  afterwards  C^hancellor  at  Florence  f 
1444)  reiTim  suo  tempore  in  Italia  gestarum  commentarius  ab  anno  1378 
usque  ad  ann.  1440  (in  Muratorii  Rerum  Italicarum  Scriptores  T.  xix.  p. 
909  ss.) 

Acts  of  the  Council  in  Mansi  xxvii.  p.  1  ss.  in  d'Achery  Spicileg.  i.  p. 
828  and  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Constantiense,  Tom.  ii.  P.  ii.  p.  62  ss. 

Histoire  du  Concile  de  Pise,  et  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  de  plus  memorable 
depuis  ce  Concile  jusqu'au  Concile  de  Constance,  par  Jacques  Lenfant.  T. 
ii.  a  Amsterdam.  1724,  4. 

The  Council  of  Pisa,  among  the  members  of  which  Peter  de 
Alliaco,  Bishop  of  Cambray,^  and  John  Gerson,  Chancellor  of 
the  University  of  Paris,*  came  forward  as  the  chiefs  of  the 
Reforming  party,  opened  its  sessions  on  tlie  25.  March  1409  : 
Notwithstanding  the  efforts  which  the  Emperor  Rupert  caused 
to  be  made  in  favour  of  the   Roman  Pope  Gregory  XII.^  it 

1  Compare  §  106  note  1.  §  119.  note  9.  He  was  the  teacher  of 
Gerson  and  Nicholas  of  Clamengis,  1389  Chancellor  of  the  University 
of  Paris,  1396  Bishop  of  Cambray,  1411  Cardinal  (Cardinalis  Camera- 
censis)  \  1425.  On  his  life  see  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  i.  P.  viii. 
p.  450  ss. 

^  Compare  §  107.  note  3  and  9.  Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris 
from  1395  -j-  1429.  0pp.  ed.  L.  E.  Du  Pin.  Antverp.  1706.  Tomi 
W.  fol.  Tomus  ii.. contains  Gerson's  principal  works  upon  ecclesiastical 
matters,  together  with  similar  works  by  other  cotemporaries.  On  his 
life  and  works  see  v.  d.  Hardt  1.  c.  T.  I.  P.  iv.  p.  26  ss.  and  Gerso- 
niana  prefixt  to  Dupin's  edition. 

^  Theod.  a  Niem  iii.,  c.  39.  The  speech  of  the  Emperor's  Ambas- 
sador Uliicus  Ep.  Verdensis  is  in   Kaynaldus  ad  ann.  1409.  no.  13  ss. 


CII.  I.— PAPACY,  g  i;50.  COUNCIL  OF  PISA.  27i> 

proceeded  so  early  as  the  5th  of  June  to  the  deposition  of  both 
Popes  :*  and  then,  after  that  the  proposed  Reformation  seemed 
to  be  secured  by  the  solemn  engagement  of  the  Cardinals  in  a 
body,^  caused  Alexander  V.  to  be  elected  Pope  on  the  26th  of 
June.  Now,  the  Reformation  was  to  follow  f  but  the  Synod 
was  soon  obliged  to  acknowledge,  that  there  was  no  possibility 
of  reform  while  in  connexion  with  a  Pope.     In  fact  it  required 

The  answer  which  Petrus  de  Ancharano  gave  in  the  name  of  the 
Council,  is  in  Mansi  xxvii,  p.  367  ss. 

*  In  Session  X.  on  May  21,  the  Articuli  contra  Petrum  de  Luna, 
Benedictum  XIII.,  et  Angelum  Corario,  Gregorium  XII.  nuncupates, 
de  papatu  perperam  contendentes  (in  Raynald.  ann.  1409,  no.  47  ss. 
d'Achery  Spicileg.  T.  I.  p.  833  ss.),  a  detailed  representation  of  the 
behaviour  of  both  the  Popes,  and  the  Cardinals  hitherto,  were  pre- 
sented. In  Session  XV.  the  5th  of  June,  there  followed  the  Sententia 
defiuitiva  et  privativa  contra  praedictos  contendentes  (Theodor.  a  Niem 
iii.,  c.  44.  Raynald.  a.  1.  no.  71,  d'Achery  i,,  p.  847  ss.) :  Christi 
nomine  invocato  sancta  et  universalis  Synodus  universalem  Ecclesiam 
repraesentans,  et  ad  quam  cognitio  et  decisio  hujus  causae  noscitur 
pertinere, — pronunciat,  decernit,  definit  et  declarat, — Angelum  Corario 
et  Petrum  de  Luna  de  papatu  contendentes,  et  eorum  utrumque  fuisse 
et  esse  notorios  schismaticos,  et  antiqui  schismatis  nutritores,  defensores, 
fautores,  approbatores,  et  manutentores  pertinaces,  necnon  notorios 
haereticos,  et  a  fide  devios,  notoriisque  criminibus  enormibus  perjurii 
et  violationis  voti  irretitos,  universalem  Ecclesiam  sanctam  Dei  notorie 
seandalizantes  cum  incorrigibilitate,  contumacia,  et  pertinacia  notoriis, 
evidentibus  et  manifestis ;  et  ex  his  et  aliis  se  reddidisse  omni  honore 
et  dignitate,  etiam  papali,  indignos ;  ipsosque  et  eorum  utrumque 
propter  praemissas  iniquitates,  crimina  et  excessus  ne  regnent,  vel 
iraperent,  aut  praesint,  a  Deo  et  sacris  canonibus  fore  ipso  facto  abjectos 
et  privates,  ac  etiam  ab  Ecclesia  praecisos  ;  et  nihilomlnus  ipsos  Petrum 
et  Angelum,  et  eorum  utrumque,  per  banc  sententiam  definitivam  in 
his  scriptis  privat,  abjicit  et  praecidit,  inhibendo  eisdem,  ne  eorum 
aliquis  pro  summo  Pontifice  gerere  se  praesumat  etc. 

^  In  Sess.  XVI.  June  10,  the  Cardinals  had  to  make  oath  (Ray- 
nald 1.  1.  d'Achery  i.  p.  848),  quod,  si  quis  nostrum  in  summum 
Romanum  Pontificem  eligetur,  praesens  concilium  continuabit  nee 
dissolvet,  neque  dissolvi  permittet,  quantum  in  eo  erit,  usquequo  per 
ipsum  cum  consilio  ejusdem  concilii  sit  facta  debita,  rationalis,  et 
sufficiens  reformatio  universalis  Ecclesiae,  et  status  ejus  tam  in  capite 
quam  in  membris.  If  the  election  were  to  fall  without  the  college  of 
cardinals,  the  Pope  elect  was  to  take  the  same  oath  before  the  publica- 
tion of  his  election. 

^  The  necessity  of  a  reformation  and  the  matters  to  be  reformed  were 
forcibly  brought  before  his  mind  previously  to  his  coronation,  by 
Gerson  in  the  Sermofactus  coi-am  Alex.  P.  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  p.  131.) 


280     .  THIRD  TEKIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1617. 

more  than  ordinary  insight,  morality  and  power  in  a  Pope,  to 
close  his  ears  to  the  snggestions  of  a  court  that  seemed  entirely 
devoted  to  his  cause,  and  himself  to  help  to  overthrow  all  the 
splendor  which  his  predecessors  for  centuries  appeared  to  have 
built  up  for  him,  without  being  sure  of  the  perpetuity  of  his 
work,  and  the  honour  of  his  name  in  time  to  come.  Alexander's 
earliest  policy  displayed  the  ordinary  characteristics  of  a  Pope  in 
the  ancient  fashion.^     He  sought  to  appease,  and  not  to  satisfy. 

^  Gerson  de  modo  reformandi  Ecclesiam  in  Cone.  Univ.,  written 
1410,  cap.  10  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  V.  p.  90) :  Et  ut 
sic  fieret  (viz.  ut  liraitaretur  potestas  usurpata  papalis)  fuit  omnino 
inelinatus  dictus  Dominus  Alexander  V.  ante  ejus  Papatum,  dum 
ageretur,  ut  dictum  concilium  celebraretur  in  Pisis.  Qui  etiam  hoc 
dicebat,  et  etiam  super  limitatioue  subsequeuda  multis  argunientis 
theologicis,  philosophicis,  juridicis  insudabat.  Qui  creatus  in  Papam 
in  lucem  educere  non  curabat.  Petrus  de  Alliaco  de  difficultate  refor- 
mationis  in  Cone,  universali  ad  Jo.  Gersonem,  written  1410,  cap.  3  (in 
V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  VI.  p.  262) :  Alexander  prorsus 
inexpcrtus  erat  eorum,  quae  officii  pastoralis  honor  et  sublimitas  exige- 
bat,  quamvis  esset  magnus  Theologus.  Et  quicquid  dicti  Cardinales 
ab  CO  petierunt,  ipsis  absque  contradictione  concessit,  nee  audebat  ipsis 
aliquid  denegare.  Unde  ipsi  continuo  eum  importune  crebris  petitioni- 
bus  vexarunt,  ita  ut  aliquaudo  propterea  in  se  ipso  nimium  turbaretur. 
Nee  poterant  satiari.  Theodoricus  a  Niem  iii.  c.  51  :  Fuit  autem  dictus 
dominus  Petrus  (Alexander  prius  nominatus  Petrus  de  Candia),  cum 
eligebatur  in  Papam,  septuageuarius,  vel  circa. — Hie  quicquid  ordinavit 
et  fieri  voluit  per  ipsum  dictus  dominus  Joannes  Papa,  tunc  Diaconus 
Cardinalis  (Baltbasar  Cossa),  in  omnibus  et  per  omnia  fecit,  ab  ejus 
precibus,  consiliis  aut  mandatis — nullatenus  recedendo,  et  in  ejus  Pa- 
patu  nihil  penitus  reformavit,  et  omnibus  studuit  complacere,  et  vix 
alicui  ab  eo  quicquam  petenti  a  majori  usque  ad  minimum  sine  persona- 
rum  discretione  scivit  denegare.  Unde  subito  postquam  in  Papam 
assumtus  fuit,  adeo  deformavit  notabiliora  officia  suae  Curiae  ad  impor- 
tunam  instantiam  multorum  petentium,  excedendo-  illorum  numerum 
antiquum  nulla  necessitate  aut  utilitate  urgente,  quod  in  longo  tempore 
in  statum  debitum  vix  potuerunt  rcformari,  et  tam  prodigus  fuit  in 
concedendis  gratiis  beneficialibus,  quod  nullara  novit  differentiam  inter 
})ersonas,  quibus  ilia  fecit,  et  quales  facere  deberet,  nee  modum  nee 
ordinem  debitos  et  consuetos  in  talibus  observando  :  fuit  enim  in  illis 
practicalibns  et  agibilibus  penitus  inexpertus. — Aliquos  etiam  fratres 
Minores  (brethren  of  bis  order)  sibi  cai-os  et  sociales  publicis  officiis  et 
lucrativis,  quae  prius  consueverunt  regi  per  saeculares  personas  babiles 
et  expertas,  in  eadem  sua  Curia  praefert,  et  miro  modo  conabatur  ple- 
rosque  fratres  minores  cathedralibus  Ecclesiis  vacautibus  praeficere  in 
pastores :  in  his  praecipue,  et  etiam  in  multis  aliis  Papale  officium, 
cujus  gravitatem  non  novit,  in  brevi  tempore  denigrando. — Cap.  52  : 
— statim   postquam  creatus  fuit,  et  ante  ipsius   coronationem  multos 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  130.  COUNCIL  OF  PISA.  281 

Accordingly  he  undertook  some  insignificant  engagements, 
promised  to  set  on  foot  a  real  reformation  in  a  new  synod,  and 
then  as  soon  as  possible  (on  the  7th  of  August)  dissolved  the 
troublesome  assembly.^ 

Thus  the  result  of  the  kSynod  of  Pisa,  which  was  opened  with 
such  great  hope  (see  §  107)  failed  to  satisfy  the  least  of  the 
expectations  entertained  of  it.^     Instead  of  two   Popes,  there 

creavit  Archiepiscopos,  Episcopos  et  Abbates,  et  omnibus  illis  fauii- 
liaribus  dominorum  Cardinalium,  qui  eum  elegerunt  in  Papain,  qui 
dictis  Doniinis  Cardinalibus  in  conclavi  ministrarunt,  adeo  abusivas  et 
exorbitantes  beneficiales  gratias,  etiani  cum  dispensationibus  ad  plura 
incompatibilia  beneficia,  qui  eas  petierunt,  absque  personarum  delectu 
fecit,  sicuti  a  sneculo  nunquam  prius  auditae  tuerunt,  ita  quod  caeteri 
saltem  intelligentes  Curiales  de  indiscreta  provisione  stupefacti  mur- 
mui'abant.  Videbatui'  enim  praedictus  Alexander  pro  nibilo  habere 
titulos  ecclesiasticos,  quos  tam  improvide  dividebat  etc. 

^  In  Session  XX.  on  July  27,  the  Pope  declared  (d'Acliery  i.  p. 
852)  :  Sacro  approbante  Concilio  decernimus, — iterum  geuerale  Con- 
cilium Ecclesiae  fore  convocandura,  bine  ad  triennium,  videlicet  anno 
quo  dicetur  Dom.  MCCCCXIL  in  mense  Api'ilis,  in  civitate  seu  loco 
babili  et  decenti.  Session  XXIII.  Aug.  7.  (1.  c.)  :  Sanctissimus  Do- 
luinus  noster  sacro  approbante  Concilio  ordinavit,  quod  bona  immobilia 
Ecclesiae  Romanae  seu  aliaruni  Ecclesiarum  nullatenus — alieneutur  seu 
bypothecentur  usque  ad  proxime  iiidictuui  Concilium,  in  quo  super  ho' 
articulo  maturius  poterit  delibei*ari.  Item  Dominus  noster  eodem 
approbante  Concilio  ordinat  et  mandat  celebrari  Concilia  provincialia 
per  Metropolitanos,  et  Synodos  per  eorum  sufFraganeos,  secundum 
formam  juris  et  Concilii  generalis ;  quia  ex  eorum  omissione  multa 
sequuntur  inconvenicntia.  Item  —  celebrari  capitula  Monachorum 
nigrorum  et  Canouicorum  regularium. — Item  Dominus  noster,  miseri- 
cordia  motus,  liberaliter  remittit,  prout  alias  fecit,  omnia  arreragia 
(arrears  from  arrerages)  majora,  et  minuta  servitia  suae  Camerae 
Apostolicae  de  toto  tempore  antiquo  debita,  sibi  dumtaxat  compe- 
tentia :  etiam  si  qui  propter  defectum  solutionis  bujusmodi  arre- 
ragiorum  sententiam  excommunicationis  incurreriut,  eos  auctoritate 
Apostolica  absolvit.  —  Item — disponit,  non  facere  translationes  de 
invitis. — Item — concedit  omnibus,  qui  in  hoc  sacro  Concilio  interfu- 
erunt,  et  ejus  determinationi  adhaerent,  absolutionem  plenariam  a  culpa 
et  poena  semel  tantum. — Item  Dominus  noster  sanctissimus  cum 
consilio  Concilii  intendit  reformare  Ecclesiam  in  capite  et  in  membris. 
Et  quia  jam  multa  per  Dei  gratiam  sunt  expedita,  quae  ipsum  Domi- 
num  nostrum,  et  favorem  Praclatoruni,  aliorumque  inferiorum  concer- 
nunt,  restantque  alia,  quae  propter  recessum  Praelatorum  et  Ambassi- 
atorum  de  praesenti  expediri  non  possunt :  propterea  Dominus  noster 
sacro  requirentc  et  approbante  Concilio  dictam  reformationem  suspen- 
dit,  et  continuat  fi.e.,  differtj  usque  ad  proxime  iudictum  Concilum  etc. 

^  Gerson  wrote  in  1410  de  modo  reformandi  Eccles.  in  Cone.  univ. 


282  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.   1400—1517. 

now  were  three.  For  altliougli  most  of  the  nations  recognized 
Alexander  V.,  still  Gregory  XII.  retained  on  his  side  Naples, 
several  of  the  smaller  states  of  Italy,  and  the  German  Bishops 
of  Treves,  Speyer,  and  Worms,  while  Benedict  XIII.  kept 
Spain  and  Scotland.  A  reformation  of  the  Church  was  not 
effected,  and  after  Alexander  V.  died  at  Bologna  3.  May  1410,^'' 

c  19  (in  V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  V.  p.  113)  :  In  Concilio 
Pisano,  secundum  opinionem  muhovum,  omnia  fuerunt  quasi  primis 
motibus  facta  et  agitata,  spiritu  veheraenti,  et  non  matura  delibera- 
tione,  ut  etiam  Concilium  decebat,  ordinata  nee  completa.  Nicolai  de 
Clamengis  disp.  super  materia  Concilii  generalis  cum  quodam  Scholas- 
tico  Parisiensi  (written  in  1416,  see  p.  75)  in  his  0pp.  ed.  Jo.  M. 
Lydius.  Lugd.  Bat.  1613.  4.  p.  70  :  Quae  alia  res  in  Pisana  congre- 
gatione  Ecclesiam  Dei  populumque  decepit,  et  clamare  fecit :  Pax^  pax, 
cum  nulla  esset  pax ;  nisi  quia  carnales  et  cupidi  homines,  qui  ubique 
ex  refrigerio  cliaritatis  superabundant,  beneficiorum  ardore  succensi, 
prorsusque  excaecati  ecclesiasticam  reformationem,  quam  boni  et  fideles 
plerique  ante  omnia  fieri  volebant,  impedierunt,  ad  novamque  mox 
electionera  processerunt,  qua  facta,  et  promotionibus  quas  concupierunt 
adeptis,  pacem  esse  clamarunt,  solutoque  conventu  cum  ilia  quam 
quaesierant  pace,  hoc  est  promotione,  reversi  sunt?  Whether  this 
council  was  cecumenical  or  not,  remained  long  undecided  after  the  last 
trace  of  its  agency  was  destroyed  by  the  deposition  of  John  XXIII. 
at  Constance,  S.  Antonini  Summa  histor.  Tit.  xxii.  Cap.  5.  §  2.  :  per 
Pisanum  Concilium  vel  Conciliabulum  (cum  non  esset  auctoritate 
alicujus  eorum,  qui  se  gerebant  pro  Pontifice,  congregatum)  non  erat 
ablatum  ipsum  schisma,  sed  augmentatum,  ex  duobus  vel  tribus  jam  se 
pro  Papa  gerentibus.  Cajetanus  de  auct.  Papae  et  Concilii  Tract,  ii. 
c.  2.  says,  quod  nee  illud  Concilium  constat  fuisse  certum  et  indubita- 
tum  ;  Bellarminus  de  Conciliis  et  Ecclesia  Lib.  i.  e.  8.  calls  it  nee 
approbatura,  nee  reprobatum,  but  he  still  considers  Alexander  V.  and 
John  XXIII.  as  the  real  Popes  of  that  age:  certe  ex  tribus,  qui  tum 
.se  pro  Pontificibus  gerebant,  isti  maxime  ut  veri  Pontifices  colebantur. 
The  later  Curialists  entirely  disavow  the  cecumenicity  of  the  Concilium 
Pisanum  (Ballerinius  de  potestate  ecclesiastiea  summorum  Pontificum 
et  Coneill.  Generall.  cap.  6.) ;  and  accordingly  they  disown  its  Popes 
also,  Alexander  V.  and  John  XXIII.,  and  recognize  Gregory  XII. 
as  the  rightful  Pope  until  his  resignation  at  Constance  (Raynald.  ann. 
1409.  no.  79  and  80).  The  French  party  on  the  other  hand  have 
constantly  defended  the  Council  and  its  Popes,  see  Edm.  Richerii  hist, 
conciliorum  generalium  lib.  ii.  c.  2.  §  6.  Bossuet  Defensio  declarat. 
Cleri  Gall.  P.  ii.  lib.  9.  c.  11.  especially  Natalis  Alex.  hist.  eccl.  saec. 
XV.  et  xvi.  Diss.  ii. 

^®  Probably  poisoned  by  his  successor,  see  the  Articuli  contra  Job. 
P.  xxiii.  laid  before  the  Council  of  Constance  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone. 
Const.  T.  iv.  p.  197)  :  dictus  tunc  Dominus  Balthasar  appellatus, 
Legatus   Bononiae  existens,  ad  papatum  illicitis  mediis  anhelans,  in 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  fj  i;ju.  JUHN  XXIII.  283 

and  Baltliasar  Cossa,  infamous  for  crimes  of  all  sorts,  succeeded 
him  as  John  XXIII.,^^  nothuig  more  could  be  expected  from  the 
Pope.^^  John  XXIII.  turned  all  his  power  to  subdue  Ladislaus, 

mortem  bonae  memoriae  Domini  Alexandri  Papae  V.  extitit  machinatus, 
et  ut  tam  ipse,  quam  medicus  suus  Magister  Daniel  de  sancta  Sophia, 
artium  et  medicinae  Doctor,  veneno  extinguerentur,  prout  extincti  sunt, 
operamdedit.  Sicque,  ut  pi'aedicitur,  fuit  dictum,  tentum,  creditum  et 
reputatura,  diciturque,  tenetur,  credltur  et  reputatur.  Atque  fuit  et 
est  de  praemissis  in  civitate  Bononiensi  et  extra  per  totum  munduiii 
publica  vox  et  fania,  et  est  graviter  et  notorie  diffamatus.  Conrad 
Justingers  (t  1426)  Berner  Chronik,  herausgeg.  von  Stierlin  u.  Wyss, 
Bern  1819.  8.  S.  275  :  "  uud  war  ein  often  liimde,  der  kiinstig  Pabst 
ware  eine  Fiirdrung  zu  sinem  Tode."  Antoninus  P.  iii.  Tit.  xxii.  Cap. 
5.  §  3.  merely  says  :  migravit  a  saeculo,  ut  dicitur,  toxicatus  in 
clisterio. 

11  Conrad  Justinger  S.  276  :  The  Cardinals  chose  the  wickedest 
and  most  ill-famed  man  who  could  be  found,  his  wickedness  was 
discovered  at  the  Council  of  Constance,  his  name  was  Balthasar,  accused 
and  laden  with  many  a  deed  of  crime.  See  Theod.  a  Niem  Invectiva 
in  diftugientem  a  Constant.  Cone.  Joh.  xxiii.  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const. 
T.  ii.  p.  296  ss.  Ejusd.  Vita.  Jo.  xxiii.  ibid.  p.  336,  and  the  Articuli 
quoted  in  note  10. 

1^  Regulae  Cancellariae  Joh.  P.  xxiii.  publisht  19th  July  1410 
in  V.  d.  Hardt  I.  xxi.  p.  954.  Petrus  de  Alliaco  de  difticultate  refor- 
raationis  in  Cone,  universali  ad  Jo.  Gersonem,  written  in  1410,  cap.  2. 
(in  V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const  .T.  I.  P.  vi.  p.  256  ss.  ) :  Quippe  notorium 
est,  quod  dictus  Johannes  in  primordio  sui  Pontificatus  i-eservai'it  suae 
disposition!  omnes  Patriarchales,  Metropolitanas  ac  Cathedrales  Ec- 
clesias,  necnon  omnia  Monasteria  virorum,  prout  etiam  nonnulli  ejus 
praedecessores  summi  Pontifices  facere  consueverunt.  —  Item  ultra 
praedictas  et  omnes  generales  alias  reservationes  quarumlibet  inferiorum 
dignitatum  et  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum  per  eum  etiam  factas,  extra 
solitam  consuetudinem  eorundem  suorum  praedecessorum,  reservavit 
suae  dispositioni  omnes  Prioratus,  Conventuales  et  majores  post  Pontifi- 
cales  in  cathedralibus,  necnon  principales  dignitates  in  collegiatis  Ec- 
clesiis  ubicunque  vacantes  et  vacaturas.  —  Item  dictus  Johannes  aliam 
fecit  constitutionem,  continentem  in  eftectu,  quod  quicunque  ab  eo 
impetraret  qualecunque  beneficium  ecclesiasticum  — ,  antequam  illi 
super  eadem  impetratione  literae  apostolicae  in  Romaua  curia  confectae 
traderentur,  solveret  camerae  Apostolicae  realiter  medietatem  friictuum 
dicti  beneficii  impetrati  unius  anni.  To  this  were  added  also  duae 
novellae  constitutiones — viz.,  olim  quicunque  praefecti  fuerant  cathe- 
dralibus Ecclesiis,  aut  Monasteriis  virorum  vacantibus  in  Praelatos,  non 
arctabantur  per  sedem  Apostolicara,  ut  in  promptu  plus  solverent 
Camerae  Apostolicae  aut  collegio  Cardinalium  pro  communi  servitio^ 
quam  medietatem  taxae,  ad  quam  Ecclesiae  vel  Monasteria  ipsa  in 
eadem  Camera  reperiebantur  esse  taxata.  Et  pro  alia  medietate 
solvenda  promotis  —  dilatio  dabatur.  —  Quas  quidem  taxas  oportet 
promotes  per  ipsum  Dom.  Johannem  integraliter  solvere,  —  antequam 
literae  Apostolicae  —  tradantur  ipsis  promotis,  —  Ex  quo  contingit, 


284  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  Y.— A.  D.  1409—1517. 

King  of  Naples,  who  protected  Gregory  XII.  After  all  his  violent 
measures,  including  even  a  crusade  preacht  in  1411,^^  had  re- 
mained without  result,  the  king  was  won  over  in  1412  by  the 
promise  of  great  advantages ;  and  Gregory  XII.,  faithlessly 
abandoned,  was  driven  to  seek  refuge  in  Rimini  with  his  true 
friend  Charles  of  Malatesta.^*  But  no  long  time  afterwards  Ladis- 

quod  plures  Ecclesiarum  et  dignitatum  sen  monasteriorum,  ad  quae 
promoti  sunt,  possessionem  nequeant  apprehendere.  Further  olim  ante 
schisma  —  ratione  inferiorura  dignitatum  et  beneficiorum  Ecclesiasti- 
corum  vacantium  —  nou  consueverunt  impeti'antes  medios  fructus  digni- 
tatum et  beneficiorum  praefatorum  eidem  camerae  solvere,  priusquam 
ilia  essent  pacifice  assecuti.  Et  tunc  concordabant  super  illis  cum  col- 
lectoribus  fructuum  dictae  camerae  in  diversis  partibus  debitorum.  — 
Nunc  autem  extorqueutur  dicti  raedii  fructus  ab  impetrantibus  ipsis  in 
eadem  curia,  antequam  eis  literae  Apostolicae  confectae  super  talibus 
gratiis  tradantur  per  officiales  dictae  camerae. — Et  quod  deterius  est,  si 
forte  centum  concurrerent  pro  uno  beneficio  vacante  et  reservato  impe- 
trando,  daretur  omnibus  per  Papam,  Tamen  si  literas  Apostolicas 
super  ipsis  impetrationibus  suis  vellent  habere,  quemlibet  eoi'um  incunc- 
tanter  medietatem  fructuum  dicti  beneficii  praefatae  camerae  ante  omnia 
solvere  oporteret,  licet  nisi  unus  eorum  illud  assequi  posset  (compare 
the  anonymous  writer  in  Bulaei  hist.  Univ.  Paris  iv.  p.  914). — Cap.  3.  p. 
260  :  Cum  igitur  juxta  praehabita  pateat,  quod  apud  Papam  et  ejus 
collegium  Cardinalium  nulla  vigeat  charitas  quoad  alios  Praelatos  et 
Christianos,  sed  perpetua  et  insatiabilis  rapacitas  potius  ardeat  in 
eisdem,  ut  qualitercunque  dicebatur :  dato,  quod  generale  Concilium 
convocaretur  et  fieret,  sicut  dicis  et  consulis  fieri  debere,  qualis  ex  hoc 
utilitas  universalis  Ecclesiae  resultaret  ?  Esto  etiam,  quod  omnes  isti 
tres  de  papatu  contendentes  sponte  cederent,  aut  ad  cedendum  compelle- 
rentur  inviti,  eisque  novus  Papa,  sicut  factum  fuit  in  Pisis  novissime, 
surrogaretur  :  dicti  Cardinales  in  statu  eorum  nihilominus  remanentes 
dicerent,  quod  ad  eos  duntaxat  spectaret  electio  simimi  Pontificis.  Quod 
si  obtinerent,  non  est  dubitandum,  quin  unum  ex  se  ipsis  eligerent, 
sicut  fecerunt  in  Pisis.  Sicque  nulla  reformatio  efficax  et  fructuosa  ex 
cessione  hujusmodi  sequeretur,  nisi  vocalis,  et  unius  personae  mutatio 
tantum.  Et  hi  quidem  electus  et  electores  juxta  mores  veteres  eorum 
similiter  perpetuum  erroi'em  in  ipsa  Ecclesia  continuarent,  quousque 
unus  eorum  in  eodem  statu  in  ipsa  Ecclesia  remaneret.  Certum  est 
enim,  quod  mystice  sacerdotes  Bel  cum  coram  uxoribus  et  filiis  omnes 
unanimiter  in  lacum  leonum  missi  fuerint,  ut  per  ipsos  leones  devora- 
rentur.  Quod  si  aliqui  eorum  supervixissent,  extunc  etiam  cibos  regies, 
eidem  Bel  singulis  diebus  appositos  devorassent,  prout  ante  deceptorie 
facere  consueverant.  Et  ne  hoc  deinceps  fieret  taliter,  una  sententia 
super  omnes  justo  Dei  judicio  lata  subito  perierunt. 

^^  Rayanaldus  ann.  1411.  no,  5.  ann.  1412.  no  2. 

^*  Theodor.  a  Niem  de  vita  Jo.  xxiii.  c.  22  and  24.  H.  Leo  Gesch. 
der  Italicnischen  Staatcn.     Th.  4  (Hamburg  1830)  S.  271,  fi". 


CU.  I.— PAPACY,  g  130.  COUNCIL  OF  PISA.  285 

laus  broke  once  more  with  John  XXIII.,  suddenly  niarclit 
against  Rome  in  141  o>  and  forced  the  Pope  to  fly  into  northern 
Italy,  and  throw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  Emperor  Sigis- 
mmid,  who  was  there  at  the  time.  Under  these  circumstances 
the  Emperor  siicceeded  in  inducing  the  Pope  to  smmuon  at  Con- 
stance, a  German  city,  for  the  1st  Nov.  1414,  the  long  desired 
general  council  to  put  an  end  to  the  boundless  disorder  in  the 
Church.^^ 


§  131. 

COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE  (5.  NOV.  1414-22.  APR.  1418.)    MARTIN  V.  (11. 
NOV.  1417  +  20.  FEBR.  1431.) 

Magnum  oecmnenicum  Constantiense  Concilium  ex  ingenti  antiquissimoiiim  Msc- 

tornm  mole  diligcntissimc  crutum  op.  H.  v.  d.  IHardt.  vi.  Tomi.  Francof. 

et   Lips.   1700.     Tom.  vii.  sistens  indicem  generalem.  cougessit  G.  Ch. 

Bohnstedt.  Bevolini  1742,  fol. 
Theodoiici  Vrie  (also  written  Vrige,  Frig,  Frio,  but  erroneously  called  by  modern 

writers  Uric  or  Urias,  an  Augvistin  monk  at  Osnaburg,  see  v.  d.  Hardt. 

Prolegg.  ad  T.  1.  Cone.  Const,   p.  22  ss.)  de  consolatione   Ecclesiae  libb. 

iv.  written  in  1417,  publisht  by  v.  d.  Hardt  with  tbe  Title  Historia  Cone. 

Constantiensis  (Cone.  Const.  T.  i.  p.  1.  ss.) 

^^  Leonardus  Aretinus  in  Muratori  xix.  p.  928  :  unicum  remedium 
et  Imperatori  et  Pontifici  videbatur  generale  Concilium  advocari.  Sed 
erant  circa  hoc  ipsum  constituenda  permulta,  ceu  locus,  tempus,  modus. 
"Missi  sunt  igitiir  his  de  causis  ad  Sigismundmn  Legati.  Horum  missio 
Legatorum  ruinae  Pontificis  initium  fuit.  Qua  in  re  non  videtur  prae- 
tereundum  mirabile  quiddam,  quod  tunc  accidit,  ut  omnia  caelitus 
gubernari  cognoscamns.  Communicaverat  mecum  Pontifex  arcane 
raentem  et  cogitationem  suam.  In  loco,  inquit,  Concilii  rei  summa  est, 
nee  ego  alicubi  esse  volo,  uhi  Imperator  plus  possit.  Legatis  igitur  istis 
qui  a  me  mittuntur^  mandata  ampliss'nna,  potestatemque  maximam  ad 
honestatis  speciem  dabo,  quae  palam  ostentare  possint  atque  proferre  : 
secreto  autem  mandatum  restringam  ad  loca  certa.  However  he  altered 
his  mind,  he  gave  the  ambassadors  only  general  iastructions,  ostendens 
quanti  ponderis  ilia  res  esset,  cujus  rei  gratia  mitterentur,  and  dismist 
them  with  the  injunction  :  vestrae  ptrudentiae  cuncta  permitto.  Vos, 
quid  mihi  tutum,  et  quid  formidandum,  cogitetis.  After  the  ambassa- 
dors had  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  emperor  as  regards  Con- 
stance, Joannes  incredibile  quantum  indoluit,  se  ipsum  ac  fortunam 
suam  detestatus,  quod  tarn  leviter  a  cogitatione,  propositoque  illo  pris- 
tine restringendoi-um  locorum  descivisset.  The  Bull  with  which  the 
Council  was  summoned,  d.  Laudae  V.  Id.  Dec.  1413,  may  be  seen  in 
Raynald  ann.  1413   no.  22.  v.  d.  Hardt  T.  VI.  p.  9. 


286  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  Il0i1— 1517. 

Histoire  du  Concile  cle  Constance  par  Jaques  Lenfant.  Tomes  ii.  a  Amstcnkii! 
1714.  nouv.  edit.  1727.  4.  Nouvelle  Histoire  du  Concile  de  Constance,  ou 
Ton  fait  voir,  combien  la  France  a  contribue  a  I'extinction  du  Schism, 
par  Bourgeoise  du  Chastcnet  a  Taris  1718.  4.  (a  completion  of  the  work  by 
V.  d.  Hardt  and  Lenfant). — Cusp.  Royko's  Geschichte  der  Kirchenver- 
sammlung  zu  Costnitz  Prag  Th.  I.  2.  2te  Aufl.  1796.  Th.  3.  4.  1784. 
1785.  Register  1796.  gr.  8. 

The  desire  for  a  complete  settlement  of  the  schism,  and  for  a 
reformation  of  the  Church  in  head  and  limbs,  Avas  so  much 
increast  by  the  disappointment  experienced  in  Alexander  V., 
and  the  daring  insults  it  received  from  John  XXIII. ;  and  the 
principles  and  proposals  which  John  Gerson  had  uttered  in  his 
powerful  works  in  favour  of  reform,^  seemed  to  be  so  generally 

1  Especially  in  his  opus  de  modis  uniendi  ac  reformandi  ecclesiam  in 
Concilio  Universali,  written  in  1410  (cf.  cap,  21,  cum  ad  praesens  de 
facto  vacet  Impei'iura,  et  Imperii  Electoi-es  diversis  obediant)  in  v.  d. 
Hardt  Cone.  Const,  T.  I.  P.  V.  p.  68  ss.  in  which  he  sought  to  settle 
the  difficulties  raised  by  Petrus  de  AUiaco  de  difficultate  reform,  in 
Cone.  univ.  (see  §  130,  note  12.)  The  distinction  which  he  adopts 
between  the  una,  sancta  Catholica  and  the  Apostolica  Ecclesia,  is  re- 
markable ;  in  V.  d.  Hardt  cap.  2.  p.  70 :  Catholica,  universalis  Eccle- 
sia ex  variis  membris  unum  corpus  constitiientibus — est  conjuncta  et 
Dominata,  Cujus  corporis,  universalis  Ecclesiae,  caput  Christus  solus 
est,  Caeteri  vero,  ut  Papa,  Cardinales,  et  Praelati,  Clerici,  Reges,  et 
Principes,  ac  plebeji  sunt  membra  inaequaliter  disposita.  Nee  islius 
Ecclesiae  Papa  potest  dici  nee  debet  caput  sed  solum  vicarius  Christi, 
ejus  vicem  gerens  in  terris,  dum  tamen  clavis  non  erret.  Et  in  hac 
Ecclesia,  et  in  ejus  fide  omnis  homo  potest  salvari,  etiamsi  in  toto 
mundo  aliquis  Papa  non  posset  repiriri. — Haec  Ecclesia  de  lege  cur- 
rent! nunquam  errare  potuit,  nunquam  deficere,  nunquam  schisma  passa 
est,  nunquam  baeresi  maculata  est,  nunquam  falli  aut  fallere  potuit 
nunquam  peccavit  (according  to  Gratian's  Decretal  Caus.  XXIV.  Qu. 
1.  per  totum).  In  ista  etiarn  omnes  fidcles,  in  quantum  fideles  sunt, 
unum  sunt  in  Christo,  in  cujus  fide  non  est  distantia  Judaei,  Graeci, 
domini  et  servi.  Alia  vero  vocatur  Ecclesia  Apostolica  particularis  et 
privata,  in  catholica  Ecclesia  inclusa,  ex  Papa,  Cardinalibus,  Episcopis, 
Praelatis  et  viris  ecclesiasticis  compaginata,  Et  solet  dici  Ecclesia  Ko- 
mana,  cujus  caput  Papa  creditnr :  caeteri  vero  Ecclesiastici,  tanquam 
membra  inferiora  et  superiora,  in  ea  includuntur.  Et  haec  errare  potest, 
et  potuit  falli  et  fallere,  schisma  et  haeresin  habei'e,  etiam  potest  deficere, 
Et  haec  longe  minoris  auctoritatis  videtur  esse  universali  Eccle- 
sia :  —  et  est  quasi  instrumentalis  et  operativa  clavium  universalis 
Ecclesiae,  et  executiva  potestatis  ligandi  et  solvendi  ejusdem.  Nee 
de  recta  conscientia  majorem  habet  vel  habere  potest  aucto- 
ritatem,  et  executionem  potestatis,  quam  sibi  ab  universali  Ecclesia 
conceditur.  Cap.  5.  p.  75 :  Si  propter  salvationem  unius  regni,  utuus 
provinciae,  deponitur  uuus  Rex,  unus  Princeps  saecularis,  qui  per  succes- 
sionem  perpetuam  descendit :  multo  magis  unus  Papa,  unus  Praelatus  est 


CII.  I.— PAl'ACY.  §  131.  COUNCIL  OK  CON.STANCK.  287 

adopted  from   the   majoritv    in    their  favour,   of  the    numbers 

deponendus,  qui  per  electionem  Cardinah'um  fuit  institutiis,  cujus  pater  et 
avus  fcTrsan  ventres  implere  non  sufEciebant  fabis.     Durum  enim  est 

,  dicere,  quod  filius  unius  Veneti  piscatoris  papatum  debcat  tenere  cum 
detrimento  totius   reipublicae  ecclesiasticae. — Sed    forte   me  voluisti 
capere  in  sermone  per  varia  scripta,   allegando,  quod  tam  sancta,  tarn 
aha  sit  potestas  Papae,  ut  a  nuUo  mortahura  judicari  valeat  nee  deponi, 
nisi  propter  haeresin  iucorrigibilem ;  ad  haec  allegas  Dist.  xl,  can.  6. 
Sed  perpende,   mi   frater,   quanta  fraude,   quanta  astutia  temporibus 
antiquis  fuerint  facta  et  scripta  quam  plurima  ad  tenendam  banc  digni- 
tatem Papatus. — Dico,  quod  tantam  fraudem  in  administratione  hujus 
Papains  fecerint  ah'qui  antiqui,  qui — niulta  jura  sibi  usurparunt,  et  pro^ 
se  fecerunt, — et  de  repubUca  non  curarunt.      Et  quis  fecit  illos  hbros, 
Sextum,  et  Clementinas,  arrogantiam,  superbiam,  juris  Ordinariorum 
locorum  usurpationem,  Impei'atorum    Roraanorura  injuriosam  detrac- 
tionem,  et  eorum  aliorumque  potestatis  periculosissimam  suppressionem, 
et  alia  multa  in  spiritualis  et  saecularis  reipublicae  laesionem  malitiose 
et  pertinaci  ambitione  fabricata,  in  omnibus  et  per  omnia  concludentes. 
Et  male  :  quia  non  minus  terrene  Principi  in  bis,  quae  ad  jura  pertinent 
imperii,    quam    spirituali   in    bis,    quae    ad    Deum    spectant,    debetur 
obedientia. — Igitur  omnesinobedientes  Romano  Imperatori,  et  ejusdem 
imperio,  quia  ejus  jurausurpant,  in  statu  damnationis  existunt.    Nihilo- 
niinus  et  Papae  voluerunt  observari  illos  sicut  sancta  Dei  Evangelia. — 
Papa,  ut  Papa,  est  homo,  et  ut  homo,  sic  est  Papa,  et  ut  Papa  potest 
peccare,  et  ut  homo  potest  errare. — Subjicitur  ergo,  ut  aliter  Christiaims, 
in  omnibus  praecepto  et  mandate  Christi. — Cum  ergo  Christi  praecep- 
tum  dicat :  Si  peccaverit  in  te  frater  tuns,  corripe  eum  inter  te  et  ipswn 
solum  :  si  te  non  audierit,  adhibe  duos  testes,  sin  autem,  die  Ecclesiae 
(Matth.  xviii.    15);   cum  ergo  Papa  sit  meus  frater  et  proximus  in 
natura  et  in  Christi  fide  : — corripiendus  est  juxta  processum  praecepti 
Christi.     Non  ergo  illud  decretum  est  tenendum,  quod  Papa  a  nemine 
sit  judicandus. — Pag.  80  :  Papatus  non  est  sanctitas,  nee  facit  hominem 
sanctum,  licet  volentem  disponat  ad  sanctitatem,  sicut  faciunt  caeterae 
dignitates  ecclesiasticae. — Et  si  dicatur  :  ilia  sedes  aid  sanctum  facit, 
aut  sanctum  invenit ;  intelligitur  ita  :  deberet  sanctum  irwenire.      Ridi- 
culum  est  enim  dicere,  quod  unus  homo  mortalis  dicat  se  potestatem 
habere  in  coelo  et  in  terra  ligandi  et  solvendi  a  peccatis,  et  quod  ille  sit 
filius  perditionis,  simoniacus,  avarus,  mendax,  exactor,  fornicator,  super- 
bus,  pomposus,  et  pejor  quam  diabolus. — Cap.  9.  p.  87  :   Sed  numquid 
tale  Concilium,  uhi  Papa  non  praesidet,  est  supra  Papam  ?      Certe  sic. 
Superius  in  auctoritate,  superius  in  dignitate,  superius  in  officio.     Tali 
enim   Concilio  ipse  Papa  in  omnibus  tenetur  ohedire,  tale  Concilium 
potest  potestatem  Papae  limitare,  quia  tali  Concilio,  cum  repraesentet 
Ecclesiam  universalem,  claves  ligandi  et  solvendi  sunt  concessae.    Talc 
Concilium  jura  papalia  potest  tollere,  a  tali  Concilio  nullus  potest  appel- 
lare  tale  Concilium  potest  Papam   eligere,  privare  et   deponere,  tale 
Concilium  potest  jura  nova  condere,  et  facta  ac  antiqua  destruere,  talis 
etiam  Concilii  constitutiones,  statuta  et  regulae   sunt  imrautabiles  et 
indispensabiles  per  quamcunque  personam  inferiorem  Concilio.     Nee 


288  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

potest,  nee  potuit  aliquando  Papa  dispensare  contra  canones  sanctos  in 
Conciliis  generalibus,  nisi  Concilii;m  specialiter  hoc  illi  commiserit  ex 
magna  causa.  Nee  facta  Concilii  potest  Papa  immutare,  imo  nee  inter- 
pretari,  aut  contra  ea  dispensare,  cum  sint  sicut  Evangelia  Christi,  quae 
nullam  recipiunt  dispensationem,  et  super  quae  Papa  nullam  habet 
jurisdictionem.  Cap.  10.  p.  90:  Concilium  ergo  generale  repraesentans 
universalem  Ecclesiam,  si  affectat  union  em  integram  videi-e,  si 
affectat  schismata  reprimere,  si  vult  schismatibus  finem  statuere, 
si  vult  Ecclesiam  exaltare  ;  primo  ante  omnia  ad  instar  sanc- 
torum Patrum,  qui  nos  praecesserunt,  limitet  ac  terminet  potesta- 
tem  coactivam  et  usurpatam  papalem.  (Here  follows  the  passage 
quoted  in  part  3,  §  107  note  3.)  p.  91  :  Ideo  saci'um  universale  Con- 
cilium I'educat  et  reformet  Ecclesiam  universalem  in  jure  antiquo.  Et 
abusivam  papalem  in  Decreto  et  Decretalibus,  Sexto  et  Clementinis, 
necnon  Extravagantibus  papalibus  praetensam  limitet  potestatem. 
Christus  enim  nullam  aliam  potestatem  Petro  tribuit,  quam  ligandi  et 
solvendi,  ligandi  per  poenitentias,  et  solvendi  culpas.  Non  enim  illi 
contulit,  ut  beneficia  tribueret,  ut  regna,  castra  et  civitates  haberet,  ut 
Imperatores  et  Reges  privaret.  Quod  si  taliter  potestatem  Christus 
Petro  contulisset,  utique  ipse  Petrus  aut  Paulus,  quod  nefas  est  dicere, 
valde  peccassent,  aut  errassent  in  eo,  quod  Neronem  Imperatorem, 
quern  sciverunt  esse  pessimura,  et  Christianovura  immanissimum  perse- 
cutorem,  imperio  non  privarint. — Et  quis  unquam  legit,  vel  in  veritate 
audivit,  quod  antiquis  temporibus  Romanorum  Reges  vel  Imperatores 
consueverint  ante  Papam  juramentum  praestare,  potissime  antequam 
primus  Otto  Magni  Augusti  semper  alter,  juramentum  reperitur  in 
Decretis  praestitisse  ?  quod  indultum  a  quoquam  Papae  fuerit,  ut 
reservationes  cathedralium  et  aliarum  Ecclesiarum  ac  Monasteriorum 
faceret  ?  ut  propter  pecunias  homines,  Episcopos  et  Praelatos  excom- 
municaret,  atque  ab  eorum  dignitatibus  destitvieret,  seu  privaret,  ac 
omni  die  festivo  in  valvis  Curiae?  ut  primes  fructus  in  Camera  soleret 
aggregare,  et  excommunicates  emaciaret  ac  eos  scandalizaret  ?  (cf.  cap. 
17.  p.  110.  ita  ut  jam  non  videatur  Romana  Curia  esse,  nisi  quoddam 
forum  publicum,  ad  quod  quo  quis  plura  portaverit,  plura  mercimonia 
habebit.) — Reformetur  etiam  Ecclesia  quoad  Cardinales,  qui  tot  com- 
mendas  habent  sine  causa,  destruentea  tot  Ecclesiaa  et  Monasteria. — 
Reformetur  etiara  Ecclesia  in  Praelatis,  in  Monaehis  et  Presby- 
teris.  In  Praelatis,  ut  electi  ad  Ecclesias  vitae  honestate,  literarum 
sufficientia,  et  perfccta  aetate  cxeellentes  per  Ordinaries  et  Archi- 
episcopos  confirmentiir  :  in  Monaehis,  ut  vivant  in  observantia  regulari  : 
in  Presbyteris,  ut  non  praeficiantur  Ecclesiis,  nisi  virtutibus  clari  et 
literarum  sufficientia  fuerint  imbuti,  docti  et  instructi. — Rescindantur 
etiam  abusivae  libertates  et  exemtiones,  concessae  illis  quatuor  Ordini- 
bus  fratrum  mendicantium,  quibus  nimium  abutuntur. — Et  liberentur 
ab  ipsis  omnino  omnia  monasteria  Menialium,  quia  ipsi  fratres,  seu 
multi  ex  eis  in  plerisque  provinciis  valde  deturpant  ipsas  moniales  eis 
subjectas. — Nimis  etiam  multiplicantur  hi  fratres.  Et  quid  opus  est, 
ut  in  aliqua  dome  eorum  fratrum,  scilicet  Coloniae, — continue  resideant 
LXX.  eorum,  aut  plures,  inter  quos  forsan  non  sunt  quinque  vel  sex 
sufficientes  ad  proponendum  verbum  Dei  populo.     Et  tot  pro  una  tota 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  131.  C(>UNCIL  OF  CONSTANCPl  289 

pi'ovincia  sufficere  possent.  Cap.  12.  pag.  96  :  Sed  timeo,  dato  etiam, 
quod  ista  reformatio  fiat  in  scriptis,  etiam  certis  juramentis  et  firma- 
mentis  ac  pactis  adjectis,  quod  post  per  Papam  et  Cardinales,  ac 
caeteros  ipsitis  Curiae  Officiales  et  Praelatos  non  ohservarentur,  dicente 
Francisco  Petrarcha  iri  libra  sine  nomine:  Crescentibus flagitiis  hominum 
crevit  veri  odium^  et  regnum  blanditiis  alque  mendacio  datum,  est.  Et 
quia  difficile  est,  consueta  relinquere. — Cap.  16.  p.  105:  Aut  ergo 
congregetur  Ecclesia  ad  hoc,  ut  sancita  et  actitata  in  concilio  Pisano 
demandentiir  ulteriori  et  i-eali  executioMi,  et  illi  duo  (Greg.  XII.  et 
Bened.  XIII.)  privati  de  jure  etiam  priventur  de  facto.  Aut  ubi  hoc 
remedium  reperiri  non  poterit,  quod  est  verisimile  reperiri  non  posse 
propter  adstrictas  obedientias  eis  subditas,  seu  potentes  obedientes 
ipsis,  qui  ab  eis  deviare  nolunt :  tunc,  si  illi  duo  privati  et  abjecti 
petant  generale  concilium,  et  promittant,  se  ibidem  personaliter  velle 
comparere,  et  suo  juri  de  facto,  quod  habent,  libere  et  pure  renunciare 
in  casu,  quo  Dominus  noster  Papa  Johannes  etiam  suo  juri  renunciare 
velit :  tunc  in  isto  casu  quid  fiet,  dican^  sine  praejudicio,  quod  ipse 
Dominus  noster  Papa,  si  alias  non  potest  consul!  Ecclesiae, — non  dico 
unum  Papatuni,  sed  plures,  si  essent  possibiles,  teneatur  in  casu  isto 
libenter  et  voluntarie  renunciare,  et  Papatui  suo  cedere,  ne  respublica 
et  tota  Ecclesia  propter  unum  hominem  peccatorem  sine  virtutibus  et 
exemplis  bonis  debeat  perire.  Cap.  17.  p.  107  :  Tunc — universalis 
Ecclesia — reformabitur.  Sed  tunc  caveat  universalis  Ecclesia  super 
omnia,  ut  nunquam  sub  quovis  colore  concedat  Papae  potestatem  dis- 
pensandi  contra  statuta  generalis  Concilii,  aut  ea  interpretandi,  seu 
immutaudi  propter  varietates  temporum,  et  novos  supervenientes  casus  ; 
sed  quod  solum  ilia  debeant  inimutari  per  aliud  Concilium  generale, 
fiendum  de  tempore  in  tempus  propter  reformationem  Ecclesiae.  Luce 
enim  clarius  constat,  quod  pro  majori  parte  facta  et  ordinata  in  quatuor 
generalibus  Conciliis  principalibus,  et  aliis  Conciliis  per  temporum 
successlones  statuta,  crescente  avaritia  Pontificum,  Cardinalium,  et 
Praelatorum,  tam  per  Papae  reservaliones,  quam  per  iniquas  Camerae 
Apostolicae  constitutiones  et  Cancellariae  regulas,  et  formulas  audien- 
tiae  causarum  Rotae,  et  ambitiosas  dispensationes,  absolutiones,  indul- 
gentias,  confessionalia,  officium  poenitentiariae  sint  fere  immutata, 
annihilata,  et  quasi  in  derisum  et  oblivionem  posita. — Cap.  24.  Sub- 
sequenter  aiitem  venio  ad  illas  novellas  constitutiones  Alexandri  et 
Johannis  praedictorum,  quibus  cavetui*,  quod  promotus  ad  aliquam 
Ecclesiam  cathedralera,  vel  aliquod  Monasterium  etc.  et  quod  impetrans 
beneficium  reservatum  a  Papa  etc.  (s.  §  130,  not.  12.)  Huic  quaes- 
tioni,  Pater  reverende,  cum  non  sint  de  jure,  sed  de  facto  hae  pestiferae 
constitutiones,  satisfacere  nequeo  ad  praesens,  cum  sint  super  violentia 
manifesta,  Simonia  publica,  rapacitate  lupina,  et  ovium  Christi  disper- 
sione  fabricatae,  quaeque  ad  aliud  non  sunt,  nisi  ut  eorum  conditores 
furentur,  mactent  et  perdant,  ipsi  videlicet  Papae  et  Cardinales.  Quo- 
circa  ut  futurus  Rex  vel  Imperator  Romanus,  Domino  concedente, 
adhaereat  dictis  Angelo  (Gregorio  XII.),  et  Petro  (Benedieto  XIII.), 
et  tali  lupo  rapaci,  et  tali  raptori  tyranno  (Joanni  XXIII.),  qui  non 
regnat  in  Ecclesia,  nee  principatur  propter  bonum  commune,  sed  solum 
propter  bonum  privatum,  et  ejus  principatus  est  manifesta  tyrannis, 
VOL.  IV.  T 


2i)0  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

assembled  at  the  Synod  of  Constance,^  that  John  XXIII.  could 
not  remain  long  ignorant  of  the  danger  which  threatened  him 
there.  True  he  opened  the  Council  with  full  Papal  honours  (5. 
Nov.  1414)  :  but  the  preponderance  of  Italian  voices,  which  at  the 
earlier  Synods  had  always  beon  in  favour  of  the  Popes,  was  at 
once  lost  to  him  by  the  resolution,  that  votes  should  be  given  by 
nations.^     From    an    anxious   desire   to    close   the    schism   the 

quod  Sana  conscientia  compellat,  seu  compelli  faciat,  aut  audeat  coin- 
pellere,  non  video. —  Sic  ergo  concludo,  quod  superioribus  sit  obedien- 
dum  in  licitis  et  honestis :  non  autem  compelli  debemus  ad  eorum 
obedientias,  ubi  opera  eoi*um  sunt  notorie  prava,  et  totam  Ecclesiam 
scandalizantia ;  ubi  est  patrimonii  Christi  manifesta  dissipatio  et 
injuriosa  dispensatio  ;  ubi  pastores  sunt  tonsores ;  ubi  non  sunt  agni, 
sed  lupi  ;  ubi  non  sunt  dispensatores  mysteriorum  Christi,  sed  dissipa- 
tores  ;  ubi  non  sunt  sobrii,  sed  ebrii ;  ubi  non  sunt  Praelati,  ponentes 
animas  suas  pro  ovibus  suis,  sed  Pilati,  satisfacientes  aliorum  cupidi- 
tatibus  et  desideriis,  et  ubi  non  mittunt  retia  sua  in  capturam  anima- 
rum,  sed  pecuniarum.  Omnis  enim  eorum  cura  circa  acquisitionem 
pecuniarum  est.  Et  breviter,  ubi  non  Christi,  sed  mores  genint 
Anticbristi.  Et  ideo  Christus  dixit,  talibus  non  obediendum.  In  no- 
visimis  enim  temporibus  multi  venient  in  nomine  meo,  dicentes :  ecce 
?iic  Christus,  ecce  illic  Christus  (Matth.  xxiv.  23)  :  sicut  niodo  dicitur : 
ecce  hie  est  verus  Papa,  ecce  iste  alius  est  verus  Papa,  Nulite  credere 
eis,  ait  Christus.  Imo,  si  nos  debemus  subtrahere  ab  omni  fratre  am- 
bulante  inordinate,  quauto  magis  a  superiori  perverso  et  iniquo,  ex 
cujus  example  tota  corrumpitur  respublica,  et  sancta  mater  Ecclesia 
deturpatur. 

2  See  Gebhard  Dachers  List  made  by  order  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony 
v.\\o  had  the  superintendence,  in  v.  d.  Hardt  T.  V.  P.  II.  p.  10  ss. 
and  another  in  Justinger's  Berner  Chronik  S.  320  ff.  Compare  Len- 
fant  T.  II,  p.  365  ss,  Dacber's  List  concludes  :  Mulieres  communes, 
quas  reperi  in  domibus,  et  ultra  et  non  minus,  exceptis  aliis,  DCC. 
Justinger :  often  fahrend  Dirnen  ob  700,  denne  ander  heimlich  Dirnen 
und  Curtisanen  vast  viel. 

^  See  V.  d.  Hardt  T.  II.  p.  224  ss.  The  Papal  party  wisht,  quod  in 
Concilio — soli  Praelati  majores,  Episcopi  et  Abbates  habeant  vocem  in 
definitiva  sententia  agendorura.  On  the  other  hand  the  Card.  Came- 
racensis  (Petrus  de  AIHaco)  gave  his  opinion  in  a  schedula,  in  which 
he  remarkt,  quod  a  tempore  nascentis  Ecclesiac' — varii  fuerunt  modi 
observati — in  modo  congregationisetdeliberationis  Conciliorum  genera- 
lium.  Nam,  sicut  patet  in  Actibus  Apostolorum, — quandoque  in  Conciliis 
cougregabatur  tota  communitas  Christianorum,  quandoque  Episcopi, 
Presbyteri,  Diacoui,  quandoque  soli  Episcopi  sine  Abbatibus  quandoque 
cum  Episcopis  Abbates,  quandoque  Imperator  convocabat  et  congre- 
gabat  Concilium. —  Item  sciendum  est,  quod  quando  in  Conciliis  gene- 
ralibus  soli  Episcopi  habebant  vocem  definitivam,  hoc  fuit,  quia 
babebant  administrationem  popvili,  et  erant  viri  sancti  et  docti  et  electi 
prae  caeteris  in  Ecclesia  Christiana.     Postea  fuerunt  additi  Abbates 


CII.  I.— PArACY.  §  131.  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.    291 

eadcm  de  causa,  et  quia  habebant  admiuistrationem  subjectorum.  Et 
eadem  ratione  addi  deberent  Priores  aut  Majores  quarumcunque  con- 
gregationum  plus  quam  Episcopi,  vel  Abbates  inutiles,  solum  titulares. 
— Item  eadem  ratione,  qua  supra,  non  sunt  excludendi  a  voce  definitiva 
Sacrae  Theologiae  Doctores,  ac  juris  canonici  et  civilis.  Qui  bus,  et 
inaxime  Theologis,  datur  auctoritas  praedicandi  aut  docendi  ubique 
terrarum,  quae  non  est  parva  auctoritas  in  populo  Christiano,  sed 
multo  major  quam  unius  Episcopi  vel  Abbatis  ignorantis,  et  solum 
titularis.  Et  quia  antiquitus  baec  Doctorum  auctoritas  non  erat  intro- 
ducta  per  modum  Studiorum  generalium,  quae  hodie  auctoritate  Eccle- 
siae  observatur,  de  eis  non  fit  mentio  in  antiquis  juribus  comraunibus, 
sed  inConcilio  Pisanoet  Romano  (from  1412)  eorum  auctoritas allegatur, 
et  in  definitiva  sententia  se  subscribunt.  Quare  eos  in  simili  excludere 
praesens  Concilium,  quod  est  dicti  Pisani  continuativum  non  solum 
esset  absurdum,  sed  dicti  Pisani  Conciliijquodammodo  reprobativum. — 
Item  quantum  ad  materiam  terniinandi  praesens  schisma  et  dandi 
pacem  Ecclesiae,  velle  excludere  Reges,  Principes  aut  Ambasi- 
atores  eorum — a  voce  seu  determinatione  etiam  conclusiva,  non  videtur 
justum,  aequiun,  aut  rationi  consonum  :  cum  hujusmodi  pacis  conclusio 
ad  eos  et  populos  eis  subjectos  valde  pertineat,  et  sine  eorum  consilio, 
auxilio  et  favore  non  possiut  ea,  quae  in  hoc  Concilio  concludentur, 
execution!  mandari.  To  the  same  ett'ect  speaks  the  Schedula  of  the 
Cardinal  S.  Marci  (Guil.  Philasterius,  Fillastre)  p.  226  :  Tu,  quisquis 
es,  qui  praetendis  primo,  solos  majores  Praelatos,  ut  bis  verbis  utar, 
Episcopos  et  Abbates,  habere  vocem  in  general!  Concilio :  et  ita 
cxcludis  Doctores,  Archidiaconos,  Rectores  parochialium  Ecclesiarum, 
caeterosque  dignitates  habentes,  quibus  cura  imminet  animarum, 
Ordines  praetcrea  ecclesiasticos,  Saccrdotcs  et  Diaconos,  die,  ubi  illos 
non  admittendos  legist!  ?  Et  si  legeris  Conciliorum  antiquorum 
actiones,  reperisti  Sacerdotes  et  Diaconos  admissos. — Si  Canonista  es, 
vide  textum  Canonis  dicentem,  quod  Doctorum  Ordo  quasi  praecipuus 
est  in  Ecclesia  Dei.  Ilium  ergo  Ordiuem,  et  quasi  praecipuum 
Ordinem  repellis,  et  adraittis  indistincte  Episcopos  et  Abbates,  quorum 
pars  major  iudocta.  Et  attende,  quod  Rex,  vel  Praelatus  indoctus  est 
asinus  coronatus.  Cum  illis  ergo  Doctores  admitte,  ut  illorum 
scientiae  defectum,  qui  tamen  auctoritatem  habent,  istorum  scientia  et 
doctrina  suppleant.  Then  it  is  even  maintained :  Inter  episcopos  et 
Presbyteros,  quantum  ad  ordinationem  et  meritum  Apostolus  nullam 
differentiam  facit.  After  this  question  came  the  other  p.  230  :  quo- 
modo  deciderentur  agenda  in  Concilio,  et  fieret  scrutiniuui  votorum  ? 
utrum  per  nationes  in  genere,  quarum  quatuor  erant,  nimirum  Italiae, 
Galliae,  Gerraaniae  et  Angliae,  vel  per  capita  singula?  Et  licet  clarum 
de  jure  videatur,  quod  perscrutanda  sint  vota  per  capita  singula:  quia 
tamen  plures  sunt  Praelati  Italiae  pauperes,  quam  fere  de  omnibus 
nationibus,  praeterea  Dominus  noster  fecit  in  numero  excessivo  Prae- 
latos Cubicularios  ultra  quinquaginta  ;  dicitur  praeterea^  quod  multos 
voluit  sibi  obligare  juramentis  et  muneribus,  alios  minis  terruisse,  ut  ita 
scrutando  per  capita  nihil  fieret^  nisi  quod  vellet  Dominus  noster  :  in 
istis  quacstionibus  Concilium  diu  pependit.  —  Interim  Nationes  ul- 
terioris  Galliae,  Germaniae  et  Angliae,  et  ita  postea  Italiae,  per  so 

T  2 


292  TllIUD  PEKIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

resolution  maintained  at  the  council,  was  to  let  drop  tlie  decrees 
of  Pisa,  upon  wliicli  John  XXIII.  rested  his  claim,  and  to 
persuade  all  three  Popes  to  a  voluntary  resignation."*     John 

ipsas  se  congregaveruat  et  deciderunt  cle  facto  quaestionem.  Cer- 
retanus  in  Actis  Couc.  Const,  (v,  d.  Hardt  iv.  ii.  p.  40)  says :  Die 
Jovis,  septima  Februarii,  post  nonnullas  disceptationes  decretum  est, 
ut  in  Concilio  per  Nationes,  et  non  per  vota  procederetur. 

*  In  the  Congx'egation  on  7.  Dec.  1414,  a  proposal  was  made  by  the 
Italians  in  the  interest  of  John  XXIII.  (see  Schedula  in  v.  d.  Ilai'dt  iv. 
i.  p.  24),  quod  declararetur,  Concilium  Pisanum,  omniaque  et  singula 
acta  et  gesta  in  eo,  indeque  secuta,  fuisse  et  esse  rationabilia  et  cano- 
nica,  et  ab  omnibus  et  per  omnia  admittendum  fore,  et  sub  poenis 
canonicis  admitti  debere,  et  executioni  subjacere  condemnata  in  eo. 
Et  pro  eorum  executione  quod  Papa  teneatur  et  debeat  expellere 
Petrum  de  Luna,  et  persequi  Errorium  (Gregorium  XII.)  dejectos, 
eorumque  fautores  et  defensores.  On  the  otlier  side  Petrus  de  Alliaco, 
Card.  Cameracensis  sought  to  avert  tlie  confirmation  of  the  Council  of 
Pisa  (Schedula  in  v.  d.  Hardt  ii.  p.  194) :  In  praesenti  Concilio  non 
est  revocanduin  in  dubium,  sed  pro  fundament o  supponendum,  quod 
Concilium  Pisanum  fuit  legitimum,  et  canonice  celebratum,  et  idee 
stabile  et  firmum. — Confirmatio  Pisani  Concilii,  simpliciter  et  sine 
nova  causa  facta,  uon  habat  proprie  auctoritatem  mentes  solidandi,  sed 
magis  irritandi,  nee  omnem  scrupulositatem  in  causa  dicti  Pisani 
Concilii  amovendi,  sen  errores  circa  ipsum  extirpandi,  sed  magis  novos 
errores  inducendi,  et  schismatis  obstinationem  confirmandi,  nisi  prius 
convenieutia  remedia  adhibeantur.  In  a  second  schedula  he  proposed 
(1.  c.  p.  196) :  quia  ejectio  duorum  conteudentium  de  Papatu  non  est 
facilis  vel  verosimilis^  cbtincri  via  belli,  tentandum  erit,  et  diligenter 
tractandum,  quod  fiat  pax  per  ipsorum  reductionem  vel  voluntariam 
cessionem.  He  came  forward  afterwards  with  still  greater  plainness 
in  some  conclusiones  (1.  c.  p.  200) :  Licet  Concilium  Pisanum  proba- 
biliter  credatur  repraesentasse  universalem  Ecclesiara,  et  vices  ejus 
gessisse,  quae  Spiritu  Sancto  regitur,  et  errare  non  poterit :  tamen 
propter  hoc  non  est  necessario  concludendum,  quod  a  quocunque  fideli 
sit  firmiter  credendum,  quod  illud  Concilium  errare  non  potuit,  cunt 
plura  priora  Concilia  fuerint  generalia  reputata,  quae  errasseleguntur. 
Nam  secundum  quosdam  magnos  Doctores  generaJe  Concilium  potest 
errare  non  solum  infacto^  sed  etlam  in  jure.,  et  quod  magis  est.,  injide.. 
Quia  sola  universalis  Ecclesia  hoc  Jiabet  privilegium^  quod  in  fide  errare 
non  potest.  In  January  1415  ambassadors  came  also  from  Gregory 
XII.  and  Benedict  XIII.  (v.  d.  Hardt  iv.  ii.  p.  33,  ss.),  and  Gregory 
XII.  declared  hy  his  (v.  d.  Hardt  ii.  p.  204)  ;  viam  cessionis  Papatus 
■ — ex  nunc  pura  et  sincera  intentione  ofterimus — ^juxta  determinationcm 
Concilii  per  Regiam  Majestatem  de  omnibus  obedientiis  et  nationibus 
in  hoc  schismate  in  civitate  Constanticnsi  congregati,  dicto  Balthasare, 
qui  a  nonnullis  Johannes  XXIII.  nuncupatur,  non  praesidente,  nee 
interessente,  cum  effectu  perficiendam,  praefatis  Petro  de  Luna  et 
Balthasar  Cossa  idem  facieutibus.  In  February  the  Cardinal  S. 
]Marci  (Guilelmus   Philasterius,  formerly  Dean  at  Rheims)  first  came 


en.  I.— PAPACY.  §  131.  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  £93 

XXIII.,  when  a  friglitful  charge  against  liim  threatened  to 
introduce  an  examination  into  his  crimes,  found  himself  com- 
pelled on  2.  March  1415  to  promise  his  resignation.''     True,  he 

forward  with  the  proposal  (v.  d.  ITavdt  ii.  p.  210)  ccssionis  ficndae  ab 
omnibus,    and   on    the    question    utruni   ad   illani    leneatur    Dominus 
Johannes,  declared  himself  to  this  effect ;  in  casu,  in  quo  est  manifesto 
Summus    Pontifex,    quanto   verior  pastor   Ecclesiae,   tanto   libentius, 
ferventius  et  citius  debet  pro  pace  et  unione  Ecclesiae  aggredi  viam 
cessionis  et  offerre.     Patet  conclusio  ex  dictis  summi  pastoris  dicentis: 
bonus  pastor  anhnam  suam  ponit  pro  ovibus  suis  (Jo.    x.   12). — Si 
autem  aniinam  tenetur  ponere,  multo  magis  accidentia  vitae,  honorem, 
potestatem,  dominatum. —  Quia  ex  praeraissis  tenetur  ad  hoc,   igitur 
compelli  potest,  si  vecusat. — Nee  dubitandum,  qiun  generale  Concilium 
sit  judex  competens  in  hac  parte.     On  the  other  hand,  the  papal  party- 
gave  in  several  schedulae  (I.e.  p.  214  ss.),  in  which  it  was  particularly 
proved  p,  216,  that  via  cessionis,  quae  Domino  nostro  proponitui", — 
quoad  Concilium  Pisanum,  est  irrationabilis  et  injusta,  quia  est  repro- 
bativa  et  annullativa  ipsius  Concilii  Pisani.     But  the  Card.  Camera- 
censis  answered  (p.  22U  :   Licet  Concilium  (Pisanum)  fuerit  legitime 
et  canonice  convocatum,  rite  et  canonice  celebratum,  et  duo  olim  con- 
tendentes  de  Papatu  juste  et  canonice  condemnati,  et  electlo  Domini 
Alexandri  V.  fuerit  canonice  et  rite  facta, — prout  haec  omnia  tenet 
Obedientia    Domini    nostri    Papae   Johannis    XXIII.  :    tamen   duae 
Obedientiae  duorum  contendentium  probabiliter  tenent  contrarium.     In 
qua  opinionum  diversa  et  adversa  varietate  non  aunt  minores  difficul- 
tates  juris   et  facti,  quam  ante  Concilium  Pisanum  erant  de  justiti'a 
duorum   contendentium.     Ex  quo   sequitur  seeunda  conclusio,   quod, 
sicut  ante  Concilium  Pisanum  ad  evitandum  difficultates  juris  et  facti, 
et  prolixitatem,  et  dilationem  pacis  Ecclesiae,  tunc  acceptata  fuit  ab 
omnibus  Christifidelibus  et  laudata  via  cessionis  amborum  contenden- 
tium,  sic  et  nunc  trium  contendentium    de  Papatu,    similiter   etiam 
majori  ratione  acceptanda  est  et  laudanda.     Sexta  conclusio  :  Licet 
regulariter  Papa  verus  et  canonicus,  de  haeresi  aut  nullo  notorio  crimine 
Ecclesiam   scandalizante    non   infamatus,    nee  suspectus,  nequeat   ab 
allquo  particulari  collegio,  seu  persona  singulari  contra  ea  quae  sunt 
sui  juris  compelli  vel  arctari :  tamen  ab  universali  Ecclesia,  seu  Con- 
cilio  general!  ipsam  repraesentante,  attenta  prolixitate  casus  praesentis, 
pro  pace  Ecclesiae  celerius   procuranda,   juste   posset    ad   cessionem 
compelli.     Septima  conclusio  :  Si  in  casu  praedicto  Papa  dictam  viam 
pertinaciter   recusaret,    legitime   posset  tanquam    schismaticus    et  de 
fautoria  schismaticae   pravitatis   suspectus  rationabiliter   condemnari. 
The  result  of  these  negotiations  was,  p.  230  :  Et  finaliter  omnes  decli- 
narunt  ad  viam  cessionis  secundum  formara  primae  schedulae  super  hoc 
datae  per  Cardinalem  S.  Marci.     Viz.  (v.  d.  Hardt.  iv.  ii.  p.  41)  :  Die 
15,   mensis   Februarii   Germanica,   Gallica  et  Anglica  nationes  viam 
cessionis    tanquam    salubriorem    ad   unionem    Ecclesiae   conficiendam 
elegerunt,  utque  natio  Italica  eandem  approbaret,  impetrarunt. 

5  Theodoricus  de  Niem  de  vita  Jo.   XXI  If.  lib.  ii.  cap.  3.   (v.  d. 


294  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V— A.D.  1409—1517. 

Hardt  li.  p.  391):  Quibus  sic  stantibus  (towards  the  middle  of  Feb- 
ruary 1415)  quidam,  ut  praesuraiter,  Italicus,  multos  articulos  valde 
faraosos,  et  omnia  peccata  mortalia,  necnon  infinita  quodammodo  abo- 
minabilia  continentes  contra  eundem  Balthasarem  in  eodem  Concilio 
exhibuit  in  scriptis,  tamen  secrete,  quod  super  illis  contra  eundem  Bal- 
thasarem fieret  inquisitio,  et  provideretiir  instanter  per  Concilium 
memoratum.  Quibus  quidem  articulis  per  aliquot  majores  nationum 
Germaniae,  Angliae  et  Poloniae  perlectis,  ipsi  nullatenus  consentire 
volebant,  quod  dicti  articuli  publicarentur,  aut  contra  ipsum  Baltha- 
sarem inquisitio  fieret  hujusmodi  super  illos.  Et  hoc  propter  honesta- 
tem.  Et  si  contrai'ium  fieret,  ut  asserebant,  per  hoc  macularetur  sedes 
Apostolica,  et  confunderentur  enormiter  etiam  oranes  de  obedientia 
dicti  Balthasarls,  et  ponerentur  in  dubio  promotiones  et  provisiones  per 
ipsum  factae,  et  multa  scandala  exinde  subsequi  possent.  Plerisque 
etiam  aliis  nobilibus  viris  assentientibus  et  consulentibus,  quod  ilia  via 
inquisitionis  fieret,  quae  compendiosa  foret,  et  ipsi  articuli,  et  contenta 
in  eis,  saltern  pro  majori  parte  essent  notoria  seu  manifesta,  et  propterea 
modica  vel  nulla  probatione  indigerent.  Quibus  etiam  interim  clanculo 
et  proditorie  ad  notitiam  dicti  Balthasaris  deductis  illico  mente  con- 
sternatus  est,  et  coepit  valde  tremere  et  timere,  ac  etiam  quosdam  sibi 
secretos  Cardinales — consul  ere, — asserens,  quod  quaedam  in  ipsis  arti- 
culis descripta  tanquam  homo  peccando  commisisset,  et  aliqua  non.  Et 
proposuit  tunc  in  mente  sua,  prout  et  ore  propalavit,  quod  ipsemet  dic- 
tum Concilium  vellet  personaliter  accedere,  et  quae  de  contentis  in 
eisdem  articulis  perpetrasset,  coram  ipso  Concilio  in  publico  fateri, /mw- 
dans  se  in  hoc,  quod  Papa  propter  quodcunque  delictum,  ut_  dicebat,  nisi 
propter  haeresin,  deponi  non  posset. — Cap.  4.  Concilium  autem,  seu 
majores  deputati  in  eodem,  ignorantes,  quod  ipse  Balthasar  praedictos 
articulos  sciret, — accesserunt  ad  eum,  rogantes  unanimiter,  ut  viain 
cessionis  sui  Papatus  eligeret,  ad  hoc,  quod  alii  contendentes  de  Papatu 
illam  similiter  acceptarent,  quia  alias  non  viderent  modum  aptum,  quod 
praefata  unio  fieret  in  universal i  Ecclesia  pro  hac  vice.  Ad  hoc  ipse 
laeto  animo,  observata  tamen,  ex  industria,  quadam  gravitate,  respon- 
dit,  se  facturum  quod  peterent,  dum  tamen  ipsi  alii  duo  contendentes 
idem  facere  vellent.  Maluit  enim  illam  viam  per  se,  ut  existimo,  am- 
plecti,  quam  praedicti  articuli  ad  ejus  dejectionem  a  Papatu  admissi  et 
probati  fuissent.  The  first  forms  of  the  promise  (v.  d.  Hardt  ii.  p. 
232),  which  John  XXIII.  offered,  were  not  satisfactory  to  the  Council, 
because  non  nisi  aliis  cedentibus  he  promised  to  resign,  and  propter 
verba  irritativa,  quia  alii  vocantur  condemnati  de  haeresi :  at  length  he 
adopted  the  following  formula  on  the  1  st  of  March,  and  swore  to  it  on 
the  2d  March  in  the  Sessio  generalis  ii.  (1.  c.  p.  240)  :  Ego  Johannes 
Papa  XXIII.  propter  quietem  populi  ChristianI  profiteer,  spondeo  et 
promitto,  juro  et  voveo  Deo  et  Ecclesiae,  ac  huic  sacro  Concilio,  sponte 
et  libere  dare  pacem  Christi  Ecclesiae  per  viam  meae  simplicis  cessionis, 
et  eam  facere  et  adimplere  cum  efi'eetu  juxta  deliberationem  praesentis 
Concilii,  si  et  quando  Petnis  de  Luna,  Benedictus  XIII.,  Angelus 
Corario,  Gregorius  XII.  in  suis  obedientiis  nuncupati,  Papatui,  quem 
praetendunt,  per  se  vel  procuratores  suos,  legitime  cedant :  et  etiam  in 
quocuuque  casu  cessionis  vel  decessus,  aut  alio,  in  quo  per  meam  ces- 


CII.  I.— PAPACY.  §  131.  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  295 

afterwards  withdrew  on  21,  Marcli  to  Scliaffhausen  :^  but  by  so 
doing  he  only  gave  an  opportunity  to  the  Council,  encouraged 
by  the  firmness  of  the  Emperoi",  who  was  present  in  person,  and 
by  the  powerful  oratoiy  of  Gerson,^  to  assert  in  solemn  decrees 
its  own  design  and  its  own  dignity  in  opposition  to  the  Papal  See.^ 

sionem  poterit  dari  unio  Ecclesiae  Dei  per  exstirpationem  praesentis 
schismatis.  Though  he  was  bound  to  issue  literas  testimoniales  on  this 
point,  he  refused  at  first  (Theod.  de  Niem  1.  c.)  However,  on  the  7th 
March  he  had  a  Bull  prepared  in  which  that  promise  was  incorporated 
word  for  word  (see  in  v.  d.  Ilardt  IV.  ii.  p.  53.) 

"  Theod.  de  Niem  ii.  7.  The  letters  to  the  King  of  France,  the  Duke 
of  Orleans,  and  the  University  of  Paris,  in  which  the  Pope  sought  to 
justify  his  flight,  on  the  plea,  that  he  was  neither  safe  nor  free  at  Con- 
stance, that  the  Emperor  Sigismund  conducted  the  council  entirely 
according  to  his  own  will,  and  so  on,  may  be  seen  in  v.  d.  Ilardt  ii. 
p.  253  ss.  There  are  letters  of  the  same  kind  to  the  King  of  Poland, 
the  Dukes  of  Berri  and  Burgundy,  in  Bourgeois  du  Chastenet,  Preuves 
p.  318  ;  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  in  J.  G.  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeitcn 
aus  der  Kirchenhistorie  u.  Literatur.  Bd.  i.  S.  27  f.  There  are  letters 
of  defence  from  the  Council  to  the  princes  in  v.  d.  Hardt  iv.  p.  108,  to 
the  King  of  France  ibid,  p,  129,  more  fully  in  Schelhorn  ibid.  S.  225. 
In  the  first  we  find,  p.  Ill:  Nos  igitur,  cum  omnia  diligenter  pensa- 
mus,  et  mature  judicio  deliberamus,  nil  aliud  eundem  (Papam)  atten- 
tasse  conspicimus,  quam  hujusmodi  Concilii  dissolutionera,  utpote  ad 
unionem  Ecclesiae  intendentis.  And  so  according  to  Theod.  de  Niem 
ii.  8,  the  Cardinals  of  the  Pope's  party  at  Constance  endeavoured  to 
spread  the  opinion,  quod  Concilium  dissolutum  esset  propter  absentiam 
et  recessum  dicti  Balthasaris. 

^  See  Oratio  publica  de  Concilii  auctoritate  delivered  on  March  23, 
in  v.  d.  Hardt  ii.  p.  265  ss.  Gersonis  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin.  T.  ii.  P.  ii.  p. 
201  ss. 

^  Sess.  generalis  iii.  d.  26.  Mart.  Decreta  pro  Concilii  integritate  et 
auctoritate  post  fugam  Papae,  per  Cardinalem  Zabarellam  praelecta  (in 
V.  d.  Hardt  iv.  p.  72) :  Ad  honorem,  laudem  et  gloriam  sanctissimae 
Trinitatis,  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus  Sancti,  pacemque  in  terris  homi- 
nibus  bonae  voluntatis  divinitus  promissam  in  Dei  Ecclesia  consequen- 
dum,  haec  sancta  Synodus,  sacrum  generale  Concilium  Constantiense 
nuncupata,  pro  unione  et  reformatione  dictae  Ecclesiae  in  capite  et  in 
membris  fienda,  in  Spiritu  Sancto  hie  debite  congregata,  decernit,  de- 
clarat,  diffinit,  et  ordinal,  ut  sequitur  :  Et  prime,  quod  ipsa  Synodus 
fuit  et  est  recte  et  rite  convocata  ad  hunc  locum  civitatis  Constantiensis, 
et  similiter  recte  et  rite  initiata  et  celebrata.  Item  quod  per  recessum 
Domini  nostri  Papae  de  hoc  loco  Constantiensi,  vel  etiam  per  recessum 
aliorum  Praelatorum,  seu  aliorum  quorumcunque,  non  est  dissolutum 
hoc  sacrum  Concilium,  sed  remanet  in  sua  integritate  et  auctoritate, 
etianisi  quae  ordinationes  factae  essent  in  contrarium,  vel  fierent  in 
futurum.     Item  quod  istud  sacrum  concilium  non  debet  dissolvi,  nee 


296  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

The  Process  immediately  commenced  against  Jolm  XXIII., 

dissolvatui"  usque  ad  perfectam  exstirpationem  praesentis  schismatis, 
et  quousque  Ecclesia  sit  reformata  in  fide  et  in  nioi'ibus,  in  capite 
et  in  mernbris.     Item  quod  ipsuni   sacrum   Concilium  non  transferatur 
ad  alium  locum,  nisi  ex  causa  rationabili,  et  de  consilio  hujus  sacri 
Concilii  deliberanda  et  concludenda.     Item  quod  Praelati  et  alii,  qui 
debent  interesse  huic  Concilio,  non  recedant  ab   hoc  loco  ante  finitum 
Concilium,   nisi  ex  causa  rationabili,  examinanda  per  deputatos  seu 
deputandos  ab  hoc  sacro  Concilio.     Qua  causa  examinata  et  approbata 
possint  recedere  cum  licentia  ejus  vel  illovuin,  qui  habebitvel  habebunt 
auctoritatem.     Et  tunc  recedens  teneatur  dimittere  potestatem  suam 
aliis  remanentibus  sub  poenis  juris  et  aliis  per  hoc   sacrum  Concilium 
indicendis  et  contra  eos  exequenclis.     Still  moi'e  important  resolutions 
were  immediately  after  adopted  by  the  nations.     The  Cardinals  wisht 
for  several  omissions,  and  although  the  nations  refused  to  yield  (v.  d. 
Hardt  iv.  p.  81.  ss.),  still  the  Cardinal  Florentinus  (Zabarella)  publisht 
the  resolutions  with  these  omissions  in  the  solemn  Sess,  gen.  iv.  March 
30,  see  1.  c.  p.   89.     General  dissatisfaction   with   the  Cai'dinals  was 
caused  by  this  action  (1.  c.  p.   92),   compare  the  violent  invective  of 
Benedictus  Gentianus,  representative  of  the  University  of  Paris,  against 
them  in  v.  d.  Hardt  ii.  p.  279.     Agreeably  to  the   general  resolution 
the  decree  had  to  be  repeated  unmutilated  in  Sess.  gen.  v,  April  6,  see 
V.  d.  Hardt  ii.  p.  98  (the  part  omitted  by  Zabarella  is  printed  in  Italics)  : 
In  nomine  sanctae  et  individuae  Trinitatis,  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus 
Sancti,  Amen.     Haec  sancta  Synodus  Constantiensis,  generale  Conci- 
lium faciens,  pro  exstirpatione  praesentis  schismatis,  et  unione  ac  reforma- 
tione  Ecclesiae  Dei  in  capite  et  in  membris  fienda,  ad  laudem  omnipotentis 
Dei  in  Spiritu  Sancto  legitime  congregata,  ad  consequendum  facilius, 
securius,  uberius,  et  liberius  unionem  ac  reformationem  Ecclesiae  Dei, 
ordinat,  difiinit,  statuit,  decernit  et  declarat,  ut  sequitur.     Et  primo 
declarat,  quod  ipsa  in   Spiritu   Sancto  legitime  congregata,   generale 
Concilium  faciens,  et  Ecclesiam  Catholicam  militantem  repraesentans, 
potestatem  a  Christo  immediate  habet,  cui  quilibet,  cujuscunque  status, 
vel  dignitatis,  etiamsi  papalis,  existat,  obedii-e  tenetur  in  his,  qua  per- 
tinent ad  fidem  et  exstirpationem  dicti  schismatis,  ac  generalem  refor- 
mationem Ecclesiae  Dei  in  capite  et  in  membris.     Item  declarat^  quod 
quicunque,  cujuscunque  conditionis,  status,  vel  dignitatis,  etiamsi  papalis, 
existat,  qui  mandatis,  statutis  seu  ordinationibus,  aut  praeceptis  hujus 
sanctae  Synodi  et  cujuscunque  alter ius  Concilii  generalis  legitime  congre- 
gati,  super  praemissis  seuadeapei'tinentibus,factisvelfaciendis  obedire 
contumaciter  contemserit,  nisi  resipuerit,  condignae  poenitentiae  subji- 
ciatur,  et  debite  puniatur,  etiam  ad  alia  juris  subsidia,  si  opus  fuerit, 
recurrendo.     Item  diffinit  et  ordinat  sancta  Synodus,  quod   Dominus 
Johannes  XXIII.      Romanam  Curiam  et  Officia  publica,  illius   seu 
illorum  Ofiiciarios   de  hac  civitate  Constantiensi   ad  alium  locum  non 
mutet  aut  transferat,  seu  personas   dictorum  ofificiariorum  ad  sequen- 
dum  eum  directe  vel  indirecte  cogat,   sine  deliberatione  et  consensu 
ipsius   s.   Synodi. — Item  ordinat  et   diffinit,  quod  omnes  et  singulae 
translationes   Praelatorum,  necnon  privationes  eorundem  aut  aliorum 


CH.  I— PAPACY.  §  131.  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  297 

ended  with   the  sentence  of  his   deposition  on   the  29th  May, 
1415.^  Gregory  XII.  resigned  voluntai'ily  on  the  4th  Jidy.^^Only 

beneficiatorum,  officialium,  administratorum,  quarunicunque  commen- 
daruni  ac  donationuin  revocationes,  luonitiones,  censurae  ecclesiasticae, 
processus,  sententiae,  et   quaecunque  acta,  gesta,  gerenda,  agenda  aut 
fienda  per  praefatum  Dominum  Joliannem   Papain,  aut  suos  officiarios 
vel  comniissarios  in  laesionem  dicti  Concilii  seu  adhaerentium  eidem,  a 
tempore  inchoationis  ejusdem  Concilii — facta  seu  facienda, — auctoritate 
hujus  sacri  Concilii  ipso  facto  sint  nulla,  cassa,  irrita  et  inania. — Item 
declared,  quod  idem  Johannes  Papa  XXIII ,  et  omnes  Praelati,  ac  alii 
ad  hoc  sacrum  Concilium  vocati,  et  alii  in  eodem  Concilio  existentes,  m 
plenaria  Ubertate  fuerunt  et  existunt,  ut  visum  est  dicta  sacro  Concilio, 
nee  ad  nutitiam  dictorum  vocatorum  seu  dicti  Concilii  contrarium  deduc- 
tum  est.     Et  hoc  testificatur  dictum  sacrum   Concilium   coram  Deo  et 
hominihus.     Among  these  decrees  the  first   Sess.  v.  was  always  espe- 
e\&\\j  offensive  to  the   Ul tramontanes.     So  they  denied  its  legality, 
Card.  Cajetanus  de  auctoritate  Papae  et  Concilii,  Bellarminus  de  Con- 
ciliis   et  Ecclesia  lib.  ii.  c.   19,  Andreas  Vallius  de  suprema  potest. 
Papae  P.  \v.  Q.  7,  the  French  party  in  answer  maintained,  see  Richerii 
hist.  Concilioruin  lib.  ii.  c.  3.  §  7.     After  the  French  clergy  in  their 
famous  propositions  of  1682  declared,  nee  probai'i  a  gallicana  Ecclesia, 
qui    eorum  decretorum,  quasi  dubiae  sint  auctoritatis    ac  minus  ap- 
probata,    robur  infringant    aut  ad  solum   schismatis  tempus    Concilii 
dicta  detorqueant ;  there  appeared  Emanuel  a  Schelstraten  Acta  Con- 
stantiensis  Concilii  ad  expositionera  decretorum  ejus  sessionum  quartae 
et  quintae  facientia,  nunc  primum  ex  Codd.  Mss.  in  lucera   eruta  ac 
dissertatioue   illustrata,   Autverp.  1683.  4,  in  which  not  only  are  the 
earlier  subterfuges  repeated,  but  it  is  also  asserted,  that  the  first  decree 
of  the  fourth  Session  was  interpolated  by  the  Council  of  Basle,  which  in 
1442  first  had  the  acts  of  the  Council  of  Constance  collected  ;  whereas 
the  genuine  decree  was  only  concerned  in  his  quae  pertinent  ad  exstir- 
pationem  dicti  schismatis  :  and  that  the  decrees  of  the  fifth  Session  were 
drawn  up  without  sufiicient  deliberation,  and  without  the  consent  of  all. 
Oa  the  contrary  side  ai-e  the  Galileans  Louis  Maimbourg  traite  hist,  de 
I'etablissement  et  des   prerogatives  de  I'eglise    de    Rome   et  de  ses 
eveques,     Paris  1685.  12.  c.  23 — 25.     Du  Pin  de  antiqua  ecel.  disci- 
plina.  cap.  vi.  §   6.     Natalis  Alexander   hist.   eccl.  Saec.  xv.  et   xvi. 
Diss.  4.     Since  v.  d.  Ilardt  has  publisht  earlier  information  about  the 
deliberations  of  the   Council,    Schelstraten's   assertion  is  refuted  offi- 
cially. 

^  In  Sess.  vi.  17.  April  1415,  the  Council  consented  to  a  pro- 
ject of  a  Procuratorii  super  renunciatione  Papatus,  to  be  executed 
by  John  XXIII.  (v.  d.  Hardt  vi.  p.  114),  by  virtue  of  which  the 
Procuratores  to  be  nominated  by  him,  should  be  legally  authorised 
to  make  renunciation  in  his  stead  according  to  the  conditions  sworn 
to  by  himself,  with  the  proviso :  Et  si  quovismodo  contingeret, 
hujusniodi  procuratorium  seu  procuratores  nos  recovare, — impugnare 
etc.  ex  nunc  prout  ex  tunc  ipsi  Papatui  cedimus  et  renunciamus 
ipso   facto,    et   deinceps   pro   non    Papa    haberi  —  volumus.      When 


298  THIRD  TERIOD.— DIY.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

Benedict  XIII.  remained  immovable.  Althoucrh  the  kingdom 
of  Spain  renounced  his  obedience  on  the  6th  Jan.  1416,  and 
united  itself  in  October  as  fifth  nation  to  the  Council ;  still 
all  attempts  at  a  compromise  with  him  were  vain  ;  and  he  him- 
self cared  nothing  for  the  sentence  of  deposition  pronounced 
against  him  by  the  Council  26th  July,  1417.^^     However,  as  his 

the  Pope  refused  to  execute  this  Procuratorium  thus  allowed  to  him,  in 
Sess.  gen.  vii.  May  2,  a  citation  ensued  (1.  c.  p.  143),  Sess.  gen.  x. 
May  14  suspension  (1.  c.  p.  183),  and  after  70  Articuli  (1.  c.  p.  196), 
several  of  which,  however,  wei*e  not  read  in  public  because  of  tbcir 
scandalous  contents  (p.  237,  247),  had  been  proved  by  witnesses  (p. 
253),  Sess.  gen,  xii.  May  29,  the  Sententia  depositionis  (1.  c.  p. 
280),  in  which  the  Synod  declared,  recessura  per — Johannem  Papam 
xxiii.  ab  hac  civitate  Constantiensi — clandestine — factum  fuisse  et  esse 
illicitiim,  Ecclesiae  Dei  et  dicto  Concilio  notorie  scandalosum,  pacis  et 
unionis  ipsius  Ecclesiae  turbativum  et  impeditivum,  schismatis  invete- 
rati  nutritivum,  a  voto,  promissione  et  juramento  per  ipsum  Dominum 
Johannem  Papa  Deo,  et  Ecclesiae,  ac  buic  sacro  Concilio  praestitis 
deviativum  ;  ipsuraque  Dominum  Johannem  Papam  Simoniacum  no- 
torium,  bonorumque  et  juriura,  nedum  Romanae,  sed  aliarum  Eccle- 
siarum — dilapidatoreni  notorium,  malumque  spiritualium  et  teraporalium 
Ecclesiae  administratorem  et  dispensatorem  fuisse  et  esse,  suis  detesta- 
bilibus  inhonestisque  vita  et  moribus  Ecclesiam  Dei  et  populum  Christi- 
anum  notorie  scandalizantem; — postquemonitionesdebitasetcharitativas, 
iteratis  et  crebris  vicibus  eidem  factas,  in  praemissis  mabs  pertinaciter 
perseverasse,  seque  ex  hoc  notorie  incorrigibilem  reddidisse  :  ipsumque 
— tanquam  indignum,  inutilem,  et  daranosum  a  Papatu — amovendum, 
privandum  et  deponendum  fore.  Et  eum  dicta  sancta  Synodus  amovet, 
privat  et  deponit,  universes  et  singulos  Christicolas,  cujuscunque  status, 
dignitatis,  vel  conditionis  existant,  |ab  ejus  obedientia,  fidelitate  et 
juramento  absolutes  declarando. — Eumque  ad  standum  et  morandum 
in  aliquo  loco  bono  et  honesto  sub  custodia  tuta  Serenissimi  Principis 
Domini  Sigismundi,  Romanorum  et  Hungariae  Regis, — nomine  dicti 
sacri  Concilii  generalis,  quamdiu  dicto  sacro  generali  Concilio  pro  bono 
unionis  Ecclesiae  Dei  videbitur,  condemnandum  fore,  eteadem  sententia 
condemnat.  Alias  vero  poenas,  quae  pro  dictis  criminibus  et  excessibus 
inferri  deberent  juxta  canonicas  sanctiones,  dictum  Concilium  arbitrio 
suo  reservat  declarandas  et  infligendas  secundum  quod  rigor  justitiae 
vel  misericordiae  ratio  suadebit. 

^"  Sess.  gen,  xiv.  in  v.  d.  Hardt  iv,  p.  346  ss.  He  was  accordingly 
appointed  by  the  Council  Cardinal  Legate  of  the  march  of  Ancona  (1. 
c.  p,  474),  cf.  Theodorici  de  Niem  liber  iii.  de  fatis  Constantiensibus  re- 
liquorum  duorum  Pontificum  Gregorii  XII,  et  Petri  de  Luna,  aliisque 
negotiis  in  Concibo,  remote  Balthasare,  incidentibus  in  v.  d.  Hardt  ii. 
p.  409  ss. 

^^  Theod.  de  Niem  1.  c.  The  negotiations  of  the  Emperor  Sigismund, 
who  went  to  Spain  for  the  purpose  in  Sept.  1415,  with  him,  may  be  seen 
in  V.  d.  Hardt  ii.  p.  484  ss.    The  transactions  of  the  council  with  regard 


CH.  I  — rAPAOY.  g  131.  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.     299 

obedience  was  restricted  to  the  small  town  of  Peniscola  in 
Valencia,  no  further  notice  need  be  taken  of  him.^^ 

The  Emperor  Sigismund  and  the  Germans,  supported  at  first 
by  the  English,  taking  warning  from  the  Council  of  Pisa,  now 
desired  that  the  proposed  reformation^^  should  be  taken  in  hand 
before  the  election  of  a  new  Pope.  I>ut  the  Cardinals  and  the 
rest  of  the  nations  were  so  urgent  in  their  opposition  to  this 
measure,^^  that  the  Council  was  satisfi.ed  with  framing  some  few 

to  him  may  be  fouml  scattered  in  v.  d.  Hardt  iv.  The  sentence  of 
deposition  Sess.  xxxvii.  July  26,  inv.  d.  llardt  iv.  p.  1373  designates 
him  as  perjurum,  universalis  Ecclesiae  scandalizatorem,  fautorem  et 
uutritorem  inveterati  schismatis, — et  haereticum  a  fide  devium,  et 
articuli  fidei  Unam  sanctam  catholicam  Ecclesiam  violatorem  i^ertinacem, 
cum  scandalo  Ecclesiae  Dei  incorrigibilera,  notorium  et  manifestum. 
According  to  Jo.  Niderus  (a  Dominican  at  Basle  and  Vienna  t  1438) 
devisionibus  ac  revelationibus  •  (or  formicarius)  ed.  v.  d.  Hardt.  Helm- 
stadii  1692.  8.  lib,  iii.  c.  1.  Benedict  had  received  a  jsrophecy  from  a 
certain  abbot,  quod  plura  passurus  esset  ab  adversariis,  quod  obsideri 
deberet, — sed  tandem  Komam  iturus  esset,  et  in  nnione  Ecclesiae 
ibidem,  adepta  pacifica  possessione  et  sedato  schismate,  quieturus. — 
In  praedictam  prophctiam  fatue  confidcns  remotus  a  Papatu  obedire 
renuit,  in  raunitiunculam  fugit,  et  tandem  in  exilio,  pertinax  in  sua 
opinione,  vitam  nee  Romae,  nee  in  pace,  sed  in  miseria  finivit. 

^"-  Benedict  XIII.  died  in  1424.  He  left  behind  him  4  Cardinals, 
three  of  whom  elected  a  Clement  VIII.,  the  fourth  a  Benedict  XIV. 
Clement  VIII.  was  obliged  to  abdicate  at  a  Council  in  Tortosa,  a.d. 
1429. 

13  On  the  necessity  for  reform  see  Petri  de  Alliaco  canones  refor- 
mandi  Ecclesiam  in  Cone.  Constantiensi,  presented  to  the  Council  on  1 
Nov.  1416  (in  V.  d.  Hardt  I.  viii.  p.  409),  in  Praefat.  Quae  Ecclesiae 
reformatio  quam  necessaria  olim  fuerit,  et  ampiiiis  modo  sit,  evidenter 
ostendit  deflenda  ipsius  deformatio.  De  qua  lamentabilxter  conquere- 
batur  b.  Bernhardus  serm.  xxxiii.  super  Cant,  (compare  part  2.  §.  65. 
note  10). — Si  haec  a  b.  Bernhardo  dicta  sunt,  nunc  multo  magis  dici 
possunt.  Quia  ex  eo  Ecclesia  de  malis  ad  pejora  processit,  et  in  omni 
tam  spirituali  quam  saeculari  statu  abjecto  decore  virtutum  in  variam 
cecidit  turpitudinem  vitiorum. — Hoc  autem  Deus  misericordissiraus,  qui 
solus  ex  malis  bona  novit  elicere,  ideo  permittere  credendus  est,  ut 
eorum  occasione  Ecclesia  sua  in  melius  reformetur.  Quod  nisi  celeri- 
ferjiat,  aiideo  flicere,  quod,  licet  magna  sint  quae  videnws,  tamen  brevi 
incomparabililer  majora  videbimus,  et  post  ista  tonitrua  tam  horrenda, 
alia  horribiliora  in  proximo  audiemus.  Eapropter  summopere  vigilan- 
dum  est  cii'ca  reformationem  Ecclesiae.  In  order  to  prepare  for  this 
Reformation,  in  Sess.  xiii.  15  June,  1415,  (v.  d.  Hardt  iv.  p.  835)  a 
committee  consisting  of  4  Cardinals  and  deputies  of  the  nations  was 
appointed  as  a  Reform atorium,  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  x.  p.  583  ss.  has  publislit 
their  remarkable  protocol. 


300  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIY.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

reformatory  clecrees,^^  and  with  recommending  the  other  subjects 

"  V.  d.  Hardt  iv.  p.  1394  ss. 

^■5  Decrees  of  the  Sessio  gen.  xxxix.  9  Oct.  1417  in  v.  d.  Hardt  iv, 
p.  1435  :  I.  De  Conciliis  generalibus  :  Freqiiens  generalium  conciliorum 
celebratio  agri  Dominici  praecipua  cultura  est,  quae  vepres,  spinas  et 
tribulos  haeresium,  errorum  et  schismatum  exstirpat,  excessus  corrigit, 
deforraata  reformat,  et  viam  Domini  ad  frugem  nberrimae  fertilitatis 
adducit :  illorum  vero  neglectus  praemissa  disseminat  atque  fovet. — 
Propter  hoc  edicto  perpetuo  sancimus, — ut  amodo  concilia  generalia 
celebrentur,  ita  quod  primum  a  fine  hujus  Concilii  in  quinquenniiun 
immediate  sequens,  secundum  vero  a  fine  illius  immediate  sequentis 
Concilii  in  septennium,  et  deinceps  de  decennio  in  decennium  perpetuo 
celebrentur  in  locis,  quae  summus  Pontifex  per  mensem  ante  finera 
cujuslibet  Concilii,  approbante  et  consentiente  Concilio,  vel  in  ejus 
defectu  ipsum  Concilium  deputare  et  assiguare  teneatur  ;  ut  sic  per 
quandam  continuationem  semper  aut  Concilium  vigeat,  aut  per  termini 
pendentiam  exspectetur. — II.  Provisio  adversus  futura  schismata 
praecavenda  :  Si  vero,  quod  absit,  in  futfurum  schisma  oriri  contingeret, 
— ipso  jui'c  terminus  Concilii  tunc  forte  ulti-a  annum  pendens  ad  annum 
proximum  breviatus. — Et  quilibet  ipsorum  se  pro  Romano  Pontifice 
gerentium  infra  mensem,  a  die  qua  scientiam  habere  potuit,  alium  vel 
alios  assumsisse  Papatus  insignia, — teneatur  sub  intimatione  maledic- 
tionis  aeternae  et  amissione  juris,  si  quod  forte  sibi  quaesitum  esset  in 
Papatu, — Concilium  ipsum  ad  terminum  anni  praedictum  in  loco  prius 
deputato  celebrandum  indicere  et  publicare,  et  per  suas  literas  competi- 
toribus — et  caeteris  Praelatis  ac  Principibus — intimare,  necnon  termino 
praefixo — ad  locum  Concilii  personaliter  setransferre,  nee  inde  discedere, 
donee  per  Concilium  causa  schismatis  plenavie  sit  finita.  Hoc  adjuncto 
quod  nullus  ipsorum  contendentium  de  Papatu  in  ipso  Concilio  ut  Papa 
praesideat :  quinimo — sint  ipsi  omnes  de  Papatu  contendentes,  post- 
quam  dictum  Concilium  inceptum  fuerit,  auctoritate  hujus  sacraesynodi 
ipso  jure  ab  omni  adrainistratione  suspensi. — Quod  si  forte  electionem 
Rofnani  Pontificis  per  metimi,  qui  caderet  in  constantem,  seu  irapres- 
sionera  de  cetero  fieri  contingat,  ipsam  nullius  decernimus  efficaciae  vel 
raomenti,  nee  posse  per  sequentem  consensum,  etiam  metu  praedicto 
cessante,  ratificari  vel  approbari.  Non  tamen  liceat  Cardinalibus  ad 
aliam  electionem  procedere,  nisi  ille,  qui  fuit  electus,  forte  renunciet, 
vel  dccedat,  donee  per  generale  Concilium  de  electione  ilia  fuerit  judi- 
catum,  Et  si  procedant,  nulla  sit  electio. — Sed — leneantur  electores 
omnes — quam  cito  sine  pei'iculo  personarum  poterunt — se  transferre  ad 
locum  tutum,  et  metum  praedictum  allegare  coram  Notariis  publicis,  et 
notabllibus  personis  ac  multitudine  populi  in  loco  insigni. — Teneantur 
insuper — provocare  sic  electum  ad  Concilium. — III.  De  pro/essione 
facienda  2)er  Papam.  IV.  Ne  Praelati  transferantur  inxvti.  V.  De 
spoliis  etprocurationihus.  Cum  per  Papam  facta  reservatio  et  exactio 
et  perceptio  procurationum  Ordinariis  et  aliis  inferioribus  Praelatis 
debitarum  ratione  visitationis,  necnon  et  spoliorum  decedentium  Prae- 
latorum,  aliornmque  clericorum,  gravia  Ecclesiis,  Monasteriis,-et  aliis 
beneficiis    ecclesiasticisque    personis    afferant    detrimcnta  :    praesenti 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  131.  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  301 

for  reform,  in  general  intimations  to  the  future  Pontiff.^^ 
Accordingly  Otto  Colonna  was  elected  Pope  on  11.  Nov.  1417, 
under  the  name  of  Martin  V.  The  event  justified  the  fears  of 
the  Germans.  The  feeble  light  of  the  council  grew  pale  before 
the  splendour  of  the  new  Pope,  the  first  for  a  long  time  who  had 
been  universally  acknowledged  ;  and  the  Papal  monarchy 
immediately  raised  itself  again  without  opposition,  above  all  the 
limits  which  the  ecclesiastical  aristocracy  meant  to  have  imposed. 
The  rules  in  Chancery,  which  Martin  V.  prepared  immediately 
after  his  election,  were  little  different  from  those  of  former  Popes, 
about  which  there  had  been  so  much  complaining.^^     The  pro- 

declaramus  edicto,  vatioiii  fore  consentaneum,  ac  reipublicae  accommo- 
dum,  tales  per  Papam  reservationes  ac — exactiones  seu  perceptiones  de 
cetero  nullo  raodo  fieri  sen  attentari.  Quinimo  procurationes  hujusmodi, 
et  quorumcunque  Praelatorum — in  Curia  Romana  vel  extra — decedcn- 
tium  spolia,  seu  bona  eorum  mortis  tempore  reperta,  plane  et  libere 
pertineant  illis, — quibus  alias,  praefatis  reservationibus  mandatis  et 
exactionibus  cessantibus  competerent  ac  pertinere  deberent.  Praelatis 
etiam  inferioribus  et  aliis  hujusmodi  spoliorum  exactiones  praeter  et 
contra  juris  communis  formam  fieri  interdicimus. 

16  Sessio  gen.  xl.  30.  Oct.  1417  (v.  d.  Hardt  iv.  p.  1452) :  Sacro- 
sancta  synodus  Constantiensis  statuit  et  decernit,  quod  futurus  suramus 
Pontifex  per  Dei  gratiam  de  proximo  assumendus,  cum  hoc  sacro 
Concilio  vel  deputandis  per  singulas  nationes  debeat  reformare  Ecclesiam 
in  capite  et  Curia  Romana  secundum  aequitatem  et  bonum  regimen 
Ecclesiae,  antequam  hoc  sacrum  Concilium  dissolvatur,  super  materiis 
articulorum,  alias  per  nationes  in  Reformatoriisoblatorum,  qui  sequun- 
tur.  1.  Primo  de  numero,  qualitate  et  natione  Dominorum  Cardinalium 
2.  Item  de  reservationibus  sedis  Apostolicae.  3.  Item  de  annatis,  com- 
munibus  servitiis,  et  minutis.  4.  Item  de  collationibus  beneficiorum,  et 
gratiis  expectativis.  5.  Item  de  causis  in  Romana  Curia  tractandis,  vel 
non.  6.  Item  de  appellationibus  ad  Romanam  Curiam,  7.  Item  de 
oificiis  Cancellariae  et  Poenitentiariae.  8.  Item  de  exemtionibus  et 
incorporationibus  tempore  schismatis  factis,  9.  Item  de  commendis. 
10.  Item  de  confirmationibus  electionum.  11.  Item  de  fructibus  raedii 
temporis.  12.  Item  de  non  alienandis  bonis  Romanae  Ecclesiae  et  aliarum 
Ecclesiarum.  13.  Item  propter  quae,  et  quomodo  Papa  possit  corrigi 
vel  deponi.  14.  Item  de  exstirpatione  Simoniae.  15.  Item  de  dis- 
pensationibus.  16.  Item  de  provisione  Papae  et  Cardinalium.  17. 
Item  de  indulgentiis.  18.  Item  de  decimis.  Hoc  adjecto,  quod  facta 
per  nationes  deputatione  praedicta  liceat  aliis  de  Papae  licentia  libere 
ad  propi'ia  remeare. 

1^  Martini  P.  V.  Regulae  Concellariae,  die  12.  Nov.  1417  a  Johanne 
Ostiensi  Cardinale  conscriptae  et  d.  26.  Febr.  1418  publicatae  in  v,  d. 
Ilardt.  i.  xxi.  p.  965  ss. 


302  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V— A.D.  1400-1517. 

posals  for  reformation  which  he  drew  up,  by  no  means  answered 
the  expectations  formed.^^  But  the  strength  and  unity  of  the 
Council  Avere  ah'eady  so  much  broken  up,  that  the  Pope  was  able 
to  settle  the  most  important  points  of  Reformation  by  concordats 
with  the  separate  nations  ;^^  and  then  a  few  decrees  for  universal 

^^  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1418  the  German  nation  presentcfl 
Avisamenta  N'ationis  Germanicae  super  articulis  juxta  decretum  Concilii 
reformandis,  exhibenda  Domino  nostro  sanctlssimo  (v.  d.  Hardt  i.  xxii. 
p.  999  ss.)  Towards  the  end  of  January  came  the  Responsio  Dom.  P. 
Martini  super  reformatione  capitidortim,  in  Concilio  per  decretum 
statutorum,  per  modum  Avisamenti  data  Natiunibiis  (I.  c.  p.  1021  ss.), 
the  concessions  of  which  fell  far  short  of  the  requisitions  made.  With 
reference  to  Art  xiii.  the  proposal  of  the  Gei'man  nation  (1.  c.  p.  1008) 
was :  Super  decimo  tertio  articulo  videtur,  quod  summus  Pontifex  non 
solum  de  haeresi,  sed  etiam  de  siraonia  notoria  tarn  circa  sacramenta, 
quam  circa  beneficia  ecclesiastica,  etquolibet  alio  notorio  crimine  gravi, 
Ecclesiam  universalem  notorie  scandalizante,  de  quo  canonice  monitus 
incorrigibllis  extiterit,  per  generale  Concilium  puniri  valeat,  ac  deponi 
etiam  de  Papatu.  Item  videtur,  quod  sanctissimus  Dominus  noster 
sacro  approbante  Concilio  specialem  constitutionem  super  lioc,  quod 
praemittitur,  declaratoriam  debeat  promulgare,  et  insuper  declarare, 
quod  nedum  circa  sacramenta,  sed  etiam  circa  beneficia  ecclesiastica 
conventionem  seu  pactionem  pccuniariam  per  se  vel  alium  faciendo 
crimen  pravitatis  Simoniacae  non  evadat  (compare  Part  3,  §  101,  note 
29.)  In  the  Pope's  responsio  we  find  on  this  head,  (1.  c.  p.  1032)  : 
Artie,  xiii. :  Propter  quae  et  quomodo  Papa  possit  corrigi  et  deponi. 
Non  videtur,  prout  nee  visum  fuit  in  pluribus  nationibus,  circa  hoc 
aliquid  novum  statui  vel  decerni. 

19  Germanicae  Nationis  et  Martini  V.  Papae  Concordata  publisht 
May  2.  1418  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  i.  p.  1055.  E.  Miinch's  voUstandige 
Sammlung  aller  altern  und  neuern  Konkordate.  Th.  i.  S.  20  ft.) 
Cap.  1.  De  numero  et  qual/tate  Cardinalium,  et  eorum  creations. 
Statuimus,  ut  deinceps  numeros  Cardinalium  S.  Romanae  Ecclesiae 
adeo  sit  moderatus,  quod  non  sit  gravis  Ecclesiae.  Qui  de  omnibus 
partibus  Christianitatis  proportionaliter,  quantum  fieri  poterit,  assuman- 
tur,  ut  notitia  causarum  et  negotiorum  in  Ecclesia  emergeutium  facilius 
haberi  possit,  et  aequalitas  regiommi  in  honoribus  ecclesiasticis  obser- 
vetur ;  sic  tamen,  quod  numerum  xxiv.  non  excedant,  nisi  pro  honore 
nationum,  quae  Cardinalem  non  habent,  unus  vel  duo  pro  semel  de 
consilio  et  assensu  Cardinalium  assumendi  viderentur.  Sint  autem 
viri  in  scientia,  moribus  et  rerum  experientia  excellentes,  Doctores  in 
theologia,  aut  in  jure  canonico  vel  civili,  praeter  admodum  paucos, 
qui  de  stirpe  regia  vel  ducali,  aut  magni  Principis  oriundi  existant,  in 
quibus  competens  literatura  sufficiat  :  non  frati-es,  aut  nepotes  ex  fratre 
vel  sorore,  alicujus  Cardinalis  viventis  :  nee  de  uno  Ordine  Mendi- 
cantium  ultra  unum  :  non  corpore  vitiati,  nee  alicujus  criminis  vel  in- 
famiae  nota  respersi.     Nee  fiat  eorum   electio   per   auricularia  vota 


CIT.  I  — rAPACY.  §    131.  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  MARTIN  V.     303 

solummodo,  sed  etiam  cum  consilio  Cardinalium  collegialiter,  sicut  ia 
promotione  Episcoporum  fieri  consuevit.  Qui  modus  etiam  observetur, 
quando  aliquis  ex  Cardinalibus  in  Episcopum  assumetur.  Cap.  2.  De 
provisione  Eccleslarum,  Monasteriorura  etc.  Sanctissimus  Dominus 
noster  Papa,  Martinus  V.,  super  provisionibus  Ecclesiarum,  Monas- 
teriorura et  beneficiorum  quoruincunque  utetur  reservationibus  juris 
scripti,  et  constitutionis  Execrabilis  et  Ad  I'egimen  (see  part  3.  §  101. 
note  10  and  16)  modificatae.  The  Pope  accordingly  reserved  to  him- 
self the  occupation  of  all  benefices  becoming  vacant  in  Curia,  and  thus  of 
all  those,  the  incumbents  of  which  were  members  of  the  Papal  Curia,  or 
were  deposed  or  translated  by  the  Pope,  and  those  to  which  an  appoint- 
ment had  been  made,  but  been  annulled  by  the  Pope..  The  Pope  pro- 
vided likewise  when  the  election  was  not  made  within  the  proper  time. 
The  majores  dignitates  in  the  chapters  were  to  be  filled  up  by  the  election 
of  the  chapters,  the  other  stalls  alternately  by  the  Pope,  and  those  to 
whom  the  nomination  belonged.  A  sixth  part  of  the  canonries  was 
to  be  filled  up  with  graduates  only,  all  parish  churches  likewise  with 
2,000  communicants  and  more.  Cap.  3.  De  Annatis.  De  Ecclesiis 
et  Monasteriis  virorum  duntaxat  vacantibus  et  vacaturis  solventur  pro 
friictibus  primi  anni  a  die  vacationis  summae  pecuniarum  in  libris 
Camerae  Apostolicae  taxatae,  quae  communia  servitia  nuncupantur. 
Si  quae  vero  excessive  taxatae  sunt,  juste  retaxentur. — Taxae  autem 
praedictae  pro  media  parte  infra  annum  a  die  habitae  possessionis  paci- 
ticae  totius  vel  majoris  partis  solventur,  et  pro  media  parte  alia  infra 
sequentem  annum.  Et  si  infra  annum  bis  vel  pluries  vacaverit,  semel 
tantum  solvetur.  — De  ceteris  autem  dignitatibus — quibuscunque,  quae 
auctoritate  sedis  Apostolicae  conferentur, — solvatur  annata  seu  medii 
fructus  juxta  taxam  solitam  tempore  immissionis  infra  annum.  Et 
debitum  hujusmodi  in  successorem  in  beneficio  non  transeat.  De  be- 
neficiis  vero,  quae  valorem  xxiv.  florenorum  de  camera  non  excedunt, 
nihil  solvatur.  Cap.  4.  De  causis  tractandis  in  Romana  Curia  necne. 
— Nullae  causae  in  Romana  Curia  coinmittantur,  nisi  quae  de  jure  et 
natura  causae  in  Romana  Curia  tractari  debebunt. — Caeterae  commit- 
tantur  in  partibus.  Nisi  forte  pro  causae  et  personarum  qualitate,  in 
commissione  exprimenda,  illas  tractare  in  Curia  expediret  pro  justitia 
consequenda,  vel  de  partium  consensu  in  curia  tractentur.  Cap.  5.  De 
Commendis.  Ordinat  Dominus  noster  Papa,  quod  imposterum  Monas- 
teria  aut  magni  Prioratus  conventuales  habentes  ultra  decem  religiosos, 
et  officia  claustralia,  dignitates  majores  post  pontificales  in  cathedralibus, 
sive  Ecclesiae  parochiales,  nulli  Praelato,  etiam  Cardinali,  dentur  in 
commendam. — Una  etiam  Ecclesia  raetropolitana  uni  Cardinali  vel  Pa- 
triarchae  concedi  poterit,  provisionem  aliam  sufiicientiorem  non  habenti. 
Cap.  6.  De  Simonia  in  foro  conscientiae  providetur.  Every  clerical 
person  was  to  choose  for  himself  a  graduate,  or  a  man  otherwise  ap- 
proved for  discretion,  as  his  father  confessor,  who  within  the  next  three 
months,  should  absolve  him  from  simonia  active  vel  passive  commissa 
and  remove  all  ecclasiastical  consequences  induced  by  it.  Cap.  7.  De 
non  vitandis  excommunicatis,  antequam  per  judicem  fuerint  declarati 
et  denunciati.  Cap.  8.  De  dispensationibus.  Ordinat  etiam  Dominus 
noster,  ad  Ecclesias  cathedrales,  Monasteria,  Prioratus  conventuales,  et 


304  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1305—1409. 

reform^''  were  sufficient  to  obtain  from  the  council  recognition 

parochiales  Eccleslas  super  defectum  aetatis  ultra  triennium  nullatenus 
dispensare  :  nisi  forte  in  Ecclesiis  caLhedralibus  ex  ardua  et  evident! 
causa,  de  consilio  Cardinalium — videretur  aliter  dispensandum.  Item 
Dorainus  noster  in  arduis  et  gravibus  casibus  sine  consilio  Cardinalium 
non  intendit  dispensare.  Cap.  9.  De  provisione  Papae  et  Cardinalium. 
Romano  Pontifici  et  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  Cardinalibus  pro  illorum 
sustentatione,  rebus  Romanae  Ecclesiae  stantibus  ut  sunt,  non  videtur 
aliter  posse  provideri,  quam  hucusque  factum  est,  scilicet  per  beneficia 
et  coramunia  -servitia,  quae  vacantiae  nuncupantur.  Here  the  resolu- 
tions of  cap.  5  are  repeated.  Cardinalis  de  proventibus  ecclesiasticis 
non  habeat  ultra  valorem  sex  millium  florenorum.  Cap.  10.  De  indul- 
gentiis.  Cavebit  Dominu,^  noster  Papa  in  futurum  nimiam  indulgen- 
tiarum  effiisionem,  ne  vilescant.  Et  in  praeteritum  concessas  ab  obitu 
Gregorii  XI.  ad  instar  alterius  indulgentiae  revocat  et  annuUat.  Cap. 
11.  De  horum  Coucordatorum  valore.  Item  sanctissimus  Dominus 
noster  Papa  et  inclyta  uatio  Germanorum  consenserunt  et  protestati 
sunt,  quod  omnia  et  singula  supradicta  durare  et  tolerari  debeant  usque 
ad  quiuqiaennium  duntaxat  a  data  praesentium  numerandum  ; — quodque 
per  observantiam  illorum  nullum  jus  novum  Ramano  Pontifici,  aut 
alicui  alteri  Ecclesiae  vel  personae  acquiratur  seu  praejudicium  gene- 
retur,  sed  lapso  dicto  quinquennio  quaelibet  Ecclesia  et  persona  praedicta 
liberam  facultatem  habeat  utendi  quolibet  jure  suo.  The  concordat 
with  the  French  (v.  d.  Hardt  iv.  p.  1566  ss.),  in  which,  however,  a  re- 
servation was  made  for  the  King's  consent,  was  likewise  publisht  2. 
May  1418,  and  in  most  of  its  divisions  exactly  corresponds  with  the 
concordat  of  the  Germans  :  onl}^  here  the  Pope  remitted  half  the  An- 
nates for  the  next  four  years  :  on  the  other  hand  Circa  articulum  in- 
dulgcntiarum  habita  deliberatione  matura  nihil  intendimus  circa  eas 
immutare  seu  ordinare.  The  concordat  with  the  English  was  not  con- 
cluded till  the  12th  July,  see  in  v.  d,  Hardt  1.  p.  1079  ss. 

2"  Sess.  gen.  xliii.  21.  March,  1418  the  following  decrees  were 
publisht,  (v.  d.  Hardt  iv.  p.  1535)  :  1.  De  Exeraptionibus  (Anf.  At- 
tendentes).  2.  De  unionibus  et  incorporationibus,  whereby  all  ex- 
emtions,  unions,  and  incorpoi-ations  made  since  the  death  of  Gregory 
Xr.,  were  revoked  with  few  exceptions.  3.  De  fructibus  medii  tem- 
poris.  Item  fructus  et  pi'oventus  Ecclesiarum,  Monasteriorum  et 
Beneficiorum,  vacationis  tempore  obvenientes,  juris  et  consuetudinis  vel 
privilegii  dispositioni  relinquimus,  illosque  nobis  vel  Apostolicae 
Camerae  prohibeinus  applicai'i.  4.  De  Siraoniacis  :  — Ordinati  siraoniace 
ab  executione  suorum  Onlinum  sint  eo  ipso  suspensi  : — quaevis  pro- 
visiones  simoniacae  — nuUae  sint  ipso  jure  : — dantes  et  recipientes  eo 
ipso  facto  sententiam  excommunicationis  incurrant.  5.  De  dispensa- 
tionibus.  An  abrogation  of  the  Papal  dispensations  which  were 
granted  to  persons  appointed  to  ecclesiastical  offices,  quibuscertus  Ordo 
debitus  est,  ne  debitos  aut  annexes  Ordines  suscipiant.  6.  De  decimis 
et  aliis  oneribus.  Praecipimus  et  mandanms,  jura,  quae  prohibent  in- 
ferioribus  a  Papa  decimas  et  alia  onera  Ecclesiis  ot  personiH  ecclesias- 
ticis imponi,  districtius  observari.  Per  nos  autem  nullatenus  imponentur 


CH.  I.— rAPACY.  ?  131.  COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  MARTIN  V.     305 

of  what  was  done,  as  a  satisfactory  Reformation.-^  However, 
during  these  transactions,  not  only  did  the  Pope  allow  himself  to 
grant  a  tithe  of  church  revenue  to  the  Emperor  Sigismund,  not- 
withstanding all  the  outcry  which  had  been  raised  against  this 
kind  of    cluu'ch  oppression,^^  but  he   even   ventured  in  direct 

generaliter  super  totum  Clerum,  nisi  ex  magna  et  ardua  causa  et  utili' 
tate  universalem  Ecclesiam  concernente,  et  de  consilio,  et  consensu  et 
subscriptione  fratrum  nostrorum  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium,  et  Praelatorum, 
quorum  consilium  commode  haberi  poterit  :  nee  specialiter  in  aliquo 
regno  vel  provincia  inconsultis  Praelatis  illius  regni  vel  provinciae  et 
ipsis  non  consentientibuH,  vel  eorum  majori  parte,  et  eo  casu  per  per- 
sonas  ecclesiasticas  et  auctoritate  apostolica  duntaxat  leventur.  7.  De 
vita  et  honestate  Clerlcorum,  against  the  worldly  pomp  of  the  clergy. 

^'  The  last  papal  decree  in  its  43d  Session  was  (I,  c.  p.  1540),  De- 
cernlmus  et  declaramus  sacro  approbante  Concilio,  per  decreta,  statuta 
et  ordinata,  tarn  lecta  in  praesenti  sessione,  quam  concordata,  cum 
singulis  nationibus  ejusdem  Concilii,  —  huic  sacro  Concilio  super 
articulis  contentis  in  decreto  super  fienda  reformatione,  die  sabbati 
XXX.  niensis  Oct.  proxime  praeteriti  promulgate  (see  note  16)  fuisse 
et  esse  jam  satisfactum.  Thereupon  the  Cardinal  Bishop  of  Ostia  re- 
plied ;  De  mandato  nationum  respondeo,  quod  placent  nationibus  de- 
creta recitata,  et  cuilibet  nation!  placet  Concoi'dia  cum  ipsa  per  Domi- 
num  nostrum  facta.  Et  per  praemissa  fatentur,  decreto  etiam  jam 
esse  satisfactum,  non  intendentes  propterea,  quod  concordata  cum  una 
natione  in  aliquo  alteri  nationi  afiferant  praejudicium. 

^2  The  Literae  gratiosae  from  the  Pope  to  the  Emperor  dd.  7.  Cal. 
Febr,  1418  in  v.  d.  Hardt  ii.  p.  589  ss.  Dum  praeclara  devotionis  et 
fidei  Tuae  Serenitatis  merita,  quibus  erga  Deum  et  universalem  Eccle- 
siam sanctam  suam  gloriosissime,  praesertim  circa  unionem  ejusdem 
Ecclesiae — per  multa  jam  tempora  curis  vigilibus  et  continuis — mirifice 
claruisti, — pensamus  ; — inducimur  non  indigne,  ut  in  relevationem 
onerum  et  expensarum,  quae  pro  consecutione  unionis  hujusmodi,  uon- 
nuUa  regna  partesque  terrarum  orbis  varias  peragrando,  Tua  Serenitas 
subiit  hactenus,  nee  subire  desinit  incessanter,  Tua  Celsitudo  nostram 
et  apostolicae  sedis  gratiam  sibi  mirificam  sentiat  ac  super  alicujus 
subventorio  auxilio  liberalem.  Hinc  est,  quod  Nos — una  cum  ven. 
fratribus  nostris  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalibus  super  his  deliberatione  praeha- 
bita,  ac  de  ipsorum  consilio,  nee  non  ven.  fratrum  nostrorum  Archiepis- 
coporum,  Episcoporum,  et  dilectorum  filiorum  Electorum,  Administra- 
torum,  necnon  Abbatum  et  aliorum  de  natione  Germaidca  percepto 
beneplacito  voluntatis,  ac  etiam  praedecessorum  nostrorum,  Romanoi-um 
Pontificum, — circa  hoc  vestigiis  inhaerentes,  Decimam  integram  unius 
anni  omnium  redituum  et  proventuum  ecclesiasticorum  in  provinciis — 
nationis  Germanicae,  totius  provinciae  Treverensis,  necnon  Basileensis 
et  Leodiensis  civitatem  et  dioecesium  sub  Romano  Imperio  consisten- 
tium, — Serenitati  Tuae— assignamus.  At  the  same  time  he  appointed 
three  Bishops  to  be  Commissioners,  to  collect  this  tithe  by  spiritual  and 
VOL.  IV.  U 


306  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

opposition  to  an  express  maxim  of  the  Council,  to  pronounce  all 
appeals  from  the  Pope  to  a  general  Council  inadmissible,  when 
the  Poles  in  their  controversy  with  John  of  Falckenberg  put  in 
such  an  appeal.^^  Thus  the  Council  became  so  unlike  itself,  that 
its  dissolution,  which  followed  soon  after  (Sess.  XLV.  22.  April 
1418),^'^  could  be  no  cause  for  regret,  so  little  had  it  done  to 
fulfil  the  hopes  of  the  people.^^ 

secular  means  (1.  c,  p.  592  ss.)  Seven  German  churches  remonstrated 
against  this  proceeding  before  the  Council,  by  the  mouth  of  the  Floren- 
tine Jurist  Domiuicus  de  Germiniano ;  and  he  in  his  Repudium 
decimarum  (1,  c.  p.  608)  first  proved,  quia  haec  impositio  decimae  con- 
cessa  est  non  consentientibus  Praelatis  nationis  Almaniae,  vel  saltern 
majori  parte  ipsorum,  imo  inconsultis  procuratoribus  Cleri  dictarum 
septem  Ecclesiaruin  in  Concilio  Constantiensi  existentibus.  Quod 
tamen  fieri  non  poluit  juxta  constitutionem  Domini  nostri  Papae  (see 
note  20.  6.)—  Item  ad  ejus  levationem  invocatur  auxibum  brachii  sae- 
cularis.  Et  sic  contra  dictam  constitutionem  etc.  However  at  the  end 
he  only  moves  for  a  milder  method  of  collecting  the  tithe. 

'•^  Compare  Part  iii,  §  118,  note  11.  Jo.  Gersonii  tract,  quomodoet 
an  liceat  in  causis  fidei  a  sumnio  Pontifice  appellare  (0pp.  II.  il.  p. 
303  ss.) :  Quaeritur  utrum  haec  assertio  sit  catholica : — NuUi  fas  est  a 
supremo  judice,  videlicet  Apostolica  Sede,  seu  Romano  Pontifice^  Jesu 
Chris ti  Vicar io  in  terris,  appellare^  aut  illius  judicium  in  causis  Jidt^i, 
quae  tanquam  majores  ad  ipsum  et  Sedem  Apostolicam  deferendae  sunt, 
declinnre  ?  Arguitur  quod  sic,  auctoritate  sanctissimi  Domini  Martini 
Papae  V.  in  sua  Constitutione  ad  perpetuam  rei  memoriam  facta,  et 
promulgata  in  Consistorio  generali  celebrato  Constantiae  6.  Idas  Martii 
Pontificatus  sui  anno  primo  (10.  March  1418),  ubi  reperitur  hacc 
assertio,  sicut  dicitur.  In  the  Dialogus  Apologeticus  pro  coiidemnatione 
propositionum  Jo.  Parvi  (1.  c.  p.  390)  Gerson  stigmatizes  this  Papal 
Bull  as  destruens  fundamentale  penitus  robur,  nedum  Pisani,  sed  Con- 
stantiensis  Concilii,  et  eorum  omnium,  quae  in  eis,  praesertim  super 
electione  Summi  Pontificis,  et  intrusorum  ejectione,  attentata  factave 
sunt. 

2*  Sess.  XLIV.  19.  April  1418.  the  Pope  issued  the  decree  (v.  d. 
Hardt  iv.  p.  1546)  :  Cupientes  et  etiam  volentes  decreto  hujus  sacri 
generalis  Concilii  satisfacere,  inter  alia  disponent!,  quod  omnimodc 
generalia  Concilia  celebrentur  in  loco,  quem  snmmus  Pontifex  per 
mensem  ante  fincm  hujus  Concilii,  approbante  et  consentiente  Concilio, 
deputare  et  assignare  teneatur  (see  note  15.  I.)  ;  pro  locodicti  proxime 
futuri  Concilii,  celebrandi  a  fine  praesentis  Concilii  supradicti  [in  quin- 
quennium], eodem  consentiente  et  approbante  Concilio  civitatem  Pa- 
piensem  tenore  praesentium  deputamus.  The  Bull  of  dissolution  which 
followed  in  Sess.  XLV.,  and  guaranteed  omnibus  et  singidis,  qui  in  hoc 
sacro  Concilio  et  causa  ipsius  interfuerunt,  absolutionem  plenariam 
omnium  peccatorum,  scmel  in  vita  et  in  mortis  articulo,  may  be  seen  1. 
c.  p.  1559.     The  Pope  had  already  issued  his  approval  of  the  decrees 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  131.  iVIARTlN   V.  ;J07 

When  France  also,  which  had  refused  the  Concordat  oft'ered  at 
the  Council  of  Constance/''  began  again  under  the  young  King 

of  the  Council,  in  the  Bull  of  condemnation  against  Wycliif  and  Huss 
Inter  cunctas  dd.  22.  Febr.  1418,  among  the  questions  which  he 
ordered  to  be  propounded  to  a  person  suspected  of  heresy  (1.  c.  p.  1527)  : 
Item  utrum  credat,  teneat  et  asserat,  quod  quodlibet  Concilium  generale, 
et  etianr  Constantiense,  universalem  Ecclesiam  repraesentet.  Item 
utrum  credat,  quod  illud,  quod  sacrum  Concilium  Constantiense,  univer- 
salem Ecclesiam  repraesentans,  approbavit  et  approbat  in  favorem  fidei 
et  salutem  animarum,  quod  hoc  est  ab  uuiversis  Christifidelibus  appro- 
bandum  et  tenendum  :  et  quod  conderanavit  et  condemnat  esse  fidei  vel 
bonis  moribus  contrarium,  hoc  ab  eisdem  esse  tenendum  pro  condem- 
nato.  Afterwards  in  the  last  Session  lie  declared  in  his  answer  to  the 
Polish  ambassadors  :  quod  omnia  et  singula  determinata  et  conclusa  et 
decreta  in  materiis  fidei  per  praesens  sacrum  Concilium  Constantiense 
conciliariter,  teuere  et  inviolabiliter  ohservare  volebat  et  nunquam 
contravenire  quoquomodo. 

'^^  Compare  the  I'emarkable  passage  on  the  Council  of  Constance, 
with  which  the  cotemporary  writer  Gobelinus  Persona,  Dean  at  Biele- 
feld (see  at  the  head  of  Division  4),  concludes  his  Cosmodromium,  in 
Meibomii  Rerum  Germ.  T.  i.  p.  345  :  Postquam  Dominus  Martinus 
Papa  praedictus  fuit  coronatus,  per  nationes  Concilii  petebatur  fieri 
reformatio  Ecclesiae  tam  in  capite  quam  in  membris,  prout  in  Refor- 
matorio  per  ad  hoc  electos  conceptum  fuerat.  Sed  quia  non  onmes 
aeque  ardcnter  instabant,  Cardinalibus  etiam  in  hoc  torpentibus,  parum 
profecerunt.  Unde  natio  Gallicana  ''egera  (Sigismundum)  adiit, 
petens  ab  eo,  ut  Papam  ad  Ecclesiam  dignaretur  informare.  Qui  re- 
spondit  eis  :  dum  nos,  ut  reformatio  fieret,  priusquam  ad  electionem 
suviml  Pontificis  procederetur,  instabamus,  vos  nolentes  acquiescere, 
Papam  priusquam  fieret  reformatio  Ecclesiae,  habere  voluistis.  Et  ecce 
Papam  habetis,  quern  et  nos  habemus:  ilium  pro  expeditione  hujusmodire- 
formationis  adite,  quoniam  pro  nunc  nostri  ?ion  interest,  prout  intereraf 
sede  Romana  vacante.  Sunt  tamen  quaedam  reformata,  quamvis 
respectu  conceptoruin  pauca,  verbis  quidem  et  scriptis,  quae  propter 
humanam  mentis  mutabilitatem,  diviuitatis  excusantem  se  sub  umbra, 
hie  inserere  non  praesumo.  Ego  quidem  jam  annis  midtis  statum  per- 
tractans  Ecclesiae,  per  quern  mndiim  ad  universalis  Ecclesiae  reforma- 
tionem  scandalis  sublaiis  omnibus  perveniri  pyosset,  curiosa  mente  revolvi. 
Quern  quidem  modum  Dominus  foriasse  osteiidet,  cum  in  spiritu  vehe- 
menti  conteret  naves  Tharsis. 

-^  The  French  nation  had  protested  loudly  already  in  1417  in  the 
Council  against  the  Annates,  see  Apostoli  et  responsio  dati  per  ven. 
Nationem  Gallicanam  etc,  in  the  Preuves  des  Libertez  de  I'e'glise  Gal- 
licane  chap.  xxii.  no.  13  (with  the  title  altered  in  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  xiii.  p. 
761.)  Although  in  the  Concordat  with  France,  half  the  Annates  were 
now  remitted  (see  note  19)  :  still  an  order  was  issued  on  the  King's 
side  iu  April  1418  (Bulaei  hist.  Univ.  Paris  v.  p.  328.  Preuves  des 
Lib.  de  I'egl.  Gall,  chap.  xxii.  no.  16),  quod  Ecclesiis  nostrorum  Regni 

u  2 


308  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV,  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

Charles  VII.  to  bow  to  the  Papal  yoke  (1425)  f  when  the 
general  councils  held  at  Pavia  and  Siena  in  1423  and  1424, 
agreeably  to  a  decision  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  remained 
of  no  consequence,  and  produced  no  result ;  then  the  Papacy 
could  return  once  more  to  its  ancient  course,  without  suffering 
itself  to  be  held  in  check  by  the  counteracting  laws  of  individual 
states.^^     Martin  only  curbed  the  Cardinals  so  far  as  not  to  be 

ac  Delphinatus — secundum  antiqua  jura  Conciliaque  generalia  de  per- 
sonis  idoneis  providebitur. — Et  insuper  quoad  exactiones  pecuniarum, 
quas  ab  aliquibus  retroactis  temporibus  Curia  Romana  seu  Camera  Apos- 
toHca  sub  praetextu  vacantium  beneficiorum  Regni  et  Delphinatus 
praedictorum,  aut  alias  quovis  modo  seu  colore  praemissorum  sibi  ap- 
plicari  volult,  penitus  cessabunt.  Intendimus  tamen  tanquam  Christi- 
fideles  summo  Pontifici  et  Ecclesiae  Roiiianae  aeque  plusve  ceteris  in 
necessitatibus,  sive  et  cum  terapus  exegerit,  succurrere  et  rationabiliter 
subvenire  :  and  in  May  the  pi-ohibition  (11.  cc),  ne  aliquis  deinceps 
absque  nostra  licentia  ausu  temerario  aurum  vel  argentum,  jocalia 
(Joi/aux,  Juwelen),  aut  alia  quaevis  pretiosa  per  Hteras,  bulletas  (bonds), 
obb'gationes  aut  alias  quovis  modo,  occasione  procvirationum,  annatarum, 
vacantium,  dispositionis  antedictorum  beneficiorum — extra  Regnum 
transferal.  True,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  in  1419  induced  the  King 
to  repeal  these  orders,  but  the  repeal  was  not  allowed  by  Parliament 
(Bulaeus  v.  p.  335),  and  in  Febr.  1422  (1423)  the  orders  were 
re-establisht  (Preuves  chap.  xxii.  no.  17. 

2^  There  is  a  royal  edict  dd.  x.  Febr.  1424  (1425)  (Preuves  1.  c.  no. 
19.),  ut  omnia  quaecunque  mandata  in  debita  forma,  et  rescripta  Apos- 
tolica  a  die  exhibitionis  praesentium  fuerunt  eidem  summo  Pontifici 
concessa,  bullaeque  et  processus  inde  secuti  locum  executidnis  habeant 
in  Regno  ac  Delphinatu  nostris,  ac  eisdem  debite  per  eos  ad  quos 
spectat  pareatur, — tam  in  beneficiorum  collatione,  quam  jurisdictionis 
Apostolicae  potestatis  exercitio,  modo  et  forma,  quibus  felicis  recorda- 
tionis  dementis  VII.  et  Benedicti  XIII.  temporibus  in  Regno  nostro 
eisdem  summis  Pontificibus,  eorumque  bullis,  processibus,  et  literis 
parebatur  atque  obediebatur,  non  obstantibus  ordinationibus  regiis, 
arrestis  Parlamenti  nostri — et  aliis  quibuscunque  mandatis  et  usibus 
in  conti'arium  praedictorum  — Rogantes  tamen  sancti  Patris  nostri 
clementiam,  qiiod — electiones, — et  quaevis  aliae  dispositiones  factae 
in  vim  ordinationum  et  arrestorum  praedictorum  usque  in  diem  exhi- 
bitionis praesentium  locum  habeant,  et — confirmentur,  defectus  si  qui 
sunt  privata  largitate  supplendo.  Since  the  King,  when  Dauphin,  had 
undertaken  upon  oath  the  observance  of  the  laws  issued  before  (note 
26),  the  Pope  absolved  him  from  this  oath,  see  the  Brief  dd.  Kal  Maji 
1425  in  Raj-naldus  ad  h.  a.  no.  8. 

^^  Thus  Martin  (Raynald.  1426  no.  19)  makes  to  Henricus  Episc. 
Wintoniensis  the  most  vehement  complaints  against  an  execrabile 
statutum,  per  quod  ita  Rex  Angliae  de  Ecclesiarum  provisione  et 
administratione  disponit,  quasi  vicarium  suum   Christus  eum  institu- 


CH.  1.— PAPACY.  §  131.  MARTIN  V.  309 

held  in  restraint  by  them  himself.^^     So  the  old  complaints  of 
extortion  and  Church-oppression,  as  well  as  of  the  venality  of  the 

isset ;  legem  condit  super  Ecclesias,  Beneficia,  Clericos  et  ecclesiasti- 
cum  statuin  ;  ad  se  suainque  laicalem  curiam  causas  spirituales  et 
ecclesiasticas  jubet  introduci. — Quasdam  contra  clericos  adjecit  poenas, 
quae  ne  quidem  contra  Judaeos  vel  Saracenos  perullumde  suis  statutis 
proraulgatae  inveniuntur.  Possunt  ad  Angliae  reguum  cujuslibet 
generis  homines  libere  proficisci :  soli  acceptantes  beneficia  auctoritate 
summi  Pontificis,  vicarii  Jesu  Christi,  jubentur  exulare,  capi,  carcerari, 
omnibusque  bonis  exui ;  executoresque  literarum  Apostolicarum,  pi-o- 
curatores,  notarii,  et  quicunque  alii  censuram  seu  processum  ab  aposto- 
lica  sede  in  regnum  mittentes  aut'deferentes  ultimo  supplicio  deputantur, 
projectique  extra  protectionem  Regis  ab  omnibus  captlvandi.  The 
Bishop  is  reminded  of  the  example  illius  gloriosissimi  martyris  b. 
Thomae,  qui  adversus  similia  deeertans  statuta  holocaustum  se  Deo 
offerens  pro  libertate  ecclesiastica  occubuit,  and  required  to  make  every 
effort  with  King  and  Parliament,  that  the  law  might  he  repealed. 
Compare  the  papal  letters  of  admonition  to  Parliament  (Raynald.  1427 
no.  15),  and  to  Henry  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (1,  c.  no.  16),  who 
was  particularly  called  to  account,  quod  audivimus  te  dixisse  irreveren- 
ter  et  improbe,  propter  pecunias  exhauriendas  abolitionem  illius  statuti 
apostolicam  sedem  ipsam  quaerere.  Similar  royal  decrees  were  issued 
also  in  Poland,  see  Martini  ep.  ad.  Wladislaum  Regera  Poloniae  dd. 
Kal.  Apr,  ann.  viii.  and  so  a.d.  1425,  unless  xiii.  (1429)  should  be 
read  (in  Raynald.  ann.  1427,  no.  17.)  :  Refertur  nobis  quasi  omnia  in 
aliam  dispositionem  mutata  esse ;  in  eodem  regno  conculcari  jura 
Ecclesiae,  et  ecclesiasticam  opprimi  libertatem  ;  non  multum  timeri 
censuras  nostras,  et  hujus  sedis  auctoritatem  ;  electiones  Ecclesiarum 
et  Monasteriorum,  quorum  tamen  omnimoda  dispositio  ad  nos  spectat, 
non  esse  liberas,  sed  fieri  ad  praescriptum  tuum  ;  beneficiorum  per  nos 
coUatorum  provisiones  contemni,  turn  in  beneficiis  generaliter  reserva- 
tis,  atque  in  ea  re  non  pareri  mandatis  nostris.  In  another  letter  to 
the  same  monarch  dd.  7.  Kal.  Sept.  ann.  xiii.  (in  Raynald.  ann.  1429, 
no.  13)  the  Pope  complains  of  certain  royal  letters,  per  quas  tua  Sere- 
nitas  Pi-aelatis  et  Canonicis  Ecclesiae  Gneznensis  mandat  sub  gravi 
poena,  ne  aliquem  extraaeum  in  dicta  Ecclesia  recipiant  ad  possessi- 
onem alicujus  beueficii,  cum  inter  Praelatos  regni  ita  statutum  sit  et 
conclusum. 

2^  Among  the  directions  which  he  gives  to  the  Cardinals,  this  is 
certainly  a  prominent  one  (in  Raynaldus  ann.  1424,  no.  4) :  Pro 
Ordinum  religionum  quorumcunque  aut  personarum  particularium 
protectione  nihil  pecuniae  percipiant,  etiam  a  sponte  ott'erentibus. 
Nullas  supplicationes  ipsi  Sanctissimo  praesentent,  nisi  pro  pauperibus, 
vel  pro  persona  sua,  seu  servitorum,  consauguineorum,  vel  afSniuni, 
aut  familiarium  suorum.  The  Deputy  of  the  German  order  writes  to 
his  Grandmaster  a.d.  1429  (see  Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuch  f.  1833. 
S.  73)  :  Sie  (the  Cardinals)  durfen  wider  den  Papst  nicht  reden, 
ausser  was  er  gerne  hort ;  denn  der  Fapst  hat  die  Cardinale  alle  so 
unterdriickt;  dass  sie  vor  ihiB  nicht  anders  spi-echen,  als  wie  er  es  gerne 


310  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.  D.  1409—1517. 

Curia,  began  afresh  f^  and  the  Romans  only,  who  after  a  long 

will,  uiid    weyden  vor  ihni  reclend  rotli  uud  bleich."     Accordingly  the 
Cardinals  were  very  ill  disposed  towards  the  Pope,  see  ibid.  S.  173. 

30  Antonini  Summa  hist.  Tit.  xxii.  Cap.  7,  §  3. :   Hie  igitur  Ponti- 

fex  Martinus,  antea  nequaquam  vir  sagax  aestimatus  sed  henignus,  in 

pontificatu   tamen  ita  opinionera    de    se  prius  habitam  redarguit,   ut 

sagacitas   quidem   in   eo    summa,   benignitas  vero  non  superflua  nee 

nimia  reperiretur  ftranscribed  from  Leonardus  Aretinus  in  Muratorius 

xix.  p.  930). — Hoc  in   eo  coramimis  fama  redarguit,    nimis    cupide 

insistcre  cumulationi  pecuniae,  ut  iiequaquani  dicere  valt-ret  id  primi 

Apostolici:  argentum  et  avrum  non  est  mild  (Act.  3,   6.).     Eberhard 

Windeck,  privy  councillor  to  the  Emperor  Sigisraund,  in  his  Life  of 

the  Emperor  Sigismund  (in  Mencken  Scriptt.  Per.  Germ.  i.  p.  1117), 

says  of  Martin  V. :  Im  wart  zugegeben,  das  er  der  armest  vnd  einfal- 

tigiste  cardinal  were  vnter  alien  cardinalen,  die  zu  Costenz  dazumale 

warent. —  Dornach  wart  er  der  aller  reichcst  vnd  der  allergutigiste,  das 

man  meinte  man  funde  einen  burnen  vol  goldein  vnd  duckaten  hinter 

Im  da  er  starb.     Compare  the  extracts  from  the  private  correspondence 

of  the  ambassador  of  the  German  order  in  Rome  with  his  Grandmaster, 

which  John  Voigt  has  contributed  in  Raumer's  histor.  Taschenbuche 

fiir  1833,  S.  92  fif.   The  burden  of  all  these  communications  is  the  same 

as  the  ambassador  wrote  in  1420  (S.   94):  "  Lieber   Herr  Meister, 

Ihr  miisset  Geld  senden,  denn  bier  im  Hofe  alle  Freundschaft  endet, 

so  sich  der  Pfennig  wendet."     In  the  year  1430  (S.  98)  he  writes  : 

"  Die  Gierigkeit  hat  im  Hofe  zu  Rom  die  Oherhand  und  weiss  von 

Tag  zu  Tag  mit  neuen  Listen  und  Finten  das  Geld  aus  Deutschland 

fiir  die  geistl,  Lehen  auszupressen,  dass  gross  Schreien  und  Klagen 

und  Aergerniss  dariiber  bey  den  Gelehrten  und  den  Curtisanen  ist,  so 

dass  daraus  wol  grosser  Zwist  iiber  die  Papstsehaft  entstehen,  oder  gar 

dor  Gehorsam   endlich   entzogen  werden  wird,  damit  man  das  Geld 

nicht  also  jammerlich  viel  den  Walschen  zuschleppe,  und  das  Letzte 

wiire  wol,  wie  ich  vernehme,  vielen  Landen  zu  Sinne.     In  the  year 

1429  (S.  103)  : — "  Also  ist  es  Noth,  den  Papst  zu  erweichen,  was  man 

aber  nicht  anders  thun  kann,  als  mit  Geld  und  Gaben.      Allhie  zu 

Pom  sind  wunderliche  Finten,  um  Geld  zu  erwerben.     Ist  da  irgendwo 

Friede  unter  dtn  Landen  oder  Fiirsten  und  Herren,  man  bringt  es  mit 

List  zuwege,  dass  Zwietract  entsteht  urn  deswillen,  dass  der  Theil,  der 

gerecht  ist,  seine  Gerechtigkeit  wehre  und  bewahre,  und  dafiir  muss 

er  denn  hier  Geld  lassen.      Wird    ein   Pischof,   Propst,    Prrilat,  oder 

sonst  ein  Domherr  mit  Eintracht  gewahlt,  so  wird  er  in  kurzer  Zeit 

nicht  bestatigt,  auf  dass,  wenn  Jemand  kame,  der  dem  Erwahlten  einen 

Einfall  thun  wollte,  dieser,  um  seine  Gerechtigkeit  zu  behaupten,  mehr 

Geld  ausgeben  muss,  als  or  sonst  getlian  hiitte  :  doeh  es  sind  die  man- 

chf'rlei  Finten,  die  es  allhie  giebt,  um  Geld  zu  erkriegen,  gar  nicht  zu 

beschreiben.     Geld  ist  allhie  der  Freund  und  Fbrderer  aller  Dinge,  die 

man  dvirchsetzen    will."      When  Pope    Martin  V.  in  some  disputed 

(picstion  declared  himself  against  the  Ord.  r,  the  Ambassador  wrote  to 

the  Grandmaster  (S.  170)  :   "  Der  Papst  thut  dieses  nur  darum  mit  so 

grosser  Verfolgung  und  Ufbermuth,  weil  er  uns  zuzwingcn  mcint,  ihni 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  ?  181.  MARTIN  V.  311 

interval  now  partook  again  of  the  gains  of  the  Curia,  were  satis- 
fied with  the  new  posture  of  affiiirs.^^  From  councils  it  seemed 
impossible  to  expect  any  further  redress  -P  so  the  Pope  did  not 
scruple,  in  obedience  to  a  decree  of  the  Council  of  Siena,^^  to 
make  active  preparations  for  the  ceremonial  of  another  oecumen- 
ical Council,  which  was  to  be  opened  at  Basle  in  1431.^* 

10  bis  12,000  Gulden  zuzuweisen,  was  wir  doch,  ob  Got  will  nirnmer 
thun  wollen  :  denn  er  ist  so  gierig,  iibermuthig  uiid  driickend  gegen  die- 
jenigeu,  iiber  die  er  Macht  zu  liabeii  mcint,  als  nur  jenials  ein  Papst 
gewesen  ist.  AUes,  womit  er  iind  der  ganze  Hof  zu  Rom  umgeht,  das 
ist  eiiie  Biiberie,  Gierigkeit,  hypocritenschaft  und  Uebeniiuth  :  das 
hore  ich  von  Jederraann  sagen,  der  der  Redlichkeit  folget.  Der  Papst, 
wenn  er  sich  Geldes  und  grosser  Brocken  vernuithet,  lasst  aelteu  Jem- 
anden  zur  Vei'antwortung  kommen."  The  notices  we  have  of  rich 
presents  made  to  the  Pope  and  Cardinals,  sometimes  regularly,  some- 
times on  occasion  of  disjiutes,  confirm  this  general  verdict. 

31  The  favourable  opinion  of  this  Pope  given  by  Platina  (ed.  1645, 
p.  648  ss.)  is  a  Roman  one.  According  to  p.  669  Martin  V.  was 
carried  to  tlie  grave,  comitante  populo  Romano,  comitante  Clero  non 
aliter  flente,  quam  si  Ecclesia  Dei,  si  urbs  Roma  unico  atque  optimo 
parente  orbata  fuisset. 

'^'''  See  Gobelinus  Persona,  note  20. 

^^  Mansi  xxix.  p.  6. 

■^*  See  the  commission  which  he  granted  to  Cardinal  Julian,  to  pre- 
side as  papal  Legate  in  the  Council,  dd.  Kal.  Febr.  1431.  in  Mansi 
xxix.  p.  11. 


312  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  v.— A.D.  1409— 1517. 


§   132. 

COUNCIL  OF  BASLE   (1431— l443j.    EUGENE   IV.    (3.  MARCH  1431   +  23. 

FEB.  1447.) 

Acts  of  the  Council  at  very  large  in  Maiisi  Sacronim  Conciliomm  nova  et  am- 

plissima  collectio  T.  xxix.  p.  1 — T.  xxxi.  p.  290.)i 
Augustini  Patricii,  Canon  at  Siena,  Summa  Conciliorum  Basileensis,  Florentini, 

Lateranensis,  Lausanensis  etc.  a.d.  1480  drawn  from  two  manuscripts  left 

by  John  of  Segovia,  and  preserved  at  Basle  (in  Harduin  ix.  p.  1081  ss. 

and  in  Hartzheim  Concil.  Germ.  v.  p.  774.  ss.) 

Whilst  the  long  cherisht  dissatisfaction  of  the  College  of 
Cardinals  with  Martin's  V.  arbitrary  government,^  found  its 
expression  both  in  the  measures,  by  which  the  Cardinals  in 
Conclave  sought  to  insure  their  influence  for  the  future,^  and 

^  A  list  of  the  acts  which  are  extant  at  Paris  in  seven  manuscript 
volumes  of  the  Collegii  Navarrici,  and  an  enumeration  of  the  codices 
relating  to  this  council,  which  were  laid  up  in  the  Library  of  the  Uni- 
versity at  Basle,  may  be  seen  in  J.  D.  Schoepflini  Commentationes 
hist,  et  criticae.  Basil.  1741.  4.  p.  541  ss.  A  satisfactory  notice  of 
the  codices  of  Basle  may  be  found  in  Och's  Geschichte  der  Stadt  u. 
Landschaft  Basel.  Bd.  "S,  (Basel  1819.  8.)  S.  573  ff.  Although 
Bellarmine  himself,  de  Eccl.  Militante  c.  16,  allows  that  the  Council 
of  Basle  is  legitimate  and  oecumenical  down  to  the  26tb  Session,  or 
until  its  removal  to  Ferrara,  still  the  Romans  have  always  stoutly  con- 
troverted the  legality  of  many  of  its  decrees,  and  in  the  Roman  edition 
of  the  Councils,  a.d.  1609,  this  council  is  quite  omitted,  by  the  advice 
of  Bellarmine  according  to  a  statement  of  Richerii  hist.  Concill. 
generall.  lib.  iii.  in  fine.  Afterwards  Lucas  Holstenius  in  a  treatise 
inserted  in  Phil.  Labbei  Concil.  T.  xiii.  Append,  maintained  its  ille- 
gality:  And  this  opinion  is  so  prevalent  at  Rome,  that  even  Clement 
XIV.  reckoned  among  Ulrich  Mayer's  errors,  the  statement  that  the 
Council  of  Basle  was  legitimate  until  the  26th  Session.  See  Walch's 
Neueste  Religionsgesch.  Th.  5.  S.  245.  Moderate  Galileans  consider 
it  oecumenical  down  to  the  26th  Session,  thus  Natalis  Alex.  hist.  Eccl. 
saec.  XV.  et  xvi.  diss.  viii. :  the  more  violent  Gallicans  maintain 
the  whole  Council  down  to  its  dissolution,  thus  Richerius  hist.  Concill. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  7. 

-  Compare  above,  §  131,  note  29. 

^  Compare  the  Bull  dd.  12.  Mart.  1431  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  5 
ss.),  in  which  Eugene  confirmed  the  Capitula,  which  all  the  Cardinals 
in  Conclave  had  sworn  to  observe  in  case  of  their  exaltation  to  the 
Papal  see.  In  the  very  beginning  we  cannot  but  recognise  an  indi- 
rect censure  of  the  former  rule.  The  Capitula  ai-e,  quod  (Papa) 
curiam  Romanam  in  capite  et  membris  reformabit,  et  incipiet  quando- 
cunque  et  quotiescunque  rcquiretur  per  dominos  Cardinales.  (Martin 
V.  had  only  wisht  to  reform  it  in  membris,  see  §  131.  note  29):  Nee 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  132.  EUGENE  IV.  313 

in    the   proceedings  which   Eugene     IV.    commenced    against 
the  family,  and  the  memory  of  his  predecessor  :'*  the  Council 

dictam  curiam  educet  de  urbe  Romana,neque  transferet  de  loco  ad  locum, 
de  provincia  ad  provinciam, — sine  consilio  et  consensu  consimili  (Car- 
dinalium,  as  Martin  V.  had  done,  see  Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuch  f. 
1833,  S.  74.  159).  Item  quod  Concilium  generale  celebrabit — in  loco 
et  tempore,  de  quibus  fuerit  sibi  consultum  per  majorem  partem  Domm. 
Cardd.,  et  in  eo  reformabit — universalem  Ecclesiam  circa  fidem,  vitam 
et  mores. — Item  quod  non  creabit  Cardinales  nisi  juxta  forraam  et  or- 
dinationem  factam  in  Concilio  Constantiensi,  quam  servare  tenebitur, 
nisi  de  consensu  et  consilio  majoris  partis  Domm.  Cardd.  aliud  fiendum 
videretur.  Item  ut  Romano  Pontifici  a  dominis  Cardinalibus  libera 
perveniant  consilia  :  non  apponet  (pledge) — bona  alicujus  ex  eis,  nee 
aliquid  in  suo  statu  et  provisione  immutabit, — nisi  de  expresso  consilio 
et  consensu  majoris  partis  Domm.  Cardd.  nee  damnabit  eum  nisi  con- 
victum  numero  testium  expresso  in  constitutione  Sylvestri  Papae  facta 
in  Synodo  generali,  quae  incipit ;  Praesul  non  damneiur.  (ISee  Div. 
II.  §  20,  note  5).  Item  quod  bona  Domm.  Cardd.,  Praelatorumque, 
nee  aliorum  Cortesanoi'um  {Courtizans)  in  Curia  decedentium  nullo 
modo  occupabit, — sed  permittet — fieri  executiones  juxta  voluntatem 
decedentium. —  Item  quod  feudatarios  regnorum,  et  alios  vicarios,  cap- 
itaneos, — omnesque  officiarios  urbis  Romanae,  et  aliarum  terrarum 
Ecclesiae  Romanae  obligabit  sibi,  et  successoribus,  ac  coetui  Domm. 
Cardd., — quod  sede  vacante  ad  mandatum  Domm.  Cardd.  civitates, 
terras — tradant  et  expediant  libere  et  sine  contradictione  quacunque. 
Item  quod  Dominis  Cardinalibus  permittet  libere  recipere,  et  assignari 
faciet  medietatem  omnium  et  singulorum  censuum,  jurium, — et  emolu- 
meutorum  quoruralibet  Romanae  Ecclesiae  juxta  concessionem  Nicolai 
IV. — Nee  dabit  aliquam  ex  terris  Ecclesiae  Romanae  in  vicariatum, 
feudum,  vel  emphyteosim  sine  consensu  et  consilio  majoris  partis 
Domm.  Cardd. ;  nee  movebit  guerram,  nee  confoederationes  cum  quo- 
cunque  Rege,  vel  Principe  temporali,  aut  Communitate  faciet  sine 
consilio  et  consensu  consimili ;  nee  imponet  gabellas  novas  sive  exac- 
tiones  alias  in  varbe  Romana,  nee  in  aliis  terris  Ecclesiae  Romanae ; 
nee  etiam  concedet  alicui  Regi,  Domino  temporali,  seu  Communitati 
praeter  vel  contra  libertatem  ecclesiasticam  exactionem  super  Clero  vel 
Ecclesiis — sine  causa  rationabili,  et  tunc  de  simili  eorundem  Domm. 
Cardd.  consensu.  Item  nihil  de  juribus — Ecclesiae  Romanae  alienabit, 
nee  alienata  de  jui'ibus  quibuscunque  Ecclesiarum  aliarum — vel  Ordi- 
num — confirmabit — sine  eorundem  Domm.  Cardd.  consilio  et  consensu 
consimili.  Item  quod  super  omnibus, — in  quibus  consilium  Domm. 
Cardd.  requiritur,  promotionibus  ad  Praelaturas  duuitaxat  exceptis, 
in  literis  suis — scribi  faciet  nomina  Cardinalium  consilium  et  conseusum 
praebentium, — sicut  fieri  solebat  ante  Bonifacium  VIIL,  ut  excludatur 
abusus,  qui  longo  tempore  servatus  est.— In  arduis  vero  requiritur  sub- 
scriptio  Papae  et  Cardinalium. 

*  On  the  war  with  two  of  the  Colonna  family,  who  were  required  to 
restore  certain  Church  lands  and  moneys  which  they  had  received 
from  Martin  V.  and  who  were  compelled  to  refund  in  Sept.  1431  by 
Eugene  with  the  assistance  of  the  Venetians  and  Florentines,  see  two 


314  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1400—1517. 

was  assembling  so  slowly  at  Basle,  that  at  first  it  seemed  likely 
to  remain  as  insignificant  as  the  former  Council  at  Siena.  How- 
ever the  Hussite  disturbances,  which  threatened  Germany  in  many 
respects,  brought  the  Council  to  a  more  independent  position  ; 
which  was  first  displayed  by  opening  negotiations  with  the 
Hussites.  Alarmed  at  this  step  the  Pope  wisht  to  dissolve  the 
Council  f  but  even  the  presiding  Cardinal-Legate  Julian  Cesa- 
rini  resisted  him  f  and  that  zeal  in  the  cause  of  Reformation 
which  had  been  left  unsatisfied  at  Constance,  was  kindled  afresh 
with  heightened  ardour. 

cotemporary  winters  Andrea  Billii  (Augustin  monk  in  Milan  •]-  1435), 
hist.  Mediolanensis  lib.  ix.  in  Mnratorii  Scriptt.  Rer.  It.  xix.  p.  143, 
ss.,  and  the  Vita  Eugenii  iv.  in  Baluzii  Miscell.  lib.  vii.  p.  506  ss.,  cf. 
Raynald.  ann.  1431.  no.  10  ss.  As  to  liow  far  Eugene  proceeded 
against  his  predecessor,  see  Andr.  Billius  p.  145  :  Ipsum  quoque 
Martini  palatium  (tantum  processit  ira)  diruit :  insignia  familiae,  aut 
Pontificatus,  nbicumque  per  urbem  eniinebant  dejecit. 

^  The  letter  of  the  Council  to  the  Bohemians  was  written  on  the  15th 
Oct.  (Raynald.  1431.  no.  24).  The  Pope's  letter  to  Cardinal  Julian, 
in  which  he  orders  him  to  dissolve  the  Council,  and  give  notice  of 
another  to  be  opened  at  Bologna  in  a  year  and  a-half,  onthe  12th  Nov. 
(I.e.  no.  21). 

^  Julian's  letter  is  given  incomplete  in  Raynald.  1431.  no.  22,  complete 
in  the  Fasciculus  rer.  expetend.  et  fugiend.  ed.  Lond.  p.  54  ss.  The 
Cardinal,  who  shortly  before  this  time  had  conducted  an  unsuccessful 
crusade  against  the  Bohemians,  first  writes  his  reasons,  why  he  had 
accepted  the  presidency  of  the  council  notwithstanding  his  former 
refusal.  Principally  because  of  the  Bohemian  business.  Then  among 
other  reasons.  lucitavit  etiam  me  hue  venire  deformitas  et  dissolutio 
Cleri  Alemaniae,  ex  qua  biici  supra  modum  irritantur  adversus  statum 
ecclesiasticum.  Propter  quod  valde  timendum  est,  nisi  se  emendent, 
ne  laici  more  Hussitarum  in  totum  clerum  irruant,  ut  publice  dicunt. 
Et  quidem  hujusmodi  deformatio  magnam  audaciam  praebet  Bohelnis, 
multumque  colorat  errores  eorum,  quia  praecipue  invehunt  contra  tur- 
pitudinem  Cleri.  Qua  de  re,  etiamsi  hie  non  fuisset  generale  Conci- 
lium institutum,  necessarium  fuisset  facere  unum  provinciale  —  pro 
Clero  reformando  :  quia  revera  timendum  est,  nisi  iste  Clerus  se  cor- 
rigat,  quod  etiam  extincta  haeresi  Bohemiae  suscitaretur  alia.  Then 
follow  the  reasons  why  the  Council  ought  not  to  be  dissolved.  Quanta 
hie  scandala  sequantur,  et  quam  prope  sit  eversio  fidei  auscultet  pati- 
enter  S.  V.  Primo  vocati  sunt  Bohemi  ad  istud  Concilium  :  literas 
vocationis  alias  misi  S.  V.  Hoc  factum  quilibet  probat,  tanquam 
salubre  et  necessarium,  ut  postquam  armis  totiens  frubtra  certa- 
tum  est,  alia  via  tenetur.  —  Si  Concilium  dissolvitur,  quid  dicent 
haeretici  ?  Nonne  insultabunt  in  nostros,  et  fient  proterviores  ?  Nonne 
Ecclesia  fatebitur  se  esse  victam,  cum  non  ansa  fuerit  expectare 
illos,  quos  vocaverat  ? — Ecce  exercitus  armatoi-um  totiens  fugit  a  facie 


CH.  I.— PAPAry.  §  132.  COUNCIL  OF  BABLK.  EUGENE  IV.   315 

eorum,  et  nunc  similiter  Ecclesia  univer.salis   fugit.     Ecce  nee  arrais, 
nee  literis  vinci  possunt.     Videbitnr  niirnculum  Dei  evidenter,  demon- 
strans,  illos  vera   sentire,  et  nos  falsa. — Quarto,  quid  dicet   universus 
orbis,  cum  hoc  sentiet?     Nonne  jiidicabit,  cleruni  esse  incorrigibilem, 
et  velle  semper  in  suiis  deforniitatibus  Bordescere?     Celebrata  tot  sunt 
diebus  nostris  Concilia,  ex  quibus  nulla   sequuta  est   reformatio.     Ex- 
pectabant  gentes,  ut  ex  hoc  sequcretur  aliquis  fructua.    Strd  si  sic  dissol- 
vatur,  dicetur,  quod  nos  irridenius   Deum  et  homines.     Et  cum  jam 
nulla  spes  supererit  de  nostra  correctione,  irrueut  merito  laici  in  nos 
more  llussitarum  :  et  certe  fama  publica  de  hoc  est.     Animi  hominum 
praegnantes  sunt,  jam  incipiunt  evomere  venenum,  quo  nos  perimant : 
putabunt  se  sacrificium  praestare  Deo,  qui  Clericos  aut  trucldabunt, 
aut   spoliabunt :    quoniam   reputabuntur  jam  in  profundum   malorum 
venisse,  fient  odiosi  Deo  et  mundo :  et  cum  modica  nunc  ad  eos   sit 
devotio,   tunc  omnis  periblt.     Erat  istud   Concilium   quoddam  retina- 
culum saecularium  :  sed  cum  viderint  spem  omnem  deficere,  laxabunt 
habenas  publice  prosequendo  nos.    Ah  quis  honor  erit  Romanae  Curiae, 
quae  Concilium  congregatum  pro  reformatione  turbavit?     Certe  totum 
odium,  tota  culpa,  et  ignoniinia  transferetur  in  illam,  tanquam  causam, 
auctricemque  tot  malorum. —  Septimo,  his  diebus  civitas  metropoHtana 
Magdeburgensis  (xpulit  Archiepiscopum  et  Clerum,  et  jam   illi  cives 
incedunt  more  Bohemorum  cum  curi'ibus,  et  dicitur  quod  miserunt  pro 
uno  capitaneo  llussitarum.     Et  quod  valde  timendum  est,  habet  civitas 
ista  ligam  cum  multis  civitatibus  et  communitatibus  illarum  partiuni. 
Item  civitas  Pataviensis,  quae  est  de  dominio  domini  Episcopi,  expulit 
Episcopum,   et  ei'exit  machinas   contra   quoddam    castrum   Episcopi. 
Utraque  istarum  civitatum  est   finitima   Bohemis,  et  si  conjungant  se 
cum  illis  (prout  valde  timendum  est),  multarum   civitatum  habebunt 
sequelam.     Scrlptum  est  utrique  rogando,  ut  supersedeant   a  guerra  : 
et  si  qua  controversia  inter  ipsos  sit,  offert  se  Concilium   velle  illam 
terminare. — Item  quia   magna  discordia  est  inter   civitatem  Bamber- 
gensem,  et  Episcopum  et  Capitulum,  quae  est  supra  modum  periculosa 
propter   vicinitatem  haereticorum :  Concilium  dat  operam   ad  interpo- 
nendum    se    pro   concordia. — Si   modo   dissolvatur  Concilium,   nonne 
populi  Germaniae  videntes,  se  non   solum  destitutos   ab   Ecclesia,  sed 
deceptos,  concordabunt  cum   haereticis,  et  fient  nobis  inimiciores  quam 
illi?     Heu,  heu,  quanta  ista  erit  confusio  !     Fiuis  pro  certo  est.    Jam, 
ut  video,  securis  ad  radicem  posita  est :  inclinata  est  arbor,  ut  cadat, 
nee  potest  diutius  persistere.     Et  certe  cum   per  se  stare  posset,- noi» 
ipsam  ad  terram  praecipitamus. — Et  quanquani  dicatur,  quod  talis  pro- 
rogatio  et  loci  translatio  sit  ad  bonum  finem,  ut  ibi  praesente  Sancti- 
tate  Vestra  majora  bona  sequi  possint,  nemo  hoc  credit,  quia  dicunt  : 
fuimvs  delitsi  in  Concilio  Senensi^  iteriim  in    isto. — Item,  beatissime 
Pater,  per  hujusmodi  prorogationem  non  tolluntur  scandala  quaenarrata 
sunt.      Essent  interrogandi  haeretici,  si  volunt  expectare  usque  ad 
annum  cum  diinidio,  ut  non  disseminent  virus  suum.      Essent  et  inter- 
rogandi, qui   scandalizantur  de  deformitate  Cleri,  an   interim   vellent 
supersedere.     Ecce  quotidie  pullulat  ista  haeresis  :  illi  quotidie  sedu- 
cunt  Catholicos,   aut    vi  opprimunt,  non   perdunt    minimum  temporis 
momentum,     Ouotidie  nova  scandala  ex  deformitate  Clericorum  insur- 


316  TIIIED  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1400—1517. 

gunt,  et  nihilominus  provisiones   ex  reraedlo  procrastinantur  ?     Fiat 
quod  fieri  potest  nunc  :  reliquum  scrvetur  ad  annum  cum  dimidio.  Ego 
timeo,  quod   usque  ad   annum    cum   dimidio,    nisi   aliter  provideatur, 
magna  pars  Cleri  Alemaniae  erit  desolata.     Si  per  Germaniam  dif- 
funderetur   haec   vox,   quod    Concilium    esset   dissolutura,    pro   certo 
Clerus  omnis  daretur  in  praedam. — Sed  audio,  quod  nonnuUi  trepi- 
dant, quod  in   hoc   Concilio  debeat  auferri  temporalitas  ab  Ecclesia. 
Mira   res !       Si    hoc    Concilium   non   fieret    per  viros    ecclesiasticos 
forsitan   dubitandum    foret  :     sed    quis    erit   iste    Ecclesiasticus,    qui 
huic  determinationi  consentiat !     Non  solum  quia  esset  contra  fid:Lra, 
sed  quia  redundaret  in   detrimentum   eorum.  —  Nee   etiam  umquam 
fuit  aliquod  legitime  congregatum  Concilium,  in  quo    Spiritus  Sanctus 
permiserit   aliquid   contra    fidem    determinari.       Cur   timendum    est 
contrariura    in    hoc  ?       Hoc  est    diffidere   de    Spiritu    Sancto.       Sed 
vereor  ne  contingat  nobis,   sicut  contigit  Judaeis,  qui   dixerunt :   si 
dimittimus  himc,  venient  Momani,  el  tollenl  locum  nostrum  et  gentem 
(Jo.   xi.   48.)      Ila  et  nos  dicimus :   si  admitfimus  fieri  Concilium^ 
venient  Laici,  et  tollent  temporalitatem  nostrum.     Sed  sicut  justo  Dei 
judicio  factum  fuit,  quod  Judaei  perdiderunt  locum  suum,  quia  nolu- 
erunt  dimittere  Christum  :  ita  et  justo  Dei  judicio  fiet,  quod  quia  nolu- 
mus  admittere  Concilium  fieri,  perdemus  temporalitatem  nostram,  et 
utinam  non  corpora  et  animas  !    Quando  Deus  vult  alicui  populo  aliquod 
infortunium  immittere,   primo  disponit,   ut  pericula  non  intelligantur, 
neque  considerentur.     Ita  videtur  nunc  contingere  viris  ecclesiasticis, 
quos  saepe  redarguo  esse  caecos,  qui  vident  ignem,  et  nihilominus  cur- 
runt  versus  ilium. — Nunquam  fuisset  celebratum  aliquod  Concilium,  si 
hujusmodi  tirnor  invasisset  corda  patrum  nostrorum,  sicut  invadit  nostra. 
Sed  et  si  hunc  timorcm  habemus,  cur  non  opponiraus  remedium  ?     Cur 
ad  evitandum  unum  malum,  volumus  incurrere  majus  ?     Ecce  reme- 
dium ad  hoc  :  Mittat  hue  Sanctitas  Vestra  aliquos  de  reverendissimis 
Domm.  Cardinalibus,   et  aliquos    notabiliores   Praelatos,  qui    reperiri 
possunt,  et  bene  afteetos  sedi  Apostolicae,  et  qui  sint  bene  inclinati  ad 
bonum  universale ;   det   Sanctitas  Vestra  omnem  favorem  possibilem 
huic  Concilio,  promoveat  ipsum  quantum   potest ;  scribat  ei  literas  be- 
nignas,  exhortando  ipsos,  ad  sancta  opera,  quae  proponunt,  offerendo  se 
etc. — Quando  isti  talia  videbunt,  et  audient,  in  veritate  puto,  quod, 
etiarasi  haberent  malum  animum,  mutarent  ilium  :  et  non  solum  stude- 
bunt  conservare  auctoritatem  sedis  Apostolicae,   sed  augere.—  Sed  si 
videant  contrarium,  verbi  gratia  de  dissolutione  Concilii,   tunc  scan- 
dalizantur:  et  sequitur  hoc,  quod,  ubi  prius  erant  tepidi,  hujusmodi 
vox  reddet  ipsos  magis  acutos  et  ferventes.     Then  there  is  a  refutation 
of  the   Pope's  pretexts  for  the  dismissal  of  the  Council. — Ad  minus, 
beatissime   Pater,   differat   S.  V.  usque  ad  mensem  Julii,  quia   tunc 
cessabunt  ilia  inconvenientia  et  scandala,  quae  modo  obstant,  videlicet 
de  haereticis   vocatis   ad   Concilium,   et  militaribus :  quia  infra  illud 
tempus  omnia  ista  erunt  completa.     Poterunt  etiam  fieri  aliquae  ordi- 
nationes  super  reformatione  Cleri  Alemaniae  et  mitti  per  Germaniam, 
et  sic  videbitur  aliquid  factum,  nee  tunc  poterit  aliquid  imputari  S.  V. 
Et  hoc  quidem  nunc  fieret  cum  scandalo  et  sine  eftectu  :  tunc  honestius 
fieri  poterit. — Aviso  Sanctitatem  Vestram,  quod  me  hinc  recedente,  vel 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  132.  COUNCIL  OF  BASLE.  EUGENE  IV.      3I7 

Without  regarding  the  Pope,^  tlie  Council  opened  with  due 

solemnity,  (Sess.  I.  on   14.  Dec.   1431),^  renewed  the  decrees 

made  at  Constance  on  the  dignity  of  general  councils,^  summoned 

cHmittente  praesidentiam,  isti   statim   facient  sibi   unum   praesidentem 
auctoritate  Concilii. 

7  The  Pope  issued  the  Bull  of  dissolution  on  the  18th  Dec.  1431  (in 
Mansi  xxix.  p.  564  ss.)  One  principal  reason  given  is,  that  Bologna 
was  a  more  convenient  place  for  a  council  to  he  held  in  to  promote 
union  with  the  Greeks.  Et  quia  post  transmissionem  praefatarum 
nostrarum  literarum  ad  notitiam  nostram  pervenit,  ultra  ea  quae 
superius  continentur,  praefatos  Bohemos  haereticos  in  Constantiensi 
Concilio  tam  mature  atque  solemniter  condemnatos — fuisse  invitatos 
Basileam  ad  disputandum  et  contendendum  super  articulis — condem- 
natis, — et  alia  diversa  scandala  et  pericula  imminere  ; — exnunc — Com- 
cilium,  si  quod — Basileae  congregatum  videatur,  —  dissolvimus, — 
aliudque  Concilium  in  anno  cum  diniidio — in  praefata  civitate  Bono- 
niensi — indicimus.  Et  nihilominus  in  decennio  aliud  simile  Concilium, 
juxta  statuta  Constantiensis  synodi, — in  civitate  Avinionense  similiter 
extunc  indicimus. 

^  The  method  of  deliberation  and  the  course  of  business  were 
regulated  in  an  especial  manner  by  the  Articuli  de  modo  procedendi  iu 
S.  Concilio  conclusi  in  gen.  Congregatione  d.  26.  Sept.  1430  (probably 
1431)  in  Mansi  xxix.  p.  377  :  Primo  sint  quatuor  deputationes,  sicuti 
sunt,  inter  quas  omnes  de  Concilio  distribuantur  aequaliter,  quantum 
commode  fieri  poterit.  Et  sint  in  quahbet  deputatione  de  quolibet 
statu,  scil.  Dominorum  Cardinalium,  Patriarcharum,  Archiepiscopo- 
rum,  Abbatum,  Doctorum,  Religiosorum,exemplorum  et  non  exemptonmi 
et  aliorum. — Nihil  autem  ardui  proponat  Praesidens  in  congregatione 
generali  ad  deliberandum  sen  concludendum,  nisi  prius  fuerit  propositura 
in  singulis  deputationibus  et  agitatum  ;  nisi  casus  esset  repentinus 
et  talis,  cujus  mora  esset  nociva.  The  names  of  the  four  committees 
were  Pro  Communihus,  Refurmatoru,  Fidei,  Pads. 

9  In  Sess.  II.  15.  Febr.  1432  (Mansi  xxix.  p.  21)  in  the  first  place, 
the  first  two  decrees  of  Sess.  V.  Cone.  Const,  (see  §  131,  note  8)  were 
renewed,  according  to  which  the  Council  was  above  the  Pope,  and  the 
Pope  bound  to  obey  the  Council.  Further :  Synodus  Basiliensis 
decernit  et  declarat,  quod  ipsa  pro  haeresum  extirpatione,  ac  morum 
generali  reformatione  Ecclesiae  in  capite  et  in  membris,  necnon  pace 
inter  Christianos  procuranda  in  Spiritu  Sancto  legitime  congregata  per 
nullum,  quavis  auctoritate,  etiamsi  papali  dignitate  jDraefulgeat,  dissolvi, 
aut  ad  aliura  locum  transferri,  seu  ad  aliud  tempus  prorogari  debuit 
aut  potuit,  debet  aut  potest,  debebit  aut  poterit  in  futurum,  absque 
ejusdem  Synodi  Basileensis  deliberatione  et  consensu.  Then  :  Item 
diffinit, — quod  nulla  persona — in  eadem  Synodo  actu  existens  aut 
futura — ad  recedendum  ab  eadem  a  quoquam,  quavis  auctoritate  etiamsi 
papali  dignitate  praefulgeat, — sine — consensu  ipsius  sanctae  Synodi 
requiri, — evocari  ad  alium  locum — valeat,  seu  ne  ad  eandem  sanctam 
Synodum  veniat,  possit  aut  debeat  quomodolibet  impediri.  Si  autem 
a  quoquam,  quavis  auctoritate,  etiamsi  papali  dignitate  praefulgeat,  in 


318  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1570. 

the  Pope  and  Cardinals,"^  and  began  in  every  res})ect  to  maintain 
the  supremacy  of  its  authority  in  the  Church.^^    Fiu'ther  still, 

contrarium  attentatum  fuerit,  seu  attentaretur  in  futnrura,  aut  processus 
poenales  vel  mandata,  etiain  censurae  ecclesiasticae — fuhninati  fuerint 
— aut  fulminarentur  in  futurum  ;  totum  sit  irritum  et  inane.  Lastlj^, 
quod  Praelati  et  alii,  qui  tenentur  huic  sacro  Concilio  interesse,  ab 
hoc  loco  ante  finitura  Coaciliuni,  nisi  ex  causa  rationabili,  per  deputatos 
seu  ab  hoc  sacro  Concilio  deputandos  examinanda,  non  recedant, — Et 
tunc  taliter  recedens  teneatur  dimittere  aliis  in  loco  remanentibus  suam 
potestatem. 

10  Sess.  III.  29.  April  1432.  (1.  c.  p.  25)  :  Haec  Sancta  Synodus 
in  Spiritu  Sancto  legitime  congregata  praedictum  beatissimum  dominuni 
Papain  Eugenium  cum  omni  reverentia  et  instantia  supplicat,  et  per 
viscera  misericordiae  Jesu  Christi  exorat,  requirit,  et  obtestatur,  ac 
monet,  quatenus  praetensam  dissolutionem,  sicut  de  facto  processit,  de 
facto  revocet : — necnon  infra  trium  mensium  spatiuin,  quod  ad  hoc  pro 
termino  peremptorio  praefigit  et  assignat,  si  corporalis  ipsius  dispositio 
patiatur,  personaliter  veniat :  sin  autem,  personam  vel  personas  loco 
et  vice  sui  destinet  et  transmittat  cum  plenaria  potestate  ad  omnia  et 
singula  in  hoc  Concilio  peragenda. — Alioquin  si  haec  Sanctitas  Sua 
facere  neglexerit  (quod  de  Christi  Vicario  non  est  aliqualiter  speran- 
dum),  sancta  Synodus,  prout  justum  fuerit,  et  Spiritus  Sanctus  dicta- 
verit,  necessitatibus  Ecclesiae  providere  curabit,  et  procedet  secundum 
quod  jm'is  fuerit  divini  pariter  et  humani.  Similiter — dominos  Cardi- 
nales — requirit, — quatenus  infra  spatium  trium  mensium  ab  intimatione 
praesentium — ad  dictum  sacrum  Concilium  generate  veniant  etc. — 

^^  Sess.  IV.  12.  July  1432  it  was  determined  (1.  c.  p.  32),  quod  in 
eventum  vacationis  Sedis  Apostolicae  hoc  sacro  general!  durante  Con- 
cilio electio  summi  Pontificis  in  loco  istius  sacri  Concilii  fiat. — Item — 
statuitet  ordinat  ipsa  Synodus,  quod  de  ceteroin  Uteris  suis  authenticis 
utatur  bulla  plumbea  pendente  cum  chordula  cannabis  aut  serici,  prout 
varietatcs  causarum  et  rerum,  super  quibus  litterae  eaedem  conficicntur, 
postulabit,  in  uno  missionis  Spiritus  sancti  in  specie  columbae,  in  alio 
vero  lateribus  horum  verborum  Sacroscmcta  generalis  Synodus  Basi- 
leensis  sculpturas  continente,  decernens  eisdem  plenara  et  omnimodam 
fidem  adhibendamfore.  Item — statuit, — quod  durante  hoc  sacro  Concilio 
Romanus  Pontifex,  a  loco  istius  sacri  Concilii  absens  personaliter,  non 
debeat  nee  possit  aliquem — in  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  Cardinalem — 
assumere. — Et  si  secus  attentatum  fuerit,  ex  nunc  in  antea  irritum  sit 
et  inane,  nulliusque  roboris  vel  momenti.  Then  the  Synod  intrusted 
the  Government  of  Avignon  and  Venaissin  to  the  Cardinal  s.  Eustachii, 
cum  ad  ipsius  sacrae  Synodi  notitiam — sit  deductum,  quod  civitas 
i\  vinionensis  —  certis  urgentibus  rationibus  et  causis  necessariis 
Vicarium  per  summum  Pontificem  ad  ipsius  regimen  destinatum 
se  admittere  non  debere  praetendat,  atque  ad  eundem  summum 
pontificem  ambaxiatas  destinaverit  pro  utili  et  salubri  gubernatione 
civitatis  ejusdem  ac  comitatus  Venaycini  eidem  adjaccntis,  suppliciter 
postulans,  ut  de  alio  utili  eis  provideretur  Vicario,  quod  hucusque  obti- 
ncre  nequivit,  nee  sperat  posse  obtinere :  quinimmo  is  qui  pro  Vicario 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  132.  COUNCIL  OV  BASLE.  EUGENE  IV.     319 

its  champions,  among  whom  Nicholas  Cusanus  was  the  mostdistin- 
guisht,  laid  down  certain  principles,  which  threatened  the  Papal 
see  to  its  lowest  foundations.^-'  Encouraged  by  universal  support,^^ 
tlie  Comicil  publicly  advanced  from  exhortations  to  menaces,  and 

destinatus  ost,  intendit  et  nititur  suscipere  gubevnationis  officium  invita 
civitate,  congregare  satagens  multitudinem  gentium  armatarum. 

'-  Nicholas  Chrytt'tz  (i.  e.  Krebs)  from  Eiies  on  the  Moselle,  born 
1401  -j-  1464  (Berichtigungen  u.  Zusatze  zu  s.  Lebensbeschreibungen 
iu  d.  Tiibiuger  theol.  Quartalschrift.  Jahrg.  1831.  Heft  2.  s.  386) 
who  was  pi'esent  at  the  Council  as  Dean  of  St  Floriiius  at  Coblentz, 
now  wrote  his  Libb.  iii.  de  Catholica  concordantia  (in  ejusd.  0pp. 
Paris.  1514.  fob  T.  iii.  and  in  Sim.  Schardii  Syntagma  tractatuum  de 
imperiali  jurisdictione  Argent.  1C09.  fol.  p.  285.  Corapai'e  the  follow- 
ing principles  among  others  lib.  ii.  c.  34  :  Universale  Concilium  Catbo- 
licae  Ecclesiae  supremam  habet  potestatem  in  omnibus  super  ipsum 
Romanum  Pontificem. — Licet  secundum  plura  Sanctorum  scripta 
potest  as  Roraani  Pontificis  a  Deo  sit,  et  secundum  alia  ab  homine  et 
Conciliis  universalibus  (comp.  vol.  1.  §  90  and  92,  note  7  &c.)  :  tamen 
videturin  veritate  medium  concordantiae  per  scripturas  investigabilead 
hoc  demum  tendere,  quod  ipsius  Pontificis  Romani  potestas,  quoad 
consideratiouem  praeeminentiae  prioratus  et  principatus,  sit  a  Deo  per 
medium  hominis  et  Conciliorum,  scilicet  mediante  consessu  elective. — 
Unde  etsi  Romanus  Pontifex,  aut  ex  loco  et  sede  Petri,  aut  principatu 
civitatis  inter  caeteros  mundi  Episcopos  in  primatu  ut  praecipuus — 
veneraretur :  tamen  nisi  subjective  ex  consensu  concurreret  electio  per 
eos,  qui  aliorum  omnium  vices  gerunt,  non  crederem,  ipsum  praesidem 
aliorum  omnium  et  principem  sive  judicem  esse.  Quare  si  per  possibile 
Treverensis  Archiepiscopus  per  Ecclcsiam  congregatam  pro  praeside  et 
capite  eligcretur,  ille  proprie  plus  successor  s.  Petri  in  principatu  foret, 
quam  Romanus  Pontifex.  Lib.  iii.  c.  2  :  Sunt  meo  judicio  ilia  de  Con- 
stantino (the  Donatio  Constanlini)  apocrypha,  sicut  fortassis  etiam 
quaedam  alia  longa  et  magna  scripta,  Sanctis  Clementi  et  Anacleto 
Papae  attributa,  in  quibus  volentes  Romanam  sedem  omni  laude  dignam 
plus,  quam  Ecclesiae  sanctae  expedit  et  decet,  exaltare,  se  penitus  aut 
quasi  fundant. 

^•^  Thus  the  University  of  Paris  wrote  to  the  Council  9.  Febr.  1432 
(Bulaeihist.  Univ.  Paris,  v.  p.  412),  that  she  had  heard  plorosque  filios 
iniquitatis  ad  ipsum  totis  adspirare  conatibus,  ut  sanctum  ac  salutare 
Concilium — prorogelur,  aut  transferatur,  et  verius,  penitus  irritetur 
atque  dissipetur. — Non  itaque,  Venerandi  Patres,  torpescant  corda 
vestra,  non  frangantur  aninii ! — Si  autem  Romanus  Pontifex  illud 
propria  auctoritate  vellet  dissolvere '  atque  dissipare  ante  plenariam 
digestionem  artieulorum  inceptorum,  non  eidem  putamus  in  eare,  salva 
sedis  auctoritate,  esse  obtemperandum,  sed  potius  iu  facie,  si  opus  esset, 
resistendum,  sicut  Paubis,  qui  signum  tenet  Doctorum,  Petro  in  facie 
restitit,  figuram  gerenti  Pontificum.  Etsi  enim  summus  Pontifex  in 
Concilio  praeemineat  atque  praesideat,  non  suae  tamen  facultatis  est 
ad  arbitrium  concludere.  sed  ad  ampliorem  numerum  concordium 
sententiarum. 


320  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

at  length  to  a  judicial  proceeding  against  the  Pope.^^  At  first 
he  seemed  to  wish  to  offer  a  stubborn  resistance,  but  prest  hard 
hy  the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  the  seditious  Romans,  to  whom  the 
protection  of  the  rights  of  the  Council  offered  a  welcome  pre- 
text for  advancing  their  own  interests,^^  and  forsaken  by  a  large 
part  of  his  Cardinals,^^  he  was  obliged  to  resolve  to  yield  ujiou 

1*  On  22.  Aug.  1432,  the  two  archbishops  of  Colocza  and  Tarentum 
who  had  come  to  Basle  at  the  head  of  a  Papal  embassy,  spoke  in  defence 
of  the  Pope  before  a  congregatio  generalis.  Their  speeches  are  in 
Mansi  xxix.  468  ss.  The  Council  afterwards  gave  an  express 
Responslo  synodalls  de  auctorilale  ciijiislibet  Concilii  generalis  supra 
Papain  et  quosUbet  fideles,  qitodque  sine  ejus  consensu  uon  potuit  dissvl- 
vere  Concilium  Basileense  Dominus  Eugenius  Papa  IV.  (in  Mansi 
xxix.  p.  239  ss.)  In  Sess.  vi.  6  Sept.  (I.  c.  p.  39)  the  Promotores 
Concilii  proposed  to  declare  the  Pope  and  the  Cardinals,  who  had  not 
made  their  appearance,  contumacious.  But  the  Council  still  delayed 
this  decree,  and  in  Sess.  viii.  18.  Dec.  warned  the  Pope  again  to  sub- 
mit within  60  days.  In  Sess.  x.  19.  Febr.  1433,  on  the  renewed 
motion  of  the  Promotores  the  following  decree  was  past  :  haec  s. 
Synodus  judices  hujus  sacri  Concilii  deputat  et  ordinat  ad  videndum  et 
ad  exarainandum  processum  factum  contra  eundem  domiiuim  Eugenium, 
et  referant  in  Congregatione  generali.  Sess.  xii.  14  Jul.  1433  (1.  c.  p. 
59)  Synodus — amodo  in  dictum  Dominum  Eugenium  acrioribus 
remediis,  quandoquidem  leniora  non  prosunt,  procedere  decrevit.  Et 
quamquam  in  tarn  notorie  et  incorrigibiliter  seandalizantem  Ecclesiam 
statim  posset  finalem  ferre  sententiara,  nesciens  tamen  maternae  pietatis 
oblivisci,  intuitu  etiam  praefati  Serenissimi  Imperatoris,  qui  per  suas 
litteras  super  hoc  nos  exacte  rogavit,  adhuc  ipsum  Dominum  Eugenium 
tertio  monere,  ac  etiara  tertiam  ei  indulgere  dilationem  proponit,  ut  in 
sua  potestate  sit,  si  velit  poenam  evitare.  Accordingly  it  allows  him 
another  respite  of  60  days,  but  after  that  time  threatens  him  with  sus- 
pension, processura  tandem  ad  ulteriora,  usque  ad  sententiam  finalem 
inclusive,  si  opus  fuerit,  ipso  domino  Eugenio  amplius  non  citato,  prout 
Spiritus  Sanctus  dictaverit :  omnem  autem  ipsius  Papatus  administra- 
tionem  in  his  omnibus,  quae  in  spiritualibus  et  temporalibus  ad  solum 
Papam,  vel  ad  solam  sedem  Apostolicam  de  jure  pertinere  noscuntur, 
eadem  sancta  Synodus  post  dictum  terminum  ad  seipsam  decernit  et 
declarat  ipso  facto  esse  devolutam.  Sess.  xiii.  11.  Sept.  1433  a  fresh 
respite  of  30  days  was  conceded  to  the  Pope,  and  Sess.  xiv.  7.  Nov. 
1433    an  additional  interval  of  90  days. 

15  Raynald.  ann.  1433.  no.  26.  1434,  no.  6. 

16  Antonini  summa  hist.  P.  iii.  Tit.  22.  Cap.  10.  §  2  :  Et  cum  nee 
satis  fama  prospera  Eugenii  foret,  praesertim  quia  Pontificatum  tran- 
quillissimum  a  Martino  susceptura  ipse  confestim  magnis  perturbationi- 
bus  involvisset  :  Cardinales  plures  ab  eo  recesserunt,  aliqui  clam 
insalutato  hospite,  alii  patenter  occasione  inventa  alicujus  bonae  rei 
fiendae,  et   Basileam  pergentes — simul  cum  multis  aliis   Episcopis  et 


CH.  I.-PAPACY.  §  132.  COUNCIL  OF  BAKLK.  EUGENE  IV.   321 

all  points.^^  Even  then  the  Papal  Legates  were  not  admitted  to 
the  chief  places  until  after  they  had  acceded  to  the  decided  mea- 

Praelatis  convenerunt.  The  ambassador  of  the  German  order  sent  par- 
ticular intelligence  of  this  desertion  to  his  Grand-Master,  see  Raumer's 
Taschenbuch  for  18?3.  S.  75.  According  to  him  no  more  than  four 
Cardinals  still  held  with  the  Pope. 

^^  The  Emperor  Sigismund  in  particular  laboured  to  induce  the  Pope 
to  give  way,  but  at  first  without  success,  see  Eugennii  epist  ad  Franc. 
Foscaivm  ducem  Venetiai'um  in  Raynald.  ann.  1433.  no.  19,  Primmn 
—  cum  (Imperator)  institisset  nobiscum  literis  et  mmciis,  ut  Concilio 
illi  haereremus  omnino,  hoc  recusavimus  :  potius  enim  banc  Apostoli- 
cam  dignitatem  et  vitam  insuper  posuissemus,  quani  voluissemus 
esse  causa  et  initium,  ut  pontiiicalis  dignitas  et  sedis  Apostolicae 
auctoritas  submitteretur  Concilio  contra  omnes  canonicas  sanctiones, 
quod  nunquam  antea  neque  aliquis  nostrorum  praedecessorum  fecit, 
neque  ab  idlo  extitit  requisitum.  However,  he  issued  the  Bull 
Dudum  on  the  first  of  August  1433  (Mansi  xxix.  p.  574)  with  the 
declaration :  voluuius  et  contentamur,  praefatum  generale  Basileense 
Concilium  a  tempore  inchoationis  suae  continuatum  fuisse  et  esse,  pro- 
secutionemque  semper  habuisse  et  continuari,  prosecutionemque  ad 
praedicta  habere  debere,  perinde  ac  si  nulla  commutatio,  translatio  seu 
dissolutio  facta  fuisset  :  quinimmo  praefatam  commutationem,  trans- 
lationem,  seu  dissolutionem  *revoc«n<es  ipsum  Concilium  Basileense 
pure,  simpliciter,  cum  effectu  ac  omni  caritate  amplectimur  : — ita  tamen 
quod  praesidentes  nostri  ad  praefati  Concilii  praesidentiam  adraittantur 
cum  etfectu,  ac  omnia  singula  contra  personam,  auctoritatem  acliberta- 
tem  nostram  et  sedis  Apostolicae  ac  venn.  ft-atrum  nostrorum  S.  R.  E. 
Cardinalium,  et  aliorum  quorumcunque  nobis  adhaerentium  in  dicto 
Concilio  facta  et  gesta  per  dictum  Concilium  prius  omnino  tollantur. 
The  Council  was  not  satisfied  with  this  Bull,  and  in  Sess.  xiv.  7.  Nov. 
1433  (jMansi  xxix.  p.  72)  drew  up  several  formulas  of  the  requisite 
Papal  declaration  for  his  choice  ;  and  the  Pope  publisht  a  new  edition 
of  the  Bull  Dudum  altered  to  meet  their  terms,  15.  Dec.  1433  (Mansi  1. 
c.  p.  78).  This  bull  runs  thus  :  dccernimus  et  dedaramus,  praefatum 
generale  Concilium  Basileense  a  tempore  praedictae  inchoationis  suae 
legitime  continuatum  fuisse  et  esse,  prosecutionemque  semper  habuisse, 
continuari  ac  prosecutionem  habere  debere  ad  praedicta  et  pertinentia 
ad  ea,  perinde  ac  si  nulla  dissolutio  facta  fuisset:  quinimmo  praefatam 
dissolutionem  irritam  et  inanem — declarantes,  ipsum  sacrum  generale 
Concilium  Basileense  pure,  simpliciter  et  cum  etfectu  ac  omni  devo- 
tione  et  favore prosequimur. — Praeterea — duas  nostras  literas, — et  alias 
quasqunque,  et  quidquid  per  nos  aut  nostro  nomine  in  prejudicium  aut 
derogationem  praedicti  sacri  Concilii  Basileensis,  seu  contra  ejus  aucto- 
ritatem factum  et  attentatum  seu  assertum  est,  cassamus,  revocamus, 
irritaraus  et  annullamus. — Item  revocamus  quosqumque  processus — 
factos  contra  supposita  huj us  sacri 'Concilii  Basileensis  et  adhaerentes 
eidem. — Nos  autem  deinceps  a  novitatibus  et  gravaminibus  seu  praeju- 
diciis  inferendis  ipsi  sacro  Concilio,  vel  suppositis  ejus  et  adhaerentibus 
eidem  realiter  et  cum  effectu  desistemus.  The  Bulls  repealed  are 
here  recited  word  for  word. 

VOL.   IV.  X 


322  THIRD  PERTO"i:>.--DTY.  V— A.D.  1409—1517. 

sures  taken  by  tlie  Council  to  insure  its  independence.'**     (Soss. 
xvii.  26.  April  1434.) 

Now  the  Council,  by  this  time  become  very  numerous,  resumed 
the  solemn  consideration  of  Church-refonn  which  was  often  indeed 
deliberated  upon  at  Constance,  but  never  completely  achieved.'^ 
So  early  as  Sess.  xii.  13.  July  1433,  most  of  the  Papal  reserva- 

^^  The  Leg'ates  had  first  to  swear  on  8.  April  in  a  Congregatio 
generalis  (Mansi  xxix.  p.  409),  fideliter  laborare  pro  statu  et  honore 
Concilii  Basileensi^,  et  ejus  dccreta  defendere  et  nianutenere,  et  spe- 
cialiter  d"cretum  Concilii  Constantiensis,  cujus  tenor  sequitur  et  est 
talis  :  Prima  quod  generalis  Synodus  Constantiensis  necnon  qiiaecunque 
alia  Synodus  in  Spirltu  Sancto  legitime  congregata — potestateni  a 
Christo  immediate  Iiabet  etc. — Item  declarat,  quod  quicumque,  cujus- 
cumque  status  et  dignitatis  etc.  (see  §  131.  note  8).  Item  dare  sanum 
et  salubre  consilium  secundum  Deura  et  conscientias  suas,  et  non 
revelare  vota  singulorum,  inquantum  ex  hujusmodi  revelatione  veri- 
simiiiter  possit  oriri  aliquod  odium  vel  scandalum,  et  non  recedere 
a  loco  hujus  Confilii  sine  liccntia  obtenta  a  deputatis  ejusdem. 
Then  in  Sess.  xvii.  26.  Apr.  they  were  first  admitted  in  the  fol- 
lowing style  (Mansi  xxix.  p.  90)  :  Sacrosancta  generalis  Syno- 
dus Basileensis,  in  Spiritu  Sancto  legitime  congregata,  iiniversalem 
Ecclesiam  repraesentans,  dilectos  Ecclesiae  filios  Nicolaum  tit.  s. 
Crucis  in  Jerusalem  presbytcrum,  Juliannm  s.  Angeli  diaconnm, 
s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  Cardinales,  et  venerabiles  Joannem  Archiepis- 
copum  Tarentinum  et  Petrum  Episcopum  Paduanum,  ac  dilectum 
Ecclesiae  filium  Ludovicum  Abbatem  s.  Justinae  Paduanae  tantum  ad- 
mittit  in  Praesidentes  in  hoc  sacro  Concilio,  nomine,  A'ice  et  loco 
sanctissimi  Domini  Eugenii  P.  IV.  cum  infrascriptis  conditionibus  et 
clausulis,  plenissimum  robur  et  effectum  per  omnia  babituris,  videlicet, 
sine  omni  jurisdictione  coactiva,  salvo  etiam  modo  procedendi  in  hoc 
sacro  Concilio  hactenus  observato,  praesertini  qui  continetur  in  ordina- 
tionibus hujus  s.  Concilii,  quae  incipiunt :  Pi^imo  sint  quatunr  depidationes 
(see  above,  note  8). — Item  quod  lectis  in  congregatione  generali  hia 
quae  conclusa  Sunt  per  deputationes  prinuis  inter  Praesidentes  ibidem 
praesentes — concludat  juxta  ordinationes  sacri  Concilii.  Quod  si  nolit 
ipse  aut  alius  de  Praesidentibus — facere,  tunc  proximior  Praelatus  sub- 
sequens  in  ordine  considendi  concludat. — Et  si  forte  nullus  de  Praesi- 
dentibus veniat  ad  congregationom,  vel  ad  sessionem  generalis  Concilii, 
tunc  primus  Praelatus^pro  illo  die  faciat  ofificium  Praesidentis.  Item 
quod  omnia  acta  hujus  sacri  Concilii  (sicut  hactenus  est  observatum) 
fiant  et  expediantur  sub  nondne  et  bulla  ipsius  Concilii. 

1''  Andreas  de  Escobar  Episc.  Megarensis  sent  advice  to  this  effect : 
(This  was  his  real  name  according  to  Nicol.  Antonii  biblioth.  Hisp.  not 
as  V.  d.  llardt  states  it  Episc.  Magorensis)  :  He  had  been  already 
active  at  the  Council  of  Constance  :  He  addresses  his  advice  to  the 
Cardinal  Julian  in  his  Gubernaculum  Conciliorum  (in  v.  d.  Hardt 
Cone.  Const.  T.  vi.  p.  139  ss.)  a.d.  1434  (not  1435,  see  p.  177  and 
18G).     There  are  some  remarkable  expressions,  p.  182  :  Et  timendum 


CII.  I.— PAPACY.  ?  1.T2.  COUNCIL  (W  PA8T>E.  EUCIENE  IV.    328 

tions  were  aljolislil.-'*  In  Sess.  xv.,  26.  Nov.  143o,  regular 
Diocesan    and    Provincial   Synods  were    prescribed.'-^       Now  in 

est,  quod  ante  diem  judicii,  et  in  brevi  (Romana  Ecclesia),  nisi  super 
eain  fiat  reformatio  ct  reparatio,  desoletur  et  foras  mittatur  ct  ab  bomi- 
nibus  conculcetur.  Quia  penitus  ab  illis  fundamentis  Sanctorum  et 
Apostolorum,  .Martyrura  et  Confessoruni,  et  Jesu  Cbristi  ac  patrum 
nostroruin  et  majorum  doctrinis,  et  regulis  conseientiae  aliena,  et  onnii- 
bus  vitiis  et  turpitudinibus  defoedata,  p.  186  :  Si  (generale  Basileense 
Concilium)  absque  reformatione  dissolvatur,  tunc  certe  speratur,  quod 
sancta  Komana  Ecclesia  et  Apostolica — spoliabitur  suis  ornamentis  et 
possessionibus  temporalibus,  et  Clerus  et  Apostolica  Ecclesia  priva- 
bitur  suis  bonis  et  privilegiis,  ac  libertatibus,  et  erit  sub  servitute 
peccati  ac  tributo  census  et  nummi,  et  turbabitur  ac  nimium  fluctua- 
bit  Petri  navicula,  quae  in  se  Judam  et  Simonem  recepit,  qui  generali- 
bus  Conciliis  contradicunt,  et  ea  dissolvere  satagunt,  et  ne  fiant  impos- 
terum,  impediunt. 

■^^  The  Decretum  de  electionibus  et  confirmationibus  Episcoporum  et 
Praelatorum  (in  Mansi  xxix.  p.  61)  abolishes  the  Papal  reservations, 
reservationibus  in  corpore  juris  clausis,  et  his  quae  in  terris  Romanae 
Ecclesiae  ratione  directi  seu  utilis  dominii  mediate  vel  immediate  sub- 
jectis  fieri  contigerit,  semper  exceptis,  and  appoints  quod  per  electiones 
et  confirmationes  canonicas,  secundum  juris  communis  dispositionem, 
praedictis  Metropolitanis,  Catbedralibus,  Monasteriis,  et  collegiatis 
Ecclesiis  ac  dignitatibus  electivis  vacantibus  debite  provideatur. — 
Decernitque  haec  s.  Synodus  rationi  fore  consentaneum  et  reipublicae 
accommodum,  ut  contra  hoc  salutare  decretum  Romanus  Pontifex  nihil 
attentet,  nisi  ex  magna,  rationabili  ac  evidenti  causa,  litteris  Apostolicis 
nominatim  expi-imenda.  Et  ut  eo  firmius  boc  salubre  decretum 
castodiatur,  vult  eadem  s.  Synodus,  ut  inter  alia,  quae  Roraanus 
Pontifex  in  sua  assumptione  profitebitur,  juret  decretum  boc  inviola- 
biliter  observare.  Then  follow  regulations  for  the  election  of  prelates. 
No  fees  whatever  were  to  be  paid  for  confirmation.  Summimi  vero 
Pontificem  haec  s.  Synodus  exhortatur,  ut,  cum  speculum  et  norma 
omnis  sanctitatis  et  munditiae  esse  debeat,  pro  confirmatione  earum 
electionum,  quas  ad  eum  deferri  contigerit,  nihil  penitus  exigat  aut 
recipiat  :  alioquin,  si  secus  faciendo  notorie  et  incorrigibiliter  ex  hoc 
Ecclesiam  scandalizet,  future  Concilio  deferatur.  Pro  oneribus  autem, 
quae  ipsum  pro  regimine  universalis  Ecclesiae  subire  oportet,  proque 
sustentatione  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium  et  aliorum  necessariorum  offieia- 
lium  hoc  sacrum  Concilium  ante  sui  dissolutionera  omnino  debite  et 
congruenter  provideat. 

-^  Mansi  xxix.  p.  74  :  —  s.  Synodus  —  praecipit,  Synodum  Epis- 
copalem  in  qualibet  dioecesi  post  octavas  dominicae  Resurrectionis, 
vel  alia  die  secundum  consuetudinem  dioecesum,  ad  minus  semel 
in  anno,  ubi  non  est  consuetude  bis  annuatim,  celebrari  per  dioeces- 
anum  propria  in  persona.  These  were  to  last  at  least  two  or  three 
days,  and  be  engaged  in  enforcing  ecclesiastical  decrees,  the  exami- 
nation of  the  morals  of  the  priesthood,  the  removal  of  disorders, 
the  suppression  of  heresies  etc    For  this  purpose  testes  synodales  were 

X   2 


324  THIKI)  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— 2V.D.  14U9— 1517. 

Sess.  XX.,  22.  Jan.  1435,  decrees  were  composed  against  the 
concubinage  of  the  clergy,^^  against  the  precipitate  employ- 
ment of  Interdict,-^  and  against  frivolous  appeals.^^  Sess.  xxi.,  9. 
June,  the  annates  were  abolislit,-"^  and  certain  abuses  which  had 

to  be  s'.vorn  in. — Provincial  Councils  were  to  be  held  at  least  once 
every  three  years. — The  monastic  orders  also  were  to  observe  their 
Capitida  regularly. 

-2  Mansi  xxix.  p.  101.  Sess.  xx.  Deer.  1.  Every  clergyman  who 
two  months  after  the  publication  of  tliis  decree  should  still  be  a  pub- 
licus  concubinarius,  was  to  be  ipso  facto  suspended  a  perceptione 
fructuum  omnium  suorum  benefieiorum  for  three  months,  and  if  he  did 
not  immediately  dismiss  his  concubine  when  required,  he  was  to  be 
deposed  from  his  office.  Quia  vei'O  in  quibusdam  regionibus  nonnuUi 
jurisdictionem  ecclesiasticam  habentes,  pecuniarios  quaestus  a  concu- 
binariis  percipere  non  erubescunt,  patiendo  eos  in  tali  foeditate  sordescere 
(see  part  iii.  §  110,  note  9)  :  subpoena  maledictionis  aeternae  praecipit, 
ne  deinceps  sub  pacto,  compositione,  aut  spe  alicujus  quaestus,  talia 
quovis  modo  tolerent  aut  dissimulent  :  alioquin  ultra  praemissam  negli- 
gentiae  poenam  duplum  ejus,  quod  propterea  acceperint,  restituere  ad 
pios  usus  omnino  teneantur  et  compellantur.  Ipsas  autem  concubinas — 
Praelati  modis  omnibus  curent  a  suis  subditis,  etiam  per  brachii 
saecularis  auxilium,  si  opus  fuerit,  penitus  arcere  :  qui  etiam  ex  tali 
concubinatu  procreates  filios  apud  patres  suos  cohabitare  non  per- 
mittant. 

^^  Deer.  3  :  Quoniam  ex  indiscreia  interdictorum  promulgatione 
multa  consueverunt  scandala  evenire,  statuit  haec  sancta  Synodus, 
quod  nulla  civitas,  oppidum, — aut  locus  ecclesiastico  supponi  possint 
interdicto,  nisi  ex  causa  seu  culpa  ipsorum  locorum,  aut  domiin  seu 
rectorum  vel  oflficialium  :  propter  culpain  autem — alterius  cujuscunque 
privatae  personae  hujusmodi  loca  interdici  nequaquam  possint, — nisi — 
domini  aeu  rectores  —  ipsorum  locorum,  auctoritate  judicis  requisiti, 
hujusmodi  personam  excommunicatam  infra  biduum  inde — non  ejecerint, 
aut  ad  satisfaciendum  compulerint. 

2*  Deer.  4  :  Ut  lites  citius  terminentur,  super  eodem  gravamine,  aut 
super  eadem  interlocutoria  vim  difiinitivae  non  habentenullatenus  liceat 
secundo  appellare.  Quodque  ante  diffiinitivam  frivole  vel  injuste  ap- 
pellans,  ultra  condemnationem  expensarum,  damnorum,  et  interesse,  in 
quindeclm  florenis  auri  de  camera  parti  appellatae  per  appellationis 
judicem  condemnetur. 

2>  Mansi  xxix.  p.  104.  Sess.  xxi.  Deer.  1.  de  annatis  :  In  nomine 
Spiritus  Sancti  paracleti  statuit  haec  sancta  Synodus  quod  tam  in  curia 
Romana  quam  alibi  pro  seu  in  confirmatione  electionum,  admissione 
postulationum,  praesentationum  provisione,  eollatione,  dispositione, 
electione,  postulatione,  praesentatione, etiam  alaicisfacienda,institutione 
installatione,  et  investitura,  de  Ecclesiis  etiam  eathedralibus  et  metro- 
politanis,  Monasteriis, — officiisque  ecclesiasticis  qulbuscumque,  necnou 
ordinibits  sacris  et  benedictione  ac  pallio,  de  caetero  nihil  penitus  ante 
vel  post  exigatur  ratione  literarum,  bullae,   sigilli,  annatarum  commu- 


ClI.  I.— PAPACY,  §  132.  COUNCIL  OF  B/VSLE.  EUGENE  IV.     325 

crept  into  divine  service  were  forbidden .^'^  In  Sess.  xxiii.,  25. 
Mai'cli  1436,  tliere  followed  certain  regulations  about  the  elec- 
tion, the  oaths  and  the  office  of  the  Pope,^'  and  the  position  of  the 

nium,  et  minutorum  servitiorum,  primorum  fructuum,  deportuum,  ant 
sub  quocumqiie  alio  titulo. — Huic  autem  sacro  canoni  si  quis — contraire 
praesiimpserit,  poenara  incurrat  adversus  simoniacos  inflictam. — Et  si 
(quod  absit)  Romaiius  Pontifex,  qui  pra?  caetei-is  universalium  Con- 
ciliorum  exequi  et  custodire  canones  debet,  adversus  banc  sanctionein 
aliquid  faciendo  Eccdesiam  scandalizet,  gcnerali  Concilio  defcratur. 
Caeteri  vero  pro  niodo  culpae  juxta  canonicas  sanctiones  per  suos 
superiores  digna  ultione  puniantur. 

^^  Viz.,  in  the  omission  oftbehorae  canonicae  and  masses.  In  Deer. 

9,  that  abusus  was  forbidden,  quo  nonnulli  Ecclesiarum  Canonici  con- 

trahentes  debita,   sic  se  creditoribus  obligant,  ut  nisi  statuto  tempore 

satisfaciant,  a  diviins  cessetur  officiis.      Deer.  11  against  the  Feast  of 

Fools  (see  part  ii.  §  79)  :  Turpem  etiara  ilium  abusum  in  quibusdam 

frequentatum  Eeclesiis,  quo  certis  aani  celebritatibus  nonnulli  cum  mitra, 

baculo  ac  vestibus  pontiticalibus  more  Episcoporum  benedicunt,  alii  in 

reges  ac   duces  induti,    quod    festum    fatuorum,    vel   innocentum  sen 

puerorum  in  quibusdam  regionibus  nuncupatur,  alii  larvales  et  theatrales 

jocos,  alii  choreas   et  tripudia  raarium  ac  raulierum  facientes  homines 

ad  speetacula  et  cachinnationes  movent,  alii  comessationes  et  convivia 

ibidem  praeparant  :   haec  s.   Synodus    detestans,  statuit  et  jubet  tam 

Ordinariis,  quam  Ecclesiarum  Decaniset  Kectoribus  sub  poena  suspen- 

sionis  omnium  proventuum  ecclesiasticorum   trium  mensium  spatio,  ne 

haec  aut  simiiia  ludibria,   neque  etiam   mercantias  seu  negotiationes 

nundinarum  in  Ecclesia,   quae   domus  orationis    esse  debet,  ac  etiam 

coemeterio  exei'ceriaraplius  permittant,  transgressoresque  per  censuram 

ecclesiasticam,  aliaque  juris  remedia  punire  non  negligant, 

-^  Mansi  xxix.  p.  110.  Sess.  xxiii.  Deer.  1.  de  electione  summi 
Pontificis.  C.  2.  The  newly  elected  Pope  was  to  make  the  profession 
wdiicli  follows  in  C.  3  before  any  obedience  should  be  rendered  to  hira. 
It  is  the  same  which  had  been  already  prescribed  at  Constance  (§  131. 
note  15)  with  additions.  In  this  he  first  promises  to  provide,  for  purity 
of  doctrine,  observance  of  church-usages,  the  extermination  of  heresy, 
pi'O  reformatione  morura  ac  pace  in  populo  Cbristiano.  Then  juro  etiam 
prosequi  celebrationem  Conclliorum  generalium  et  confirmationem 
electionum  juxta  decreta  sacri  Basileensis  Concilii.  Upon  every  anni- 
versary of  his  election  or  coronation,  tbis  Professio  was  to  be  read  over 
to  him  during  mass  by  a  Cardinal,  with  the  addition  of  the  following 
exhortation  :  Curet  igitur  Sanctitas  Tua,  pro  honore  Dei,  et  salute 
animae  Tuae,  et  utilitate  universalis  Ecclesiae  pvaedicta  omnia  pro 
viribus  observare  bona  fide,  sine  dolo  et  fraude.  Recogites  etiam,  cujus 
vicem  geras  in  terris  etc. — Memineris  quid  b.  Petrus  aliique  sibi  succe- 
dentes  Pontifices  fecerunt,  qui  nihil  aliud  CDgitabant,  nisi  honorem  Dei 
etc. — Noli  Tibi  aut  Tuis  tliesaurizare  in  terris  etc. — In  distribuendis 
dignitatibus  et  beneficiis  non  carnem,  non  munera,  non  quid  aliud  tera- 
porale,  sed  solum  Deum,  et  virtutes  atque  hominum  merita  Tibi  pro- 
ponas.     In  corrigendis  excessibus  ecclesiasticam  exerce  disciplinam. — 


326  THIKD  PERIOD.— DIV.   V.— A.D.   1409—1517. 

Cardinals,*^  together  with  an  unconditional  prohibition  of  tiio 
Papal  reservations  already  abolisht.^^  This  decisive  proceedina- 
of  the  Council  brought  on  anew  a  lengthened  negotiation  witli 
the  Pope,  and  both  sides  mutually  complained  of  undue  preten- 
sions in   the   other.^^     When  the   Pope  now  again  made  the 

Pauijeres  autem  ac  itiiserabiles  personas  defende,  juvaet  sustenta.  Ad 
omnes  autem  pateruam  habe  caritatem.  Then  follow  express  directions 
of  the  Council,  how  the  Pope  was  to  govern  the  Church  and  the  States 
of  the  Church. 

'^  Deer.  4.  de  nuniero  et  qualitate  Cardinalium.  Here  the  decrees 
of  the  Council  of  Constance  were  first  repeated  (§  131.  note  19). 
Then  an  oath  was  prescribed  for  the  newly  appointed  Cardinals,  and 
the  other  Cardinals  were  directed  how  they  should  provide  for  their 
titulos,  support  the  Pope  in  the  government  of  the  Church,  and  put  him 
in  reinembi'ance,  and  how  they  should  live.  E.g.  Si  quando  Papam 
(quod  absit)  negligcnteni  aut  remissum,  seu  agentem  quae  statum  illius 
non  decent,  ipsi  Cardinales  inspexerint,  fiiiali  reverentia  et  caritate 
tanquam  patrem  obsecrent,  ut  officio  pastorali  honorique  ac  debito  suo 
satisfaciat.  Et  prime  quidem  aliquis  vel  aliqui  de  iis  per  se,  deinde  ssi 
se  non  corrigat,  omnes  collegialiter  accersitis  quibusdam  notabilibus 
Praelatis,  praedicentes,  quod  si  non  abstinuerit  proximo  general!  Concilio 
deferant :  nee  pro  salute  ipsius  Summi  Pontificis  et  bono  publico  ejus 
odium  vel  qhidquam  aliud  timeant,  dum  tamen  reverenter  et  caritative 
id  agant. 

'^  Deer.  6.  de  reservationibus  (compare  above  note  20)  Et  quia 
multiplices  Ecclesiarum  et  Beneficiorum  hactenus  factae  per  summos 
Pontifices  reservationes  non  parum  Ecclesiis  onerosae  extiterunt  ;  ipsas 
omnes  tarn  generales  quam  speciales  sive  pavticulares  de  quibuscumque 
Ecclesiis  et  Beneficiis,  quibus  tam  per  electionem,  quam  collationem, 
aut  aliam  dispositionem  provider!  solet,  sive  per  Extravagantes  Ad 
regimen  et  Execrabilis,  sive  per  regulas  Cancellariae,  aut  alias  Apos- 
tolicas  constitutiones  introductas,  haec  s.  Synodus  abolet,  statuens  ut 
de  caetero  nequaquam  fiant  :  reservationibus  in  coi'poi'e  jm-is  expresse 
clausis,  et  his,  quas  in  terris  Romanae  Ecclesiae  ratione  direct!  seu 
utilis  dominii,  mediate  vel  immediate  subjectis  fieri  coutigerit,  duntaxat 
exceptis.  This  was  the  very  thing  that  the  German  nation  at  Con- 
stance (see  §  131,  note  18)  had  already  demanded  in  their  Avisa- 
mentis  (v.  d.  Hardt  i.  xxii.p.  999)  but  not  obtained,  see  their  concordat 
at  Constance  cap.  2.  (§  131.  note  19.) 

^'The  Council  of  Basle  had  already  laboured  long  and  vainh'  to 
bring  the  Pope  to  a  formal  adoption  and  observance  of  its  decrees,  especi- 
ally the  decree  de  electionibus  (note  20),  and  with  this  end  in  view  liad 
sent  several  embassies  to  him  (the  names  of  the  Ambassadors  may  be 
seen  !n  Mans!  xxx.  p.  1064.)  The  speech  of  the  fourth  deputation 
consisting  of  Jo.  de  Hungaria  Deer.  Doctor  and  Mag.  Matthaeus  Mes- 
nage,  who  had  an  audience  with  the  Pope  14.  July  1435,  is  already 
full  of  reproaches  and  threats  (Mansi  xxx.  p.  939):  Si  Sanctitas 
Vestra  non   servaret  decretum   de  electionibus   p,cr   sacrum  Concilium 


VU.   I.— PAl'ACY.     g.   l;W.  COUNCIL  OF  JJAt^LE.   EUOENE.   IV.     327 

negotiations  for  union  with  tlie  Greeks  a  pretext  for  removing 

the  Council  into  Italy,  where  the  Papal  infliience  could  be  more 

powerfully  exercised :  and  when  the  Fathers  of  13asle,  aware  of 

proraulgatum,  timeiidiiin  foret,  quod  infra  decern  aut  quindecim  annos 
s.  catholica  Ecclesia  divisa  reperiatur  iu  tot  partes  quot  sunt  dioeceses. 
Therefore  the  prayer  was  repeated,  quatenus  Sanctitas  Vestra  deinceps 
cum  eftectu  servare  et  servari  facere  velit  decrela  edita  et  edenda  per 
sacrum  Concilium  Basileense,  et  in  contrarium  attentata  revocare, 
alioquin  P.  13.  dicta  sacra  Synodus  multiplicibus  jurgioruni  ac  scanda- 
iorum  crebi'is  propulsata  o})probriis,  iuten(Ut  dare  operam  efficacem,  per 
quaui  decreta  sua  ab  omnibus  inviobibiliter  observentur,  etiam  qua- 
cumque  praefulyeant  dignitate,  prout  ei  possibilc  erit. — In  omnibus 
autem  Sanctitas  Vestra  velit  sic  agere,  quod  patves  in  sacro  Concilio 
concipere  valeant,  Sanctitatem  Vestram  manutenere  sacrum  Concilium, 
et  non  per  indirectum  dissolvere.  At  the  same  time  the  deputation 
presented  the  decree  de  annatis  (see  note  25)  exhorted  him  to  observe 
it,  and  declared  withal  :  Sacrum  Concilium  omnino  dispositum  est,  et 
jam  laborat,  per  aliquem  alium  moduin  honestiorem  Sanctitati  Vestrae 
et  Dominis  Cardinalibus  talem  facere  provisionem,  de  qua  Sanctitas 
Vestra  et  Domini  Cardinales  merito  potcrunt  contentari  :  praesertim 
autem  si  sacrum  Concilium  informatum  fuerit,  realiter  et  cum  eftectu 
Sanctitatem  vestram  decreta  sacri  Concilii  Basileensis  servare  ab 
aliisque  observari  facere,  et  in  contrarium  attentata  revocare.  The 
Pope  accordingly  sent  oratores  to  Basle,  to  desire  (Mansi  xxx.  p. 
946),  quod  aut  suspendatur  decretum  de  annatis,  autdebita  sedi  Apos- 
tolicae  fiat  provisio  :  but  they  were  told  that  such  provision  could  only 
be  made,  si  Sumnuis  Pontifex  ipse  circa  synodalium  decretorum  obser- 
vantiam  animum,  ut  decet,  inclinaverit.  Then  a  new  embassy  to  the 
Pope  was  i-esolved  on  20.  Jan.  143G,  which  bore  a  still  more  decided 
message,  and  declared  conclusively  (see  their  instnictions  1.  c.  p.  1064), 
quod  sacrum  Concilium  non  valens  amplius  ista  tolerare,  mittit  dictos 
oratores,  per  quos  sacrum  Concilium  rogat  ipsum  dominum  nostrum, — 
ac  solemniter  et  pereintorie  requiritet  monet,  ut — velit  a  talibus  penitus 
abstinei'e,  ac  efticaciter  servai-e  decreta  istius  sacri  Concilii,  et  tenorem 
adhaesionis  suae ;  et  quod  in  testimonium  hujus  infra  XXV.  dies  a 
die  hujuscemodi  nionitionis  publ'ce  ac  soleminterin  Consistorio  publico 
debeat  facere  legi  litteras  more  Curiae  Romanae  buUatas  infrascripti 
tenoris,  mittendas  infra  [aliosj  XXV.  dies  ad  sacrum  Concilium,  in 
generali  congregatione  seu  sessione  legcndas.  Quod  si — praedicta  non 
fecei'it; — ipsum  sacrum  Concilium  prctestatur  coram  Deo  et  hominibus, 
quod  sine  alia  dilatione  et  citatione — procedet  contra  ipsum  juxta 
decretum  Concilii  Constantiensis.  The  formula  which  was  appended, 
for  the  Bull  required  of  the  Pope  runs  thus  (p.  1065) :  Omnes  appel- 
lationcs  intrrpositas  vel  interponendas  ad  nos  a  sententiis  latis  per 
sacrum  Concilium,  vel  Commissarios  aut  Judices  ejusdem  ipso  durante, 
annullamus  et  irritamus,  mandantes  sub  poena  excommunicationislatae 
sententiae  omnibus  Judicibus  et  Commissariis  auctoritate  nostra  depu- 
tatis,  ne  super  illis  procederc  audeant.  Kevocamus  etiam  omnia 
gravamina,  et  quidquid   factum    est    dicta    auctoritate    nostra   contra 


328  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1-109—1517. 

tenorera  nostrae  adLaesionis,  ac  contra  dccreta  ipsius  sacri  Concilii 
Basileensis  :  ralificamus  et  approbamus  omnia  decreta  ipsius  sacri  Con- 
cilii Basileensis,  et  praesertim  de  elcctionibus  et  de  annatis  :  pollicemur, 
quod  sine  dolo  et  fraude  ilia  manutenere  et  servare  etc.  Then  folL^ws 
the  monitorium  to  be  delivered  to  the  Pope,  in  which  the  causes  of 
complaint  against  him  are  set  down  in  detail.  The  following  griev- 
ances belong  to  their  number  (p.  1067)  :  quotidie  nostrae  a  diversis 
personis  ac  pro  variis  causis  aures  pulsantur  propter  importabilia 
gravamina  eis  illata  in  derogationem  per  nos  nostraque  auctoritate 
gestorum,  potissiuie  quod  adversum  sententias  hie  latas,  quae  in  rem 
transiverint  judicatam,  adversum  ipsam  etiam  causarum  pendentiam  in 
hoc  sacro  Concilio,  rescripta  concesserit  quotidicveconcedat,  appeila- 
tiones  etiam  a  sententiis  per  banc  Synodum  sen  ejusdem  Commissaries 
latis  in  Curia  et  extra  commiserit  et  committat,-  lites  propter  hoc 
faciendo  immortales,  et  divisiones  quam  plurimas  seminando,  necnon 
varia  supposita  [suoj^ots]  ab  hoc  sacro  Concilio  avocando,  qui  in  agendo 
pro  universali  Ecclesia  plurimum  conferebant.  We  find  even  here  p. 
1068  :  Intellexit  a  fide  dignis  plurimis  s.  Synodus,  eundem  Dominum 
Eugeniinn  ad  diversos  reges  et  principes  suos  nuncios  destinasse,  ut  in 
earundem  annatarum  perseverantia  sibi  adsisterent.  A  letter  of  advice 
for  the  instruction  of  the  Pope's  nuntii  about  to  be  sent  to  the  crowned 
heads,  which  was  composed  soon  after  this  time,  and  adopted  by  the 
Pope  (in  Raynald  ann.  1436  no.  2.  ss.)  contains  an  express  defense  of 
the  Pope,  and  a  complaint  of  the  entire  method  of  proceeding  and  the 
decrees  of  the  Council.  It  was  here  set  down  as  an  unheard  of  error 
of  the  Basle-fathers  (no.  3),  Concilia  generalia  non  suseipere  auctori- 
tatem  et  fundamentum  a  Christi  Vicario,  so  that  even,  Romanus 
Pontifex,  ut  Praelatus  quilibet,  obedire  tenetur  decretis — Concilii. — 
Quod  nihil  aliud  est,  quam  potestatem  Sumrai  Pontificis  Christique 
Vicarii  in  terris  totaliter  annihilai'c,  et  supremara  potestatem  ipsi  a 
Christo  datara  in  manibus  multitudinis  ponere :  quod  est  non  tam 
erroneum,  quam  etiam  ab  omni  doctrina  ss.  Patrum  totaliter  alienum, 
immo  toto  statu  catholicorum  Principura  valde  perniciosum,  quoniam 
pari  modo  possent  eorum  populi,  si  congregarentur,  supra  eos  praeten- 
dere  potestatem.  The  Decretuin  de  annatis  would  be  made  (no.  4)  in 
grave  praejr.dicium  et  depressior.em  Apostolicae  sedis,  cum  a  tanto 
tempore,  de  cnjus  contrario  non  est  memoria,  et  per  multa  retro  saecuia 
(!  see  part  iii.  §  103,  note  26,  §  105  note  3)  Summus  Pontifex — in 
pacifica  fuerit  possessione  de  levandis  annatis  : — utpote  quae  nunquam 
fuerint  per  aliquod  Concilium  revocatae,  immo  potius  in  generali  Vien- 
nensi  (! !)  et  Constantiensi  Concilio  susceptae. —  Cardinales  etiam  S.  R. 
E.  et  caeteri  Curiales  Roraanae  Curiae — in  praesentia  S.  D.  N.  publice 
sunt  protestati, — affirmantes,  quod  si  decretum  hujusmodi  tam  praecipi- 
tanter  factum  debebat  observari,  compellebantur  relinquere  sedem 
Apostolicam  et  ejus  scrvitia.  The  Basle-fathers  also  had  never 
thought  in  earnest  of  any  other  provision  for  the  Pope.  However  in 
no.  6  there  was  a  well  grounded  complaint  made,  that  the  Council 
unduly  interfered  in  the  administration  of  the  Church  :  Illud  summe 
advertendum  est,  et  ad  quos  omnis  Principum  considei*atio  se  conver 
tere  debet,  quod  ii,  qui  Basileae  sunt,  omnia  administrant  et  faciunt  tam 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §   132.  COUNCIL  OF  BASLE.  EUGENE  IV.      329 
the  threatened  danger,  stoutly  resisted  all  his  proposals, ■'^  the 

in  spiritualibus  quara  in  Iciiiporalibus  quae  spectant  et  pertinent  ad 
excrcitium  suprcnii  in  Ecclesia  Principis,  quoniam  minores  causas 
agunt,  de  causis  contivmntionis  cognoscunt,  postulationes,  quae  soli 
gratiac  nituntm-,  et  quos  solus  Papa  consuevit  aJniiltere  vel  rejicere, 
non  solum  in  Concilio  recipiunt,  immo  eas  contra  provisiones  Aposto- 
licae  sedis  admittunt, — de  canonizationibus  Sanctorum  cognoscunt, 
beneficia  et  oificia — dant,  pensiones  super  beneficiis  iniponunt,  con- 
fessionalia  concedunt  more  Romanae  Curiae,  ab  omnibus  peccatis 
absolvunt;— dant  indulgentias, — faciunt  Doctores  in  omni  facul- 
tatc  nullo  vel  modico  examine  praevio,  cum  illegitimis  dispensant 
nd  ordines,  dignitates  et  haereditates,  plerisque  pallium  conferunt, 
Episcopos  consecrari  praccipiunt, — in  gradibus  a  jure  probibitis 
dispensant"  ita  faciliter,  ut  repertum  sit,  dispensatum  esse  per  unum 
Praelatum  in  secundo  g-radu  consanguinitatis  auctoritate,  ut  dice- 
batur,  Concilii. — Quae  omnia  nullum  umquam  geiieralium  Lonci- 
liorum — facere  praesumpsit  elc. — Accordingly  the  Legates  were  to 
require  the  princes  to  take  active  measures  no.  14,  viz.  if  the  Basle 
fathers  refused  to  give  way  (sextoj^  ipsi  Principes  velint  suos  oratores 
de  Basilea  rcvocare,  necnon  etiam  Praelatos  eorum  et  subditos  tarn 
ecclesiasticos,  quam  saecidares.  Very  characteristic  is  the  close  of 
these  instructions  (no.  15)  in  v/liich  the  Legates  are"  charged  with  a 
particular  message  to  win  the  Emperor's  good-will,  and  another  to  win 
the  King  of  France.  Then  :  Sim.iliter  unicuique  Regi  et  Principi  spe- 
cialia  quaedam  dici  poterunt  pro  majori  parte,  prout  erit  expediens, 
quae  ipsimet  nuntii  pro  egrum  prudentia  sclent  reperire.  Non  esset 
etiam  malum,  quod  nuntii — habeant  aliquas  particularitates  etiam  in 
foro  conscientiae,  ut  possent  gratificare  Regibus  et  Principibus.  Utile 
praeterea  foret,  si  ii  nuntii  Apostolici  secum  portarent  sub  bulla  ali- 
quam  Curiae  reformationem,  quam  Regibus  et  Principibus  praescnta- 
rent.  Hoc  enim  baculo  adversarii  nostri  sem.per  nos  invadunt  et 
percutiunt,  quia  dicunt  multa  in  Roroana  Curia  fieri,  quae  egent 
magna  reparatlone,  nee  ilia  tamen  corriguntur.  Per  banc  reforma- 
tionem, eAiam  si  usquequaque  plena  non  foret^  modo  essent  aUqva, 
eorum  ora  obstruerentur,  qui  continue  lacerant  et  carpunt  Romanae 
Curiae  famam, — redderenturque  tune  Reges  et  Principes  melius  aedifi- 
cati,  et  raagis  proni  ad  condescendendum  petitionibus  Domini  nostri 
Papae  etc. 

^^  After  that  negotiations  had  already  begun  between  the  Pope  and 
the  Greeks,  Greek  ambassadors  appeared  at  Basle  in  1434,  and  pro- 
posed as  fit  places  for  the  Council  which  was  to  be  held  (Sess.  xix.  in 
Mansi  xxix.  p.  94)  Calabria,  Ancona,  vel  alia  terra  maritima,  Bononia, 
Mediolanum,  vel  alia  ciyitas  in  Italia  :  extra  Italiam  Buda  in  Hungaria, 
Vienna  in  Austria,  et  ad  ultimum  Sabaudia.  The  Council  determined 
(p.  95)  to  send  ambassadors  to  Constantinople,  who  were  to  persuade 
the  Emperor  in  favour  of  Basle,  but  if  they  could  not,  to  declare  them- 
selves ready  to  choose  one  of  the  above-mentioned  places.  However, 
the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  informed  the  ambassadors  (Raynald. 
1435.  no.  8)  that  it  was  necessary,  ut  f<tatuatur  beatissimum  Dominum 


330  THIRD  PEKIOD.— DIV.  ^'.— A.D.   1-109—1517. 

breach  between  the  two  parties  soon  became  decisive.  In  Sess. 
xxvi.  ol.  July  1437  the  Council  placed  the  Pope  under  impeach- 
ment ;^^  Eugene  removed  the  Council  from  Basle  to  Ferrara  by 
a  Bull  dated  18.  Sept.  1437,^*  and  actually  opened  a  new  Synod 
for  8.  Jan.  1438.  The  Council  in  reply  pronounced  upon  him 
sentence  of  suspension  Sess.  xxxi.  24.  Jan.  1438.^^     This  was  in 

Papain  in  meditata  oecuraenica  Synodo  interesse  personalitcr,  et  non 
repraesentative,  electo  et  statiito  loco  coiigruente  et  conimodo  pro  quiete 
dicti  beatissimi  Domini  Eugenii  et  nostra.  Thei'eupon  in  Sof>s.  xxv.  7. 
March  1437  duplo  major  pars  of  the  Synod  decided  for  Basle,  Avignon, 
or  Savoy,  and  so  indeed  (Mansi  xxix.  p.  134),  quod  apud  Imperatorem 
— et  alios  Graecos  diligens  et  debita  fieret  instantia, — ut  ex  diversis 
bonis  respectibus  civitatem  Basileensem  acceptarent  pro  dicto  oecume- 
nico  Concilio  ibidem  celebrando  :  quam  si  eos  omnino  recusare  contin- 
geret,  exfunc  civitas  Avinionensis  locus  esset — Concilii. — Si  tameii 
illud  in  eadem  celebrari  non  posset,  extunc  in  Sabaudia  Concilium 
celebrarctur  antedictum.  The  minority  of  the  Synod,  with  the  Papal 
Legates  at  their  head,  drew  up  another  decree  on  the  same  day  in  the 
name  of  the  Synod  (in  Raynald.  1437.  no.  7),  ut  videlicet  civitas  Flo- 
rentina  aut  Utinum  in  patria  Forijulii  ponenda  in  manu  Concilii,  sea 
quicunque  alius  locus  tutus  in  decreto  (Sess,  xix.,  see  above)  compre- 
hensus  Summo  Pontifici  et  Graecis  accommodus  pro  oecumenico  Con- 
cilio eligatur,  and  the  Pope  immediately  confirmed  this  last  decree  by 
a  Bull  dated  29.  June  (in  Raynald.  1437.  no.  8.)  Aeneas  Sylvius,  as 
an  eye  witness,  gives  a  lengthened  description  of  the  stormy  Session 
xxv.  in  a  letter  first  publisht  by  Mansi  xxxi.  p.  220. 

^-  Mansi  xxix,  p.  137  ss.  ITere  the  only  reason  given  is  disregard 
of  the  reformatory  decrees  of  the  Basle  Council :  lile,  qui  primus  hacc 
exequi  debuerat,  quemque  et  Christi  praecepta  et  canones  sacrorum 
€onciliorura  prae  caeteris  servare  oportuerat,  inmio  et  caeteros  ad  horum 
•observantiam  efficaciter  inducere,  nulla  unquam  monitione,  nulla  exhor- 
tationc  induci  jam  longo  tempore  potuit,  ut  aliquam  morum  emenda- 
tionem  Christo  placentem,  aut  notissimorum  abusuum  correctionem  in 
Ecclesia  sancta  Dei  eflficere  satageret.  Quin  potius  conspicit  universus 
orbis,  sub  ejus  regimine  majora  semper  scaudala  gi  avioraque  exoriri. 
Of  these  there  is  a  long  catalogue.  Non  autera  solum  in  rerum  spiritu- 
alium  regimine  banc  ipsam  ruinam  consideramus,  sed  et  in  guberna- 
tione  temporalium  dominiorum  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  notorios  defectus 
attendimus. — Quantas  enim  terras  ipse  Dominus  Eugenius  alienaverit, 
quantaeque  ejus  incuria  et  ins^olerti  regimine  deperditae  et  occupatae 
sint, — notoria  facta  testari  videntur.  Accordingly  it  summons  the 
Pope  to  answer  for  himself  within  60  days,  and  requires  the  Cardinals 
under  pain  of  punishment,  ut  infra  eundein  terminum  in  hac  civitate 
Basileensi  compareant,  saluti  s.  matris  Ecclesiae  cum  caeteris  in  Synodo 
-congrcgatis  consulturi  et  opportune  provisuri,  prout  Spiritus  Sanctus 
^ictaverit. 

^^  In  Harduin  ix.  p.  GOH. 

■**  Sess.  xxviii.  1.  Oct.  1437   he  was  declared  contumacious  (Mansi 


ni.  I.— PAPACY,  g  132.  COUNCIL  OF  lU^LE.  EUGENE  IV.  •!;)1 

truth  the  last  Session  in  which  a  few  more  reformatory  decrees 
were  ])ast,  in  order  to  hmit  the  number  of  causes  pending  at 
Kome,^^  and  effect  a  worthier  occupation  of  spiritual  offices  :^^ 

xxix.  p.  147.)  Sess.  xxix.  12.  Oct.  the  removal  of  the  Council  to 
Ferrara  was  declared  invalid,  and  all  the  prelates  were  coinmanded  to 
repair  to  Basle.  Sess.  xxxi.  Then  followed  the  suspension  (Mansi 
xxix.  p.  168)  :  s.  Synodus  praedictum  Eugenium  P.  iv.  nianifostum 
contumaceni,  et  in  aperta  rehellione  persistentem,  ae  notorie  incorrigi- 
hiliterque  Ecclesiaiu  Dei  scandalizantem — ab  onini  administratione 
Papatus  in  spiritualibus  et  teniporalibus  suspendit. — Omnera  auteni 
ipsius  Papains  adnnnistrationem — eadeni  s.  Synodus  ad  seipsam  de- 
cernit  ac  declarat  esse  devolutam. 

^^  Sess.  xxxi.  deer.  1.  de  causis  (Mansi  xxix.  p.  159): — Inoleverunt 
hactenus  intolerabilium  vexationum  ahiisus  pernudti,  dum  nimium 
frequenter  a  remotissimis  etiam  partibus  ad  Romanam  Curiam,  et 
interduni  pro  parvis  et  niinutis  rebus  ac  negotiis  quaraplurinu  citari  et 
evocari  consueverunt,  atque  ita  expensis  et  laboribus  fatigari,  ut  non- 
nunquam  commodius  arbitrarentur  juri  suo  cedere,  aut  vexationem 
suam  gravi  damno  redimere,  quam  in  tam  longinqua  i-egione  litiuni 
subire  dispendia.  Sic  facile  extitit  calumniosis  oppriniere  pauperes,  sic 
heneficia  ecclesiastica  plerunique  minus  juste  per  litium  anfractus 
obtenta  sunt,  dum  justis  possessoribus  eorum,  seu  quibus  ilia  de  jure 
competebaut,  neque  opes  neque  facultates  ad  illos  sumptus  sufficere 
poterant,  quos  longinqua  profectio  ad  Komanam  Curiam  et  litis  agitatio 
in  eadeni  deposcebant.  Accordingly  the  Council  decrees,  quod  in 
partibus  ultra  qiiatuor  diaetas  a  Komana  Curia  distantibus  omnes  quae- 
cumque  causae,  exceptis  majoribus  in  jure  expresse  enumeratis,  et 
electionum  Ecclesiarura  cathedralium,  et  Monasteriorum,  quas  imme- 
diata  subjectid  ad  sedem  Apostolicam  devolvit,  apud  illos  judices  in 
partibus,  qui  de  jure  aut  consuetudine  pi'acscripta  vel  privilegio  cogni- 
tionem  habent,  terminentur  et  finiantur.  Et  ne  sub  umbra  appella- 
tionum,  quae  nimium  leviter,  et  nonnunquam  frivole  hactenus  interponi 
visae  sunt,  atque  etiam  in  eadem  instantia  ad  prorogationem  litiuni 
saepe  mu'.tiplicari,  materia  fovendis  injustis  vexationibus  i-elinquatur ; 
statuit  eadem  s.  Synodus,  quod  si  quis  oftensus  coram  suo  judice  habere 
non  possit  justitiae  complementum,  ad  immediatum  superiorem  per 
appellationem  recursum  habeat :  nee  ad  quemcunque,  etiam  ad  Papam, 
oinisso  medio,  neque  a  gravamine  in  quacumque  instantia  ante  diffini- 
tivam  sententiam  quomodolibet  appelletur,  nisi  forsitan  tale  gravamen 
exstiterit,  quod  in  diffinitiva  sententia  reparari  nequiret :  quo  casu.  non 
alias,  ad  immediatum  superiorem  licet  appellare.  Si  vero  quispiam  a 
sedis  Apostolicae  immediate  subjecto  ad  ipsam  sedem  duxerit  appellan- 
dum,  causa  per  roscriptum  usque  ad  finem  litis  inclusive  in  partibus 
committatur  :  nisi  forte  propter  defectum  justitiae,  aut  justinn  metuiu, 
etiam  in  partibus  convicinis, — apud  ipsam  sedem  foret  meritoretinenda. 

'^^  Deer.. 2.  De  Collationibus  beneficiorum.  The  Roman  pontiff  was 
to  grant  no  more  gratias  exspectativas,  likewise  uo  reservationes  par- 
ticulares  were  to  be  made.     Deer.  3.   Qualificatioues  et  ordo  in  coufe- 

2 


332  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

for  henceforth  the  energies  of  the  Synod  were  exclusively  claimed 
by  the  controversy  with  the  Pope.'^^ 

It  was  now  the  interest  of  the  secular  princes  to  secure  for 
their  national  Churches  the  reforming  decrees  of  Basle,^^  but  also 
at  the  same  time  to  avert  the  impending  schism.  Charles  VII. 
King  of  France  was  indeed  dissatisfied  with  the  decrees  of  Basle 
against  the  Pope,  but  he  adopted  for  the  French  Church,  the 
Reformation  of  this  Synod  with  certain  modifications,  in  the 
Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Bourges,  7.  July,  1438,'"^  and  he  disowned 
the  Synod  of  Ferrara.  In  Germaiiy  diu'ing  the  vacancy  of  the 
Imperial  throne  the  electoral  princes  laboured  to  mediate  be- 
tween the  contending  parties,  and  with  a  view  to  effect  conces- 
sions more  readily,  on  the  day  before  the  election  of  Albert  II., 

rendis  beneficiis~per  ordinaries.  Every  Cathedral  Church  was  to  have 
one  Theologiis,  a  third  part  of  the  prebendal  stalls  were  to  be  filled  up 
with  graduates  :  only  persons  equally  well  qualified  might  be  made 
parish  priests  in^tlie  towns,  ant  ad  minus  qui  per  tres  annos  in  theo- 
logia,  vel  in  altero  jurium,  seu  magistri  in  artibus,  qui  in  aliqua  Uni- 
versitate  privilegiata  studentes  fuerint,  et  bujusmodi  gradum  adepti 
fuerint. 

^^  Joannes  de  Polemar  gives  a  description  of  this  controversy,  in 
favour  of  the  Pope,  in  a  work  written  a.d.  1443  (Mansi  xxxi.  p.  197 
ss.) :  there  is  another  in  favour  of  the  Council  by  Nicholaus  de  Tudesco, 
Archiepisc.  Panonnitanus  (well  known  as  a  canondawyer  under  the 
name  Abbas  or  Panonnitanus)  1.  c.  p.  205  ss. 

^^  Although  John  Nider,  a  Dominican,  who  was  very  zealous  at  the 
Coi^incil,  did  not  expect  much  therefrom.  In  his  Formicarius  (or  De 
vislonibus  ac  revelatlonibus  ed.  v.  d.  Hardt  Hehnst.  1692.8)  composed 
A.D.  1437,  lib.  i.  c.  7,  p.  96,  he  makes  Piger  inquire  with  refer- 
ence to  the  Council  of  Constance  and  the  praesens  Basileense  Con- 
cilium, quod  pene  in  omnium  bulhsrum  suarum  praeferebat  exordio 
reformationis  titulum,  utrum  de  totali  reformatlone  Eccleslae  in  mem- 
brls  et  caplte  allquam  spem  habere  possimus.  The  Theologus  answers  : 
Non  omnino  frustra  celebrata  fuerunt  duo  ista  Concilia. — De  totali 
autem,  quam  deplngis,  reformatione  Eccleslae  ad  praesens  et  ad  pro- 
pinqua  futura  tempera  nullam  penltus  spem  habeo.  Tum  quia  voluntas 
bona  in  subditis  deficit,  tum  quia  illud  Praelatorum  malltia  impedit, 
tum  etiam,  quia  illud  electis  Dei,  qui  persecutionlbus  raalorum  pro- 
ban  tur,  non  expedit. 

^'•^  Pragmatique  Sanction  or  La  Pragmatique  de  Bourges  ed.  Pinson, 
Paris,  1666.  fob,  in  the  Ordonnances  des  Rols  de  France  de  la  troisl- 
eme  Race  vol.  xlii.  p.  267,  and  in  Miinch's  Sammlung  aller  Jiltern  und 
neuern  Konkordate.  Th.  I.  S.  207  fF.  cf.  Ilistoire  contenant  I'orlglne 
de  la  Pragmatique  Sanction, — comme  elle  a  ete  obsevvee,  et  les  moyens 
dont  les  Papes  se  sont  servis  pour  rabollr,  In  the  Traitez  des  Droits  et 
Libertcz  de  I'Eglise  Galllcane.  T.  I.  1731,  fob 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  132.  COUNCIL  OF  BASLE.  EUGENE  IV.     333 

17.  March,  1438,  they  declared  tlie  German  Church  neutral.'*'' 
Nevertheless  the  advantages  of  the  Basle  Reformation  were 
secured  to  her  likewise,  in  a  deed  of  acceptance  drawn  up  by  the 
Emperor  and  Empire  at  Mayence  26.  March  1439.^^ 

The  Council  seems  to  have  been  led  away  by  the  universal 
approbation  which  this  reformation  met  with,  to  overestimate  its 
moral  power.  It  refused  every  approach  to  concession,^^  it  proceeded 
in  its  attack  upon  Eugene  IV.,  in  Sess.  xxxiv.  25.  May  1439  it 
pronounced  sentence  of  deposition  upon  him,^'^  and  on  17.  Nov. 

*"  See  the  Protest  in  Job.  Joach.  ^liiller's  des  heil.  rom.  Reicbs 
teutscher  Nation  Reichstagstheatrum  wie  selbiges  unter  Keyser  Fried- 
richs  V.allerhochsten  Ivegierunggestandcn  (Jena  1713,fol.)  Th.i.  S.30. 

*^  The  Instrunie.ituni  acceptationis  was  rescued  again  from  long  ob- 
livion, and  piiblisht  by  Horix,  a  privy  councillor  of  Mayence,  in  the 
Concordata  Nat.  Gerra.  integra.  Fi-ancof  et  Lips.  1763,  4,  better  in 
the  Cone.  Nat,  Germ,  integra  variis  additamentis  illustrata  Francof.  et 
Lips.  177L  3  Tonii  8.)  T.  I.  p.  38  ss.  The  best  edition  given  accord- 
ing to  the  original  in  the  electoral  archives  at  Ma^'ence  with  the 
requisite  explanations  is  the  Sanctio  Pragmatica  Germanorum  illus- 
trata ed.  Christoph.  Guil.  Koch.  Argentor.  1789.  4.  92.  ss.  Miinch's 
Sammlung  aller  altcrn  u.  nuern  Koukordate.  Th.  i.  S.  42  ff. 

^-  Cf.  Aenae  Sylvii  conviuentariorum  de  gestis  cone.  Basileensis  libb. 
ii.,  written  a.d.  1444  in  favour  of  the  Council,  it  embraces  the  years 
from  1438 — 1440.  The  Epist.  ad  Joannem  de  Segovia  de  coronatione 
Felicis  which  is  appended,  was  often  reckoned  as  lib.  iii.  Both  works 
may  be  found  in  the  Fasciculus  rerum  expetendanim  et  fugiendarum, 
p.  1.  ss,  and  are  also  publisht  by  themselves  Basil.  1577,  8.  Cattopoli 
1667.  4.  According  to  Aeneas  Sylvius,  the  nobles  might  have  hin- 
dered the  schism  by  unanimous  co-operation,  compare  his  remarkable 
expression  a.d.  1438.  to  Gaspar  Sehlick,  the  Emperor's  chancellor  Ep. 
54  :  vidi  quid  Reges  scribunt  ex  copiis  litcrarum,  nee  despero  rem 
posse  bene  conduci,  si  aggredi  velimus  negotium.  Omnibus  enim,  ut 
vides,  displicet  scliisnia,  omnes- abhorrent.  Viam  autem  sopicndi  hoc 
malum  Carolus  Rex  Franciae  nisi  fallor  et  tutam  et  brevem  ostendit, 
ut  fiat  conventus  Principiim  vel  eorura  oratorum  in  communi  aliquo 
loco,  ibique  una  recipiatur  conclusio  per  omnes. — Haec  via  non  posset 
impediri :  nee  Papa,  nee  Consilium  reniti  possent,  tanquam  hoc  absque 
ipsis  fieri  nequiret.  Licet  enim  Principibus  saecularibus  convenire  invito 
Clero,  et  tamen  illic  unio  fieri  posset.  Nam  ille  Papa  indubitatus 
esset,  cui  omnes  Pi-incipes  obedirent.  Non  video  Clericos,  qui  veliiit 
pro  ista  vel  ilia  parte  martyrium  ferre.  Omnes  banc  fidem  habemus, 
quam  nostri  principes  :  qui  si  colerent  idola,  et  nos  etiam  coleremus. 
Et  non  solum  Papam  sed  Christum  etiam  negaremus  saeculari  potes- 
tate  urgente,  quia  refriguit  caritas,  et  omnis  interiit  fides.  Utcunque 
sit,  pacem  desideramus,  quae  sive  per  aliud  Concilium,  vel  per  conven- 
tum  Principum  detur,  nihili  pendo. 

^'^  Man.si  xxix.  p.   179   ss.     S.  Synodus    pro  tribunali  sedens   per 
banc  suam  sententiam  diffinitivam — pronuntiat,  decernit  et  declarat, 


331  THIRD  PEKlOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1400—1517. 

1439,  elected  by  commission  Amadeus  VIII.  Duke  tjf  Savoy  to 
be  Pope  by  the  name  of  Felix  V.^* 

This  rash  proceeding,^^  by  which  so  soon  after  the  toilsomo 
c<mclvision  of  one  wearisome  schism,  another  was  introduced, 
damaged  the  cause  of  the  Council  extraordinarily.  Felix  V.  was 
recognized  in  a  few  countries  only.  By  the  departure  and  defalca- 
tion of  many  of  its  members,  the  council  lost  more  and  more  of  its 
consequence  and  weight,  and  from  the  16th  May  1443,  when  it 
held  its  45th  and  last  session,  it  existed  only  in  name."*^     Eugene 

Gabrielem  prius  nominatuin  Eugenium  P.  IV.  fiiisse  et  esse  noloriuin 
et  inanifestuin  contuinacein,  inandatis  sen  pvaeceptis  Ecclesiae  uni- 
versalis inobedientem,  et  in  aperta  rebellioue  persistentem,  viola- 
torera  assiduum  atque  contemptorein  sacrorum  canonum  synoda- 
lium,  pacis  et  unitatis  Ecclesiae  Dei  perturbatorem  iiotoriuni, 
imiversalis  Ecclesiae  scandalizatovein  notorium,  siinoniacum,  perju- 
rum,  incorrigibilem,  s^hismaticum,  a  fide  devium,  pertinacem  haere- 
ticum,  dilapidatorem  juriuiu  et  bonorum  Ecclesiae. — Quem  propterea 
eadein  s.  Synodus  a  Papatu  et  Romano  Pontificio  ipso  jure  privatum 
esse  declarat  etc. 

**■*  cf.  Aeneae  Sylvii  Commentar.     (See  note  42). 

^^  That  the  proceedings  at  Basle  were  carried  on  in  a  passionate  and 
by  no  means  exemplary  manner,  may  be  understood  from  the  fore- 
going facts.  Compare  Jo.  de  Polemar  (see  note  37)  in  Mansi  xxxi. 
p.  202  :  NulHbi  pejus  decreta  Basileensiura  quam  Basileae  servata 
sunt.  Formula  ilia  mormn,  in  cibis,  in  vestibus,  in  familiaribus,  in 
f  illeris  (phaleris)  equorum,  in  modo  vivendi  et  procedendi,  in  deputa- 
tionibus,  in  congregatione  generali  fuitne  unquam  servata  ?  Qualiter 
supplicationes,  et  alia  per  deputationes  expedita  sint  temere,  immode- 
rate, prout  quilibet  plus  poterat  aut  per  clamores  et  impressiones,  aut, 
multitudinem  votorum,  non  advertendo  quid  expediat,  sed  omnia 
passim  concedendo,  ea  prassertim  quae  sedes  Apostolica  repulerat, — 
pudet  referrc.  Mittunt  utique  nuncios  cum  facultatibus,  quae  nee 
legatis  de  latere  per  sedem  Apostolicaui  tradi  consueverunt.  Si 
Diabolus  a  Basileensibus  aliquid  peteret  et  contra  fas  et  jus  ;  dummodo 
illis  vellet  assentire,  facilHme  impetraret.  Offerunt  et  ipsi  et  Antipapa 
eorum  Regibus,  Principibus,  et  Praelatis  privilegia,  facultates,  dig- 
nitates,  ut  illis  adsistant  etc. 

■"^  Aeneas  Sylvius  descript.  Germaniae  c.  10,  describes  the  part 
taken  by  the  different  nations  in  this  schism  :  Gallia  quidem,  atque 
Hispania,  Italia  quoque,  Ungaria  et  Anglia  Eugenium  sequebantur  : 
Sabaudia,  Suicenses,  Basilienses,  Argentinenses,  ac  ex  Saxonia  Cami- 
nenses,  siraulque  de  ducibus  Bav^ariae  Albertus  Alonaci  Felici  obedie- 
bant.  Rex  Aragonum  et  Siciliae  Alphonsus,  Polonique  et  Britones  nee 
Eugenio  nee  Felici,  sed  Concilio  Basileensium  auscultabant.  Reliqua 
Germania  neutralitatem  quandara  induit.  Joannes  de  Polemar  (see 
note  37)  thus  desci'ibes  the  condition  of  the  Council  in  the  year  1443 
(Mansi  xxxi.  p,  206)  :  Nulli  Primates,  Arcbiepiscopi,  et  Episcopi 
orbis  Antipapae  adhaeserunt,  exceptis  paucissimis  illis  de  Pedemontium 


en.  1. 

would  linvc  lind  nn  ensy  part  to  ])]ay  nn-ninst  liis  adversary 
Felix,  if  he  had  not  resolved  to  attack  at  the  same  time  the 
reformatory  decrees  of  Basle,  Avhich  had  been  already  acknow- 
ledged by  the  two  most  ])owerfid  king{lomr>  of  Christendom.  As 
they  had  found  among  the  higher  orders  of  the  clergy  their  most 
determined  su])porters,  the  Papal  policy  endeavoured  to  win  the 
secular  princes  to  its  aims.  In  France  Eugene  was  obliged  to 
be  content  that  Charles  VII.  should  remain  as  true  to  him  as  to 

et  Sr.baudiao,  quos  noii  Veritas  trahit,  sed  metus  et  subjectio  coinpcUit, 
ac  illis  tauti  sceleris  patratoribus  Basileae  existentibus,  quorum  iioinina 
opportunura  est  insercre,  ut  pateat,  qui  et  quales  sint,   qui    Ecclesiani 
perturbant.      Arclatcnsis   Episcopus  (Lewis  Alleraand,  Archbishop  of 
Aries  and  Cardinal,  President  of  the  Council),  Gratianopolitanus  Epis- 
copus (of  Grenoble),  Basiliensis  Ep.,  Ep.  Aquensis,  Marsihensis  sine 
possessione   Episcopus,    Lacusanensis  sine   possessione,   Ep.   Argenti- 
nensis    titulatus,    Ep.    Grossetanus    titulatus.       Fuerunt    etiain    duo 
Episcopi  de  Arragonia,  quos  D.  Rex  tenebat  ibi,  ut  terreret  S.  D.  N. 
ne  esset  sibi  adversarius  in  regno  Neapolitano.      Fuerunt  autem  pauci 
quidani   Abbates   de  dioecesi   Basiliensi,    metu  ibi  nianere   compulsi ; 
fuerunt  quidam  Monacbi    apostatae  et  fugitivi,  et  nonnulli  vel  notarii 
vel  copistae,  et  quidam  alii  vix  in  sacris  constituti  nuUiusaestimationis, 
qui  quidein  nee  in  dioocesanis  nee  in  provincialibus  Conciliis  de  jure  vel 
consuetudine  admitterentur,  qui  Basileam  ad  hoc  profecti  fuerant,  et  ad 
hoc  morabantur,  ut  elfugerent  superiornm  suorum  correctionem,  vel  ut 
alios    litibus    vexarent,    vel    ut    scandalum    aliquod  perpetrarent   etc. 
Ever   since  the  year   1437    many   influential    I5ishops  l)ad   separated 
themselves  from  the  Council,  and  the  lower  clergy  had  the  ascendancy 
there.     On  the   other   hand   Nicholas    Panormitanus  (comp.  note  37) 
declared  indeed  a.d.  1439,  when  he  pleaded  for  delay  in  the  proceed- 
ings against  the  Pope  (see  Aen.  Sylv.  de  Cone.  Basil,  lib.  i.  ed.  Caltop, 
1667,  p.  36)  :   Si  Episcopi  et  Abbates  computarentur,  nemini  dubium 
esse,  quin  major  pars  difFerri  praesentem  rem  vellet.     Cumque  totius 
potestas   Concilii  in    Episcopis   resideret,  liaud  ferendum    esse,   ut  eis 
epretis,  quod  majori  parti  inferiorum  placeret,  id  concluderetur.      But 
the   Cardinalis    Ai'elatensis  controverted   him  with    some  passages  of 
Augustine   and   Jerome   (1.   c.   p.  43)  :    si,    prout   Hieronymo  placet, 
Episcopi  sunt  sola  consuetudine  praelati  Presbyteris,  utique  fieri  potest, 
ut  consuetudincm  contraria  tollat  consuetude  :  at  si  Presbyteri  debent 
Ecclesiam  Dei  cum  Kpiscopis  in  commune  rcgere,  satis  notvmi  est,  quod 
ad  eos  quoque  decidere  res  speetat  Ecclesiae  dubias. — Si  soli  Episcopi 
vocem  habeant,   id  demum   fiet,   quod  nationi  placebit   Italicae,   quae 
sola  nationcs  alias  in  numero   Episcoporum   aut  superat  aut  aequat. 
Utcunque  est,  opus  Dei  bac  vice  fuisse  autumo,  ut  inferioi'es  ad  deci- 
dendum  reciperentur  ;  revelavit  enim  ea  nunc  Dominus  parvulis,  quae 
sapientibus    abscondit.      En    horum    inferiorum    zelimi,    constantiam, 
rectitudinem,  magnanimitatem  videtis.      Ubi  nunc  Concilium,  si   soli 
Episcopi,    solique   Cardinales    vocem   habuisscnt  ?     Ubi   nunc   Conci- 


336  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V— A.D.  1409—1517. 

the  Pragmatic  sanction.'^^  In  Germany  he  might  hope  for  better 
success  from  the  weakness  of  the  new  Emperor  Frederi'^k  III. 
(since  1440),  and  the  divided  state  of  the  country.  And  those 
unwonted  privileges  Avhich  he  granted  to  the  Duke  of  Cleves 
A.D.  1444)/^  to  the  detriment  of  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne  and 

liorum  auetoritas  ?  Ubl  fides  catholica?  ubi  clecreta?  ubi  reformatio? 
Nempe  crania  libidini  Eugenii  ac  temeritati  jam  din  coramissa  fnisscnt  ; 
victorque  nefandissimi  propositi  sui  ille  fuisset,  nisi  quos  modo  sperniti.s 
inferiores  sibi  restitissent.  Hi  sunt,  qui  privationem  ab  Eugenio  tac- 
tam  contempserunt :  bi  sunt,  qui  minas,  qui  spoba,  qui  persecutiones 
ipsius  flocci  fecerunt  etc.  Afterwards  a.d.  1452  tbe  altered  Aeneas 
Sylvius  in  bis  Oratio  adv.  Austriales  (in  Muratorii  Anecdotis  T.  ii.  p. 
162)  even  says  :  Inter  Episcopos,  caeterosque  Patres  conscriptos  vidi- 
mus in  Basilea  coquos  et  stabularios  orbis  negotia  judicantes.  Quis 
borum  dicta  vel  facta  judicaverit  legis  babere  vigorem  '?  Tbis  compo- 
sition of  tbe  Council  bas  always  been  witb  tbe  Ultranrontanes  a  prin- 
cipal argument  against  its  validity. 

^''  Eugene  exprest  bis  opinion  of  tbe  Pragmatic  sanction  in  a  letter 
to  tbe  King,  wben  a  Bishop  was  elected  at  Angers  according  to  its 
regulations,  altbougb  tbe  Pope  wisbt  to  provide  in  tbe  way  bitberto 
customary  (Raynald  ann.  1439  no.  37)  :  Quod  vero  scribitur  ordina- 
tiones  Bituris  confectas  (te)  velle  manutenere,  a  certo  tenemus  scriptum 
esse  te  inscio  et  invito.  Nam  cum  pro  tua  sapientia  dudum,  cum  illae 
ordinationesfierent,consuluisses  viros  nonnullos  timentes  Deum,et  bonos 
viros  ac  doctos,  quid  de  illis  sentirent,  atque  ii  tibi  respondissent,  eas 
esse  contra  Deum,  conti-a  aequitatem  injustas,  et  contra  salutem  animae 
tuae  ;  mirandum  esset — te  velle  eas  ordinationes  servare,  quae  essent 
iniquae  et  in  animae  tuae  piaejudicium  factae.  Wben  in  tbe  year 
1440  ambassadors  came  from  Eugene  and  tbe  Council  to  a  new 
Synod  at  Bourges,  and  tbe  former  desired  tbe  abolition  of  tbe  prag- 
matic sanction  :  tbey  received  tbe  following  answer  from  tbe  King, 
after  be  bad  taken  council  witb  bis  Bishops  and  other  magnates 
(Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'eglise  Gallicane,  Chap.  20  no.  23),  quod 
Rex  tenuerat  Concilium  Basileense  pro  Concilio,  ad  ipsum  Ambas- 
siatores  miserat  ;  multa  bona  pro  fide  et  moribus  constituerat,  quae 
Rex  approbabat ;  nee  unquam  congregatum  Ferrariense  pro  Concilio 
habuerat  aut  babebat.  Quoad  depositionem  Eugenii,  et  electionem 
Felicis,  numquam  eas  adprobaverat,  aut  approbat :  immo  tenuerat 
Dominum  Eugenium  pro  Papa,  et  adhuc  tenebat,  et  volebat,  quod 
sibi  in  suo  regno  obediretur,  nisi  aliud  in  Concilio  generali,  celebrando 
juxta  annum  in  aliquo  loco  Galliarum,  fuisset  ordinatum,  et  quod 
requirebat  Papam,  quatenus  illuc  mitteret  dictum  Concilium,  et  convo- 
caret,  et  celebrari  procuraret,  et  quod  in  eo  personaliter  interesset, — 
Quoad  Pragmaticam  Sanctionem,  eam  inviolabiliter  volebat  observari 
et  custodiri.  Et  si  aliqua  videntur  nimis  rigida,  in  illo  generali  Con- 
cilio Basileensi  possent  moderari, 

''*'  See  the  remarkable  Bull  addrest  to  tbe  Bishop  of  Utrecht  dd. 
17  Kal.  Febr.  1444  in  Leibnitii  Mantissa  Codicis  Juris  Gentium  dip- 


CH.  I.— PAPA(;Y.  §  132.  COUNCIL  OF  15ASLE.  EUGENE  IV.     337 

the  Bishop  of  Munster,  who  were  both  against  him,  are  a  proof 
how  earnestly  he  strove  to  win  over  the  powerful  nobles.  He 
had  indeed  over-estimated  his  power  in  Germany,  when  he  ven- 
tured in  1445  to  pronounce  sentence  of  deposition  against  the 
Archbishops  of  Treves  and  Cologne,  as  decided  adherents  to  the 
Council  of  Basle,^^  for  this  step  induced  the  electoral  princes  to 

lomatici.  P.  ii.  p.  1G8  :  Pastoralis  officii  desuper  nobis  divina  provi- 
dcntia  commissi  debit uni  postulat  et  requirit,  ut  contra  nostrorum  et 
Romanae  Ecclesiae  rebellium  temeritatem  eorum,  qui  in  nostra  et  sedia 
Apostoiicae  obedientiae  devotione  et  fide  firmi  et  iuimobiles  perraanserunt, 
statui  et  quieti  animarumque  saluti  salubriter  consulamus.  Exhibita 
siquidem  nobis  pro  parte  dilectorum  filiorum,  nobilium  virorum, 
Adolphi  Ducis  Clypbensis,  et  Johannis  ejus  priniogeniti,  petitio  con- 
tinebat,  quod  cum  tarn  saeculares  quam  ecclesiasticae  personae,  nec- 
non  collegia — et  alia  loca  ecclesiastica  in  suis  dominiis  et  terris  in 
Coloniensi  et  Monasteriensi  diocesi  consistentia,  pro  eo  quod  Ar- 
chiepiscopus  Coloniensis  nobis  et  Apostoiicae  sedi  iuobediens  et 
rebellis  existit,  et  iniquitatis  filius  Henricus,  qui  se  gerit  pro 
Episcopo  Monasteriensi,  damnationis  filio  Amedeo,  olim  Duci  Sa- 
baudiae,  qui  se  Felicem  V.  ausu  sacrilege  nominare  praesumit, 
—  adhaerere  praesumsit,  plurima  in  spiritualibus  et  teniporalibus 
detrinienta  sustineant  :  pro  parte  dictorum  Ducis  et  primogeniti 
nobis  fuit  humiliter  supplicatum,  ut  eorum  subditorura  suorum  statui  et 
saluti  providere  misericorditer  dignaremur.  Nos  igitur  —  omnia  et 
singula,  personas,  collegia,  capitula,  rnonasteria,  Ecclesias  et  loca 
quaelibet  ecclesiastica,  dominia,  terras  et  loca  supradicta,  donee  aliud 
super  hoc  duxerimus  disponendum,  ah  omni  jurisdictione,  potestate,  et 
superioritafe  spirituali  Coloniensis  Archiepiscopi  et  Episcopi  Monas- 
teriensis  eximenles  et  libera?i(es,  Fraternitati  tuae  unum  Episcopum, 
etiam  titularem, — qui  in  dictis  dominiis, — Clericos  ordinare, — omnem- 
que,  spiritualem,  jurisdictionem,  quae  Archiepiscopi  Colonienses  et 
Episcopi  Monasterienses  pro  tempore  inibi  habere  et  exercere  consue- 
venint, — exercere  valeat,  necnon  contra  omnes  et  singulas  personas, — 
quae  schismatis  labe  infecta  essent,  aut  praefato  Amedeo  quoraodolibet 
adbaererent  sen  favereut, — inquirere  et  procedere  —  possit, — depu- 
tandi,  et  ilium  amovendi,  aliumque  sui  loco  ponendi,  quotiens  pro- 
parte  dictorum  Ducis  et primogeniiifueris  requisitus,  auctoritate  praefata, 
tenore  presentium,  concedimus  facultatera.  Volentes  similiter  et  tibi 
eisdem  auctoritate  et  tenore  concedentes,  ut  omnia  et  singula  dignitates, 
personatus, — monasteria, — caeteraque  beneficia  ecclesiastica  quaecunque 
in  dictis  dominiis — nunc  vacantia  et  iraposterum — vacatura, — quae  in 
turno  sive  mense  Ordinariorum  vacare  contigerit,  dummodo  non  sint 
sedi  Apostoiicae  reservata,  personis  idonels  per  ipsos  Duceni  et  primo- 
genitum  tibi  nominandls — conferre  et  de  illis  providere — libere  et  licite 
valeas.  Hence  rose  the  proverb  :  Dux  Cliviae  est  Papa  in  suis  terris, 
see  Wern.  Teschenmacheri  annales  Cliviae,  Juliae,  Montium  et  Marcae 
Westpbalicae  ed.  J.  Chr.  Dithmar.  Franc,  et  Lips.  1729,  fol.  p.  294. 
*9  See  the  Brief  to  the  Bishop  of  Utrecht  dd.  9.  Febr.  1446  (in 
VOL    IV-  Y 


338  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409-1517. 

unite  at  Frankfort  on  Maine  (21  March  1446)  in  some  decisive 
demands  upon  the  Pope.'^*^  However  the  Emperor  who  lookt  with 
displeasure  upon  this  partial  alliance  of  the  electors,  managed  by 
help  of  the  arts  of  his'  crafty  private  secretaiy,  Aeneas  Sylvius  to 

Raynald.  ad.  h.  a.  no.  1 .)  :  Nuper  iniquitatis  filios  Theodoricum  de 
Moersem,  olim  Coloniensem,  et  Jacobum  Sirik,  olim  Treverensem, 
Arcbiepiscopos,  tamquam  baereticos  et  scbismaticos,  nostrosque  et 
Romanae  Ecclesiae  rebelles  ex  justis  et  urgeatibus  causis  omni  digni- 
tate  arcbiepiscopali — privavimus, — ac  privates  fore  declaramus  :  et 
deinde  ad  provisionem  earumdem  Ecclesiarum — paternis  et  solicitis 
'  studiis  intendentes,  Coloniensi  Ecclesiae  de  persona  dilecti  filii  Adolpbi 
Clivensis  duximus  providendum,  ad  Ecclesiam  vero  Treverensem  ven. 
fratrem  nostrum  Joannem  tunc  Cameracensem  Episcopura  de  fratrum 
onsilio  auctoritate  Apostolica  transtulimus. 

^  The  acts  of  tbis  electoral  league  may  be  seen  in  Miiller's  Reichstag3- 
tbeatrum  Th.  1.  S.  278,  and  edited  from  t be  originals  in  Gudeni  Codex 
diplomaticus  Anecdotorum  T.  iv.  p.  290  ss.  Tbe  electoral  princes  bere 
resolved  :  Zu  dem  Ersten,  das  Babst  Eugenius  die  Decreta  in  dem 
Concilio  zu  Costentz  gesatzt,  und  in  dem  Concilio  zu  Basel  ernuert, 
innbaltende  die  Gewaltsam  der  gemeynen  Concilien  erkennen  u.  verieben 
solle  von  worten  zu  worten,  als  die  Forme  daruber  begriffen  innheldet. 
Item  das  Babst  Eugenius  der  Stette  eyne,  namlicb,  Costentz,  Strasspurg, 
Worms,  Mentz,  oder  Ti'ierc  benenne,  dabin  er  ein  gemeyn  Concilium 
berufife,  angehende  uf  den  ersten  tag  des  Meyen  Anni  1447,  In 
welicbem  Concilio  erclert  vverden  solle  die  Zweitracht  in  der  H,  Kircben, 
von  des  Babstums  wegen  und  aucb  sust  entstanden  ;  Und  das  solich 
Bulle  unsern  Herren  den  Kui'fursten  geantwort  wei'de  uf  den  Tag 
gen  Frangfurt,  bietzuscben  u.  Kalendas  Septembris  necbstkommende, 
als  aucb  ein  Forme  daruber  begrieffen  innbeldet.  Item  das  er  BuUen 
gebe  von  den  Decreten  des  Concilii  zu  Basel,  mit  solicben  underscbeiten, 
ixnd  in  massen  die  dui-cb  Kunig  Albrecbt  seligen  und  UU.  HH.  die  Kur- 
fursten  zu  Mentse  ufgenommen  worden  sint  (see  note  41),  Versebunge 
gegen  die  Nuwekeiten,  die  dazuscben,  als  die  Protestation  (see  note  40) 
bat  gewebret,  und  nocb  webren  wirdet,  gescbeen  weren,  oder  nocb 
gescbeen,  und  aucb  den  Versorgnissen  nacb  notdurfft  unser  Nation,  als 
das  in  Scbriften  begrielfen  ist.  Und  so  Babst  Eugenius  solichs  also  getan, 
imd  die  Bullen  uf  die  gemeltcn  Zit  ungeverlicb  also  unseren  Herren 
geantwort  bedte,  so  salte  man  Ine  fur  eynen  sur  Babst  balten,  und  ime 
geborsam  sin  :  u.  docb  in  dera  kunftigen  Concilio  der  Erclerunge  der 
obgemelten  zweitracbt  in  der  H.  Kircben  entstanden,  warten  :  Und  vfSiS 
also  in  demselben  Concilio  wirdet  ercleret,  das  sollen  Electores  eyntrecb- 
tiglicben  ufnemen  u.  balten. — Und  ob  Babst  Eugenius  solicbs  nicbt  tun 
wolte,  so  were  wol  zu  versteen,  das  er  Fursatz  bedte,  die  beiligen  ge- 
meynen Concilia  und  iren  Gewaltsam  ewiglicb  zu  verdrugken.  So  ver- 
meynen  unsere  Herren,  solicben  Gewalt  nit  zu  verdrugken  lassen,  sunder 
sollen  das  Concilium  zu  Basel  fur  ein  war  Concilium  balten,  und  dem 
geborsam  sin  ;  docb  also,  das  das  Concilium  zu  Basel <imsern  Herren  eine 
Bulle  gebe,  darinn  sie  sich  verschriben,  das  sie  sich  uf  eyn  zyt,  und  an 


CII.  I.— PAPACY.  §  132.  EUGENE  IV^  339 

effect,  that  the  greater  number  of  the  princes  of  the  Empire  at  the 
Congress  of  Frankfort  (Sept.  144G)  should  declare  themselves  pre- 

ein  Stat,  die  Ine  unsere  Herren  die  Kurfursten  benenuea  werden, 
transferiren,  und  dabin  ein  Concilium  setzen  sollen  ;  und  das  sio 
audi  Bullen  geben  uf  die  Versorgniss,  als  die  Scbrift'te  daruber 
begi-ieffen  inbeldet  :  und  das  soliche  Bullen  uf  Kalendas  Septembris 
nechst  kuinpt  zu  Frangfurt  unsern  Herren  ubergeben  werden  unge- 
verlicb. — Item  diewile  unsere  gnedige  Herren  den  Wegk  uff  Babst 
Eugeuium  zum  ersten  furgenommen  baben ;  wurde  es  sich  dann  also 
schigken,  das  uu.  bh.,  ob  Er  der  sachen  als  obgeschrieben  steet  nicbt 
nachqueme,  zu  dem  Concilio  zu  Basel  slahen  wurden,  als  sie  aucb  als- 
dann  tun  sollen  ;  sal  das  aucb  versorgt  werden,  das  Babst  Felix  sich 
keyner  presidentien — in  dem  Concilio  zu  Basel,  ader  in  dem  zukunft- 
igen  Concilio — undertziehen  ader  annemen  ;  Sunder  das  Concilium  sal 
in  allem  sinem  wesen  alle  Sacbe  bandeln  u.  furnemen,  in  aller  masse, 
als  sie  vor  getan  haben  ee  Babst  Felix  gekoren  was,  bis  also  lang  das 
solichs  durcb  das  zukunftig  Concilium,  in  bywesen  unsers  H.  des 
Kuniges,  so  ferre  er  mit  den  Kurfursten  daran  sin  wil, — wie  mans  da- 
niltde  balten  solle,  gelutert  u.  erclert  wurde.  Wolte  aber  der  Kvmig  mit 
den  Kurfursten  nit  daran  sin,  so  sal  docb  das  also  durcb  UU.  HH. 
die  Kurfursten  gebalten,  und  dem  nachgegangen  werden. — Item  so 
findet  mann  vil  mutwilliger  Lute,  die  unserer  Herren  Eynunge  u. 
Protestation  nicbt  geachtet  ban,  sunder  allerley  impetriret. — Darumb 
haben  sich  UU.  HH.  vestiglich  vei-eyniget,  Welcher  der  were,  der  in 
der  Protestation  ichts  impetriret  hedte,  das  widder  die  Protestation 
were, — das  UU.  HIL,  wan  sie  des — angerufifen  wurden,  den  ader  die, 
die  solichs  begangen  hedten,  in  iren  Landen  nicbt  liden,  sunder  an  der 
Lip  u.  Gut  griffen,  und  dem  Cleger  getruwlicb  helffen,  das  solichs 
abgetan,  und  dem  Cleger  sin  Koste  u.  scbade  nach  redelichkeit 
gekart  werde.  True  the  deposition  of  the  two  electoral  princes  is  not 
here  expressly  mentioned,  but  it  is  emphatically  enough  disavowed : 
Whilst  the  abrogation  by  a  Bull  of  all  novelties,  which  had  been  in- 
troduced during  the  neutrality  since  the  protest,  was  required  of  the 
Pope,  and  powerful  support  assured  to  all  the  incumbents  of  ecclesiastical 
benefices,  against  those  who  had  sought  the  appointment  to  them 
during  tbis  period.  Aeneae  Sylvli  hist.  Friderici  III.  Imp.  (in  A.  F. 
Kollarii  Analecta  Monumeniorum  omnis  aevi  Vindolonensia  t.  ii.  p. 
120  ss) :  Eugenius  cum  accepisset,  Theodericum  Coloniensem,  et 
Jacobum  Treverensem  Archiepiscopos  et  Electores  Imperii  Felicis 
fovere  partes,  nutrire  neutralitem,  adversari  Romanae  sedi  ambos  de- 
posuit,  et  archiepiscopali  dignitate  privavit,  quae  res  illi  magno  impedi- 
mento  fuit.  Nam  bene  nati  praesules  et  amicis  fulti,  quamvis  jure, 
non  tamen  facto  Ecclesias  dimittebant,  et  acrius  Eugenii  partes  impug- 
nabant.  Horum  igitur  opera  conventus  apud  Francfordiam  inter 
Principes  habitus  est,  in  quo  decretum  est,  nisi  Eugenius  depositionem 
Archiepiscoporum  annullaret,  decretum  Constantiensis  Concilii  accep- 
taret  atque  profiteretur,  Germanicae  nationi  oportune  secureque  et 
stabiliter  provideretur ;  omnis  natio  ab  Eugenie  deficeret,  Felicemque 
sequei'etur.  Hoc  autem  secrete  inter  se  statuerunt,  silentiumque  jure- 
Y  2 


34:0  TM.IKD  PEKIO!).— IHV.  V.— A.D.   1109—1517. 

pared  for  a  modification  of  these  demands  ;^'  and  a  German  em- 

jurando  indixerunt,  niittentesque  ad  Caesarem  Legatos,  ea  lege  aperire 
jusserunt  inandata  Caesari,  ut  non  ampliua  quam  sibi  et  sex  consiliariis 
patefacerent.  Ei'at  autem  mens  eorum  Legates  eosdem  ad  Eugeniuin 
mittere,  qui  haec  peterent,  orabantqiie  Caesarem,  ut  amplecteretur 
eorum  viam,  atque  cura  his  mitteret.  —  Legatis  Principum  dixit 
Caesar,  non  plaeere  sibi  depositionem  Archiepiscoporum,  neque  sur- 
rogates eis  Gallicos,  bene  facere  Principes,  qui  eorum  indemnitati  et 
nationis  utilitati  consulerent,  velle  se  ad  haec  concurrere  et  mittere  ad 
Eugeniura  cum  eis  :  illud  autem  indignum  esse,  quod  se  Papae  judices 
constituerint,  cum  dicerent,  nisi  sperata  fecerit,  ab  eo  se  defecturos, 
quasi  non  Papam  et  Papam  esse  in  eorum  arbitrio  resideret.  The  am- 
bassadors of  the  electors,  among  whom  Gregory  of  Heimburg,  Syndic  of 
Nuremberg,  was  the  most  eminent,  immediately  started  for  Rome, 
Aeneas  Sylvius,  as  Imperial  ambassador,  went  at  their  head.  Caesar 
vocato  Aenea  Senensi  secretario  suo,  secreta  Principum  ei  aperuit, 
jussitque  Papam  accedere,  ac  viam  pacis  ei  suadere,  pericula  expouere 
et  mentem  Principum,  orare,  ut  Electores  suos  restitueret  :  Caesarem 
sibi  in  omni  re  auxilio  futurum.  Aeneas  now  declared  to  the  Pope  at 
a  pi'ivate  audience,  in  the  Emperor's  name  :  Videri  necessarium  Ar- 
chiepiscopos  restitui,  non  autem  cassari  privationem.  Tum  nationi 
oportune  provider!.  Deinde  decretum  Frequens  Constantiensis  Concilii 
(§  131,  note  15)  recipiendum  esse.  Ea  si  Eugenius  faceret,  futurum, 
ut  tota  natio  et  neutralitatem  deponeret,  et  ad  Eugenii  rediret  obedi- 
entiam.  Sin  autem,  quamvis  Caesar  nunquam  Eugenium  deserturus 
esset,  tamen  Electores  mala  esse  mente  multa  machinaturos  mala, 
tiraendumque  grande  schisma.  The  Pope  yielded  to  this  advice,  and 
declared  to  the  electoral  ambassadors,  quia  mandatum  non  haberent 
tractandi  et  concludendi  quae  oporteret,  missunnn  Eugenium  ad  con- 
ventum  Electorum,  responsurumque  petitionibus  eorum  pro  dignitate 
Romariae  sedis.     This  was  accordingly  done  at  Frankfort. 

^1  Aeneas  Sylvius  1.  c.  p.  125  :  Omnis  Caesaris  cura  in  eam  diaetam 
collata  erat.  Nam  sex  Electores  obligat?  simul  adversus  Eugenium 
videbantur  Caesarem  spernere,  itaque  summum  Caesari  stadium  erat, 
foedus  Electorum  solvere,  et  aliquem  ad  se  trahere,  ut  Eugenio  et  sibi 
consuleret.  Contra  enim  omnes  Electores  nihil  audebat  agere,  neque 
adversari  Eugenio  volebat.  Itaque  neque  solus  Eugenium  sequi  aude- 
bat, neque  cum  Electoribus  illi  adversari  volebat. —  Eam  ob  causam 
legatis  suis  (among  whom  Aeneas  was  one)  id  mandati  Caesar  dede- 
rat,  ut  foedus  Electorum  omnino  runipere  tentarent,  et  aliquos  Electo- 
res ad  se  trahere  studerent ;  quod  si  duos  ex  eis  habere  possent, 
declarationem  pro  Eugenio  facei-ent,  sin  autem,  declarationem  omitte- 
rent.  At  first  the  Legates  of  the  Council  of  Basle  seemed  to  have  the 
ascendancy,  the  electoral  ambassadors  brought  a  very  unfavourable 
report  of  their  success  at  Rome.  Exinde  legati  Caesaris  suramo  studio 
conati  sunt  Maguntinum  Archiepiscopum  ex  foedere  caeterorum  Elec- 
torum abducere,  sic  enim  et  Federicum,  Marchionem  Brandenburgen- 
sem,  ab  illis  extraxisse  putabant,  qui  fidem  Archiepiscopi  secutus  foedus 
intrarat.     Multa  in   eam   rem   practicata   sunt.     Johannes  de  Lisura 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  'i  132.  COUNCIL  OF  BASLE.  EUGENE  IV.   34  ] 

bassage  started  for  Rome  to  tender  obedience  to  Eugene  on  condi- 
tion that  these  limited  demands  were  granted.^^  Even  these  condi- 
tions met  with  great  opposition  from  one  party  of  the  Cardinals  :^' 

foederis  et  auctor  et  defensor  Maguntlnum  in  sententia  tenebat.  Curaque 
res  diu  inutiliter  tractaretur,  ad  pecuniam  tandem  recurrere  oportet,  cui 
rarae  obandiunt  aures.  Haec  Domina  cuviarum  est,  baec  aures  omnium 
aperit,  buic  omnia  serviunt.  Haec  quoque  Maguntinum  expugnavit. 
Non  quod  sibi  quicquam  promissum  fuerit,  sed  inter  quatuor  ejus  Con- 
siliarios  duo  milUa  florenorum  rhenensium  erogata  sunt,  quae  bono 
animo  Caesar  solvit,  ne  se  spreto  Electores  ad  partem  Concilii  Felicisve 
declinarent,  quam  summam  NicoLaus  postea  per  Aeneam  Federico 
remisit.  Hi  ergo  ConsiHarii  non  veritatis  amore  sed  auri  dulcedine 
pellecti  Arcbiepiscopum  Maguntinuin  ad  voluntatem  Caesaris  incbna- 
bant.  Sed  nolebat  Pontifex  ille  juratum  foedus  abrumpere  sine  causa 
justa,  quaerebatque  modes  honestiores.  Cumque  legati  Caesaris  non 
possent  menti  ejus  satisfacere,  Aeneas  modum  commentus  est,  qui 
receptis  notulis,  secundum  quas  se  Pi'incipes  obligaverant,  nisi  Euge- 
nius  illas  admitteret,  velle  se  eum  deserere,  orane  venenum  ex  his 
aderait,  novasque  notulas  composuit  (this  new  compact,  a  modification 
of  the  electoral  league,  note  50,  is  printed  under  the  name  Concordata 
Principum  Francofordiensia  in  Wiirdtwein  Subsidia  diplom.  T.  ix.  p. 
70),  per  quas  et  Archiepiscopi  depositi  restituerentur  (but  without 
declaring  their  deposition  null),  et  nationi  oportune  provideretur  (but 
with  the  adoption  of  the  Papal  condition  that  "  die  wurdige  nation  dem 
heil.  Stuhl.  zu  Rom,  ohne  der  Stadt,  ein  wiederstattung  thue"),  et 
auctoritas  conciliorum  salvaretur  (but  the  Council  of  Basle  is  omitted, 
because  there  is  here  no  mention  of  it,  but  of  another  Council,  which 
should  decide  between  the  Pope  and  the  Council  of  Basle) :  illasque 
dixit  sua  opinione  Eugenium  non  negaturum. — Eas  igitur  Maguntino 
ostenderunt,  dicentes,  iniquum  esse  ab  Eugenio  discedere,  qui  notulas 
illas  concessurus  esset  honestatis  et  justitiae  plenas.  Tunc  Maguntinus 
bona  fide  se  dixit  intrasse  foedus,  sibi  dictum  fuisse,  nihil  Electores  ab 
Eugenio  velle,  quod  non  esset  honestum  ;  at  si  jam  his  non  contenta- 
rentur,  ab  honestate  recederent.  Placere  igitur  sibi,  ut  notulae  in 
publico  legerentui',  quaererenturque  vota  multitudinis.  The  electors  of 
Mayence  and  Brandenburg,  the  Grandmaster  of  Prussia,  the  Archbishop 
of  Magdeburg,  and  several  German  princes  signed  at  once  before  the 
public  deliberation.  Cumque  ventum  esset  in  concionem,  major  pars 
notulas  approbavit :  Ti*everensis  et  Coloniensis  et  Dux  Saxoniae  adversi 
fuerunt,  Palatinus  dubius  mansit.  Sic  territi  tres  Electores  nihil  con- 
cludere  ausi  sunt.  At  legati  Caesaris  cum  Maguntino,  Brandenbur- 
gensi  et  aliis  novum  foedus  fecerunt,  statueruntque  in  future  nativitatis 
Dominicae  festo  ad  Eugenium  mittere,  atque  ab  eo  petere,  uti  notulas 
approbaret :  quod  si  faceret,  niox  nomine  nationis  obedientia  sibi 
praestaretur ;  sin  autem,  rursus  in  deliberationem  res  adduceretur. 

^^  Compare  the  speech  of  Aeneas  to  the  Emperor  Frederich  in  Ba- 
luzii  Miscellan.  lib.  vii.  p.  525  ss.  in  which  he  describes  this  embassy, 
the  death  of  Eugene,  and  the  coronation  of  Nicholas  V. 


342  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

and  Eugene  liimself^  while  he  appeared  in   4  Bulls  to  satisfy 
the  demands  of  the  Germans,^*  still  reserved  for  himself  and  his 

*^  Aeneae  Sylvii  hist.  Friderici  III.  in  Kollar  ii.  p.  129  :  Collegium 
Cardinalium  divisum  erat,  videbaturque  magna  pars  adversari  his, 
quae  Francfordiae  conclusa  erant,  atque  hi  eraut  maxima  Theologi,  qui 
omnia  graviora  faciunt :  ob  quam  rem  Ludovicus  Aquilegiensis  et  Jo- 
hannes Morinensis  Cardinales  suadent  Eugenio,  si  velit  Ecclesiae  pacem 
habere,  novos  ut  Cardinales  assumat,  qui  resistere  contradicentibus 
possint.  Sic  suasus  Eugenius  quatuor  Cardinales  creavit.  The  reluc- 
tant Cardinals  said  (see  the  Oratio  Aeneae  in  Baluz.  vii.  p.  533  quoted 
in  note  52)  venditam  esse  Teutonicis  Apostolicam  sedem,  seque  quasi 
bubalos  duci  naribus.  Further  still  p.  535  :  Grave  videbatur  Carclina- 
libus  annatas  remittere,  collationes  beneficiorum  amittere,  Concilium 
convocare,  decreta  recipere,  privatos  restituere  ;  ajebantque,  non  solum 
in  natione  Gerraanica  id  esse  nocivum,  sed  alias  exinde  nationes  reces- 
suras  et  Apostolicam  sedem  perditum  iri,  nee  bene  consultum  esse 
caeteris  Ecclesiis,  quando  Romana,  quae  est  caput  omnium,  langueret : 
conducere  Christianae  religioni  Romanum  Poritificem  foi-e  potentem,  ut 
tueri  alios  Praelatos  queat,  inter  Principes  pacem  constituere,  infideli- 
bus  resistere,  haereses  extirpare  :  nunquam  tot  haereses  in  Christiana 
religione  fuisse,  quot  fuerunt  ante  Sylvestrum,  quia  paupertas  Romani 
Fontificis  neglectui  fuit. 

5'  These  four  Bulls  are  given  almost  entire  in  Raynald.  ad  ann.  1447 
no.  4  ss.  ;  entire  in  Miiller's  Reichstagstheatrum  s,  347  ft'.,  partially 
reprinted  from  the  originals  in  Koch  Sanctio  Pragm.  p.  181  ss. 
Miinch's  Concordate  Th.  i.  S.  77  ff. — L  Ad  ea  ex  debito  dd.  5  Febr. 
addrest  to  the  Emperor  and  the  electors  of  Mayence  and  Brandenburg, 
upon  the  new  Council  desired  propter  Ecclesiae  necessitates :  Nos,  etsi 
absque  convocatione  novi  Concilii  alia  via  rebus  Ecclesiae  melius  con- 
suli  posse  arbitremur,  cupientes  tamen  vobis  et  nationi  vestrae,  quam 
singular!  semper  affcctione  Apostolica  sedes  persecuta  est,  quantum 
cum  Deo  possumus,  complacere,  contentamur  apud  Reges  et  Principes 
Christianos  curam  et  diligentiam  adhibere  fideliter,  ut  ad  votum  ves- 
trum  trahi  valeant  et  conduci,  ita  quod  in  uno  ex  quiuque  locis  consen- 
tiant  generale  Concilium  convocari  :  quod  infra  decern  (menses) 
a  die  dato  praesentium  computandos  intendimus  experiri,  et  si  con- 
sensus hujusmodi  habere  poterit,  in  fine  dictorum  X.  mensium 
generale  Concilium  ad  decimum  octavum  immediate  sequentes  initi- 
andum  in  uno  ex  praenominatis  locis,  in  nomine  Domini  convocabimus. 
Should  the  other  raonarchs  object  to  the  place  chosen,  the  Council  was 
to  be  summoned  at  the  same  time  in  alio  loco  rebus  gerendis  accom- 
modo.  Concilium  aictem  generale  Constantiense^  Decretum  Frequens, 
ac  alia  ejus  decreta^  siciit  caetera  alia  Concilia^  caiholicam  mllitantem 
Ecclesiam  repraesentantia,  ipsorum  putestateiu,  auctoritatem,  honorem 
ei  eminentiam,  sicuti  et  caeteri  antecessores  nostri,  a  quorum  vest igiis  de- 
viare  nequaquam  intendimus^  suscipimus,  amplectimur  et  veneramiir.  II. 
— Ad  tranquilUtatem  dd.  5.  Febr.  After  a  reference  to  that  confirmation 
of  the  decrees  of  Constance,  Super  aliis  autem  decretis  Basilcae  editis,  et  per 
clarae  memoriae  quondam  Albcrtum  Romanorum  Regem  acceptatis,  ex 


CH.  I.— rAPACY.  §  132.  COUNCIL  OF  BASLE.  EUGENE  IV.     343 

quorum  obscrvantia  natio  ipsa  Alaraanica  ex  pluribus  gravaminibus 
dicitur  relevari,  contenli  suiuus,  voluuius  et  decernimus,  quod  omnia  it 
singula  vigore  decretoruin  hujusmodi  cum  suis  modificationibus  accepta- 
torum — usque  in  praesentcm  diem  quomodolibet  gesta  vel  acta  sunt,  cum 
omnibus  inde  secutis  rata,  finna  et  inviolabilia  persistant. —  Super  ob- 
servatione  vero  et  niodificatione  decretoruin  eorundem  cum  nonnuili 
Praelati  nationis  praefatae  ex  eisdeni  decretis  gravatos  se  fore,  nobis 
conquesti  sint,  cunique  in  illis  Apostolicae  sedi,  quae  multum  in  suis 
juribus  ex  ipsis  dt-cretis  gravata  dinoscitur,  recompensatio  proniissa  sit, 
decrevimus  Legatum  nostrum  cum  sufficienli  potestate  ad  partes  Ger- 
nianiae  transmittere,  qui  uiediantibus  Rege,  Archiepiscopo  et  Mar- 
chione  praefatis,  ac  aliis  ejusdem  nationis  Principibus  et  Prae- 
latis,  cum  quibus  fuerit  opus,  super  observantia  et  niodificatione  de- 
cretorum  bujusmodi,  necnon  super  provisione  Apostolicae  sedi  faci- 
endis  tractare  valeat,  et  finaliter  concordare.  Permittentes  interim, — 
quod  omnes  et  singuli — in  praefata  natione  decretis  bujusmodi — libere 
et  licite  uti  possint, — donee  per  Legatum,  ut  praedictum  est,  concor- 
datum  fuerit,  vel  per  Concilium — aliter  fuerit  ordinatum. — III.  Ad  ea 
quae  ad  reductionem  dd.  i).  Febr.  On  the  petition  of  the  King  of  Rome, 
and  certain  other  Prelates  and  nobles,  and  at  their  desire  promittimus, 
— quod,  quando  ipsi  olim  Ti-everensis  et  Coloniensis  Archiepiscopi  ad 
gremium  nostrum  et  Ecclesiae  venientes — nobis  plenam  et  debitam 
obedientiam  praebuerint,  ac  pro  vero  Jesu  Christ!  vicario  recognoverint, 
ipsos  ad  praedictas  Ecclesias  absque  ulla  exceptione  aut  oppositione 
restitueraus,  ac  in  pristinum  statum  reponemus.  IV.  Inter  caetera 
desideria  dd.  7.  Febr.  omnes  et  singulas — electiones, — provisiones*  et 
dispositiones,  necnon  processus, —  sententias  aliaque  acta  judiciaria 
auctoritate  ordinaria  hujusmodi  suspensionis  et  neutralitatis  tempore 
factas  seu  facta — grata  et  rata  habentes  auctoritate  Apostolica  ex  certa 
scientia  confirmamus. — Ac  illis,  qui  pallium  dictorum,  qui  Basileae  post 
nostram  translationem  sub  nomine  generalis  Concilii  remanserunt, 
auctoritate  receperunt,  ut  illo  uti  possint,  praesentibus  concedimus  et 
indulgemus :  illis  autem,  qui  non  habent,  sine  difficultate  dabimus  et 
etiam  libere  concedemus. — Praeterea  omnia  et  singula,  quae  dictis 
suspensione  et  protestatione  durantibus  in  praejudicium, — vel  laesionem 
—  Metropolitanoruni,  —  necnon  aliorum  Episcoporura,  Praelatorum, 
Collegiorum,  personarum,  seu  rerum  quaruincunque  contra  foedus 
protestationis  et  suspensionis  hujusmodi  quontodocunque  vergentia, 
Apostolica  vel  alia  quavis  auctoritate  concessa, — insuper  ecclesiasticas 
censuras,  mulctas  et  poenas — promulgatas — cassamus. — Nee  non  illis, 
qui  contra  ipsos  impetratis,  concessis  vel  obtentis — quomodolibet  nite- 
rentur,  etiamsi  eis — ^jus  quaesitum  foret  ex  certa  scientia  de  potestatis 
plenitudine,  perpetuum  silentium  iinponentes :  insuper  quascunque 
obligationes  super  annatis  seu  communibus  et  minutis  servitiis — usque 
in  praesentem  diem  remittimus. — Insuper  omnes  et  singulas  praefatae 
nationis — personas, —  qui  post  dissolutionem  sive  translationem  praefati 
Concilii  per  nos  factam  congregationi  Basiliensium  sub  nomine  gene- 
ralis Concilii  adhaeserunt,  —  qui  jam  ad  nostram  ol)edientiam  sunt 
reversi,  vel  infra  sex  menses  post  declarationem  pro  nobis  factam 
redierint, — ab  omnibus  et  singulis  juvamentis,  perjurii  reatu,  ac  aliis 


344  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  14U9— 1517. 

successors  in  a  fifth  deed  of  reservation,  perfect  freedom  of 
action.^'^  However  the  German  ambassadors  gave  in  their  alle- 
giance to  him  upon  his  death-bed  7.  Febr.  1447,''''  and  the 
neutrality  of  Germany  was  at  an  end. 


§  133. 

NICOLAS  V.  (6.  MARCH  1447-24.  MARCH  1455).  CALIXTUS  III.  (8.  APR. 
1455-6.  AUG.  1458).  PIUS  II.  (19,  AUG.  1458-15.  AUG.  1464).  PAUL 
XL  (30.  AUG.  1464-  -,26.  JULY.  1471). 

The  Papal  See  now  strove  with  Roman  craft  and  stedfastness, 
to  win  back  what  was  lost  by  the  Council  of  Basle.  Although 
Nicholas  V.,  immediately  after  his  accession,  exprest  himself  in 
the    most   liberal   manner   to  the   German    ambassadors,^   and 

censm-is  et  poenis,  si  qui  tenerentur. — absolvimus  et  liberamus. — Ut 
autem  praemissa  eo  firmius  observentur,  pro  nobis  et  successoribus 
nostris  Romania  Pontificibus  de  Venn,  fratrum  nostrorum  S.  R.  E. 
Cardinalium  consilio  et  assensu  pollicemur  omnia  et  singula  supradicta 
inviolabiliter  observare,  et  contra  ea — nullo  umquam  tempore  quicquain 
innovare  :  et  quod  nobis  licere  non  pathnur,  eisdem  successoribus  indi- 
camus,  decernentes  ex  nunc  irritum  et  inane,  si  secus  super  bis  a  quo- 
quam  quavis,  etiam  Apostolica  auctoritate — contigerit  attentari. 

55  The  Bull  Decet  dd.  5.  Febr.  in  Raynald.  ann.  1447.  no.  7.  and 
Miiller  S.  352  :  Cum  carissimus  in  Christo  filius  Fridericus  Rex 
Romanorum  illustris,  ac  ven.  frater  noster  Arehiepiscopus  Maguntinus, 
et  dil.  filius  Fridericus  Marchio  Brandeburgensis,  S.  I.  Electores  non- 
nidiique  alii  nationis  Germanicae  Praelati  et  Principes  quaedam 
petiverint  a  nobis  fieri,  quae  necessitas  ipsa  et  Ecclesiae  utilitas, 
ut  eos  ad  nostram  et  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae  unitatem  et  obedientiam 
alliciamus,  nos  concedere  quodammodo  compellit :  nos  ad  vitandum 
omne  scandalum  et  periculum,  quod  exinde  sequi  posset,  nolentes 
aliquid  dicere,  aut  confirmare  vel  concedere,  quod  esset  contra 
8s.  Patrum  doctrinartn,  vel  quod  vergeret  in  praejudicium  bujus  s. 
Apostolicae  sedis,  quoniam  propter  imminentem  nobis  aegritudinem 
non  valemus  omnia  per  eos  petita  et  per  ros  concessa  cum  ea  integri- 
tate  judicii  et  concilii  examinare  et  ponderare,  quae  rerum  magnitudo 
et  gravitas  requirit  :  tenore  praesentium  protestamur,  quod  per  quae- 
cumque  a  nobis  dictis  Regi,  Archiepiscopo — ac  nationi  responsa  et 
respondenda,  concessa  et  concedenda  non  intendimus  in  aliquo  derogare 
doctrinae  ss.  Patrum,  aut  praefatae  sedis  privilegiis  et  auctoritati, 
habentes  pro  non  responsis  et  non  concessis,  quaecunque  talia  a  nobis 
contigerit  emanare. 

^  See  the  account  given  by  Aeneas  Sylvius  (note  52)  in  Baluz.  vii. 
p.  537,  ss. 

1  He   said  to  tbem  (see  the  speech   of  Aneas  cited  §  132.  note  52  in 


ril.  I.— PAPACY.  §  133.  COUNCIL  OF  BASLE.  NICOLAS  V.     345 

confirmed  the  Bulls  of  his  predecessor ;'  nevertheless  he  ma- 
naged by  the  favour  of  the  Emperor  and  the  mediation  of 
Aeneas  Sylvius,  to  introduce  once  more  in  the  so-called  Aschaf- 
fenburg  Concordat,  properly  the  Concordat  of  Vienna  (17.  Febr. 
1448),^  under  pretext  of  the  stipulated  provision  for  the  Papal 
see,  the  articles  of  the  Constance  Concordat  so  disadvantageous  to 
the  German  nation.*     The  more  powerful  German  nobles  were 

Baluzii  Misc.  vii.  p.  555)  :  Ego  quae  cum  natione  Gerniaiiica  meus 
antecessor  fecit-  non  solum  approbare  confinnarcque  volo,  sed  exequi 
et  manutenere  omnia.  Nimis,  ut  mihi  videtur,  Romani  Pontifices 
fimbrias  suas  extenderunt,  qui  nihil  jurisdictionis  caeteris  Episcopis 
reliquerunt.  Nimis  qvioque  Basilienses  Apostolicae  sedis  manus  abbre- 
viaverunt.  Sed  ita  evenit  :  qui  facit  indigna,  ut  injusta  ferat  oportet. 
Arborem,  quae  in  unam  partem  pependit,  qui  volunt  erigere,  in  partem 
adversara  trahunt.  Nobis  sententia  est,  in  partem  soUicitudinis  qui 
vocati  sunt  Episcopos  sue  jure  minime  spoliare.  Sic  enim  jurisdic- 
tionem  nostram  nos  denique  servaturos  speramus,  si  non  usurpaverimus 
aliena. 

*  The  documents  are  given  in  Koch  Sanclio  Pragm.  p.  197  bs. 

^  On  its  history  see  especially  Koch  p.  36  ss.  In  the  diet  at  Asch- 
affenburg  in  July  1447  it  was  resolved  for  the  next  diet  to  be  assembled 
at  Nuremberg.  Item  concludetur  ibiprovisio  Sanctissimo  Domino  nostro 
et  sedi  Apostolicae,  si  tempore  medio  cum  legato  non  fuerit  concoi*- 
datura.  This  provision  had  been  already  promised  to  the  Pope  by  the 
Council  of  Basle  as  a  compensation  for  what  had  been  taken  from  him 
(§  132.  note  30),  and  been  stipulated  for  by  Eugene  IV.,  in  the  Bull 
Ad  tranquillitatem  (§  132  note  54).  But  in  the  mean  time  the  Em- 
peror had  the  Concordat  agreed  upon  at  Vienna  by  Aeneas  Sylvius 
with  the  Cardinal  Johannes  de  Carvajal  (see  the  proofs  in  Koch  p. 
211.  note  3). 

*  Among  the  many  editions  the  most  important  are  those  which  are 
publisht  from  the  originals,  viz.,  from  the  archives  of  Mayence  in 
Wiirdtwein  Subsid.  dipl.  ix.  p.  78  ss.,  from  the  imperial  archives  at 
Vienna  in  Koch  Sanct.  Pragm.  p.  201  ss.,  and  from  the  electoral 
archives  at  Cologne  in  Hedderich  elementa  juris  caiionici.  P.  iv.  p.  145 
ss.  See  Miinch's  Concordate.  Th.  i.  S.  88  ff.  The  Concordat  of 
Vienna  contains  only  the  two  sections  of  the  Concordat  of  Constance 
(see  §  131.  note  19.),  Cap.  ii.  De  provisione  Ecclesiarum  and  Cap.  iii. 
De  Annatis,  and  agrees  with  these  in  almost  every  word.  The  most 
important  alteration  is  that  instead  of  the  alternate  presentation  to 
smaller  benefices,  an  alternatio  mensium  was  establisht :  De  caeteris 
dignitatibus  et  beneficiis  quibuscunque,  saecularibus  et  regularibus 
vacaturis,  ultra  reservationes  jam  dictas,  majoribus  dignitatibus  post 
pontificales  in  cathedralibus,  et  principalibus  in  coUegiatis,  exceptis,  de 
qiiibus  jure  ordinario  provideatur  per  illos  inferiores,  ad  quos  alias 
pertinet,    idem   sanotissimus    Dominus  noster   per  quamcunque  aliam 


346  THIRD  PERIOD.-DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

won  over  by  concessions/  the  less  powerful  were  obliged  to  fol- 
low of  their  own  accord.  Thus  the  principal  results  of  the 
Council  of  Basle,  and  the  acceptation  of  Mayence  were  lost  to 
Germany.'^     Felix  V.  and  the  feeble  remnant  of  the  Council  of 

reservationem — nou  impediet,  quo  minus  cle  illis,  cum  vacabunt  de 
mensibus  Februarii,  Aprilis,  Junii,  Augusti,  Octobris  et  Decembris, 
libere  disponatur  per  illos,  ad  quos  coUatio,  aut  alia  quaevis  dispositio 
pei'tinebit. — Quotiens  vero  aliquo  vacante  beneficio  de  mensibus 
Januarii,  Martii,  Maji,  Julii,  beptembris  et  Novembris,  specialiter 
dispositioni  Apostolicae  sedis  reservatis,  non  apparuerit  infra  tres 
menses  a  die  notae  vacationis  in  loco  benefieii,  quod  alicui  de  illo 
Ajiostolica  auctoritate  fuerit  pi'ovisum,  ex  tunc  et  non  antea  Ordinarius, 
vel  alius,  ad  quem  illius  dispositio  pertinebit,  de  illo  libere  disponat. 
In  the  Pope's  Bull  of  confirmation  dd.  19  Mart,  in  which  the  entire 
concordat  is  recited  word  for  word,  the  astonisbing  difference  is  found, 
that  in  the^first  of  the  above-mentioned  proposals,  the  words  de  quibus 
are  left  out.  Accordingly  it  runs  (Koch  p.  240) :  De  caeteris  dignita- 
tibus, — majoribus  dignitatibus — exceptis,  jure  ordinario  provideatur 
etc.  And  thereupon  so  early  as  1457  Aeneas  Sylvius  epist.  383.  ad 
Mart.  Mayerum  grounds  the  assertion  diametrically  contradictory  to  the 
genuine  text :  Concordata  ipsa  dignitates  primas  post  pontificales  et  in 
collegiatis  Ecclesiis  principales  Apostolicae  sedis  dispositioni  permit- 
tunt  (likewise  his  Germania  c.  12,  and  c.  21)  :  and  this  interpretation 
was  universally  adopted,  until  Neller,  the  canonist  at  Treves,  in  1757 
first  vindicated  the  true  meaning,  see  the  note  in  Koch  Sanct.  Pragm. 
p.  223  and  240.  Nevertheless  the  reservation  of  the  Deaneries 
in  the  latest  concordats  followed  as  the  consequence  of  this  inveterate 
error. 

"  The  elector  of  Brandenburg  received  the  right  of  nominating  the 
Bishops  of  Brandenburg,  Lebus  and  Havelberg,  see  the  Papal  deed  of 
Sept.  1447  in  Gercken  Cod.  diplom.  Brandeb.  T.  vii.  p.  361.  The 
ecclesiastical  electors  received  the  Indultum  to  appoint  to  benefices 
vacated  in  the  months  reserved  to  the  Pope  (Koch  p.  42),  so  did  the 
Archbishop  of  Saltzburg  likewise  (see  Nachrichten  von  Juvavia  s.  280). 
Only  the  elector  Dietrich  of  Cologne  would  not  be  won  over,  but  imme- 
diately after  his  death  a.d.  1461  the  Concordat  was  publisht  in  the 
Diocese  of  Cologne  also,  see  Hedderich  elementa  juris  canonici.  P.  iv. 
p.  145. 

^  Jacobus  de  Paradiso  (Carthusian  and  Doctor  of  Divinity  at  Erfurt) 
de  septem  statibus  Eccl.  in  Brown  Appendix  ad  fasc.  rerum  expetend. 
et  fugiendarum  p.  Ill  :  Gaudet  quidem  nostris  temporibus,  scil.  nunc 
de  anno  Domini  1449  Ecclesia  de  unico  et  indubitato  pastore,  scil. 
Nicolao  P.  V. ;  sed  luget  de  conculcatione  decretorum  in  transactis 
Conciliis  edictorum,  et  videt  quomodo  contraria  decretis  practicantur. — 
At  the  end  of  the  Concordat  of  Vienna  is  the  following  passage  :  In 
aliis  autem,  quae  per  felicis  recordationis  Dominum  Eugenium  Papam 
quartum  pro  natione  praefata  usque  ad  tempus  futuri  generalis  Concilii 
permissa,  concessa,  indulta  atque  decreta,  et  per  memoratum  sanctissi- 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  ^  133.  COUNCIL  OF  BA8LE.  NICOLAS  V.        347 
Basle,  removed  in  1448  to  Lausanne,^  must  now  likewise  yield. 

mum  Dominum  nostrum  Papam  Nicolaum  confirraata fuere,  in  quantum 
ilia  concordiae  praesenti  non  obviant,  ista  vice  nihil  extitit  inimutatum . 
According  to  this  the   decrees  of  Basle  accepted  at  Mayence  (§  132. 
note  41)  which  were  confirmed  by   Eugene  IV.  (in  the  Bull  ad  tran- 
quillitatem  §  132  note  54)  and  by  Nicholas  V.  (see  above  note  2)  were 
to  remain  in  force  so  far  as  they  were  not  exchanged  in  this  Concordat 
for  other  resolutions.     This  was  quite  in  agreement  with  the  Bull  Ad 
tranquillitatem  :   for  according   to  it  there  was  to  be  no  Concordat 
except  with  reference  to  the  modification  of  some  of  those  decrees,  and 
the  compensation  to  be  made  to  the  Pope  for  his  loss.     However,  that 
acceptation  of  Mayence  was  gradually  forgotten,   and  the  Concordat  of 
Vienna  regarded  as   an   independent  compact,  and  the  only  result  in 
Germany   of  the    Council    of  Basle.       So    early  as    the   3'ear   1457 
Aeneas    Sylvius  epist,    883   ad    Mart.    Mayerum,    seems    to  take  it 
in    this    sense  :    Verum    cum     dicis,     decreta    Basiliensis     Concilii 
non    custodiri,   idque   putas   injuriosum   esse   nationi,   indignam  dici- 
mus  esse   querelam    tuam.      Propter   decreta  enim   Basiliensis    Con- 
cilii inter  sedem  Apostolicam  et  nationem  vestram   dissidimn  coepit, 
cum    vos    ilia    prorsus    tenenda     diceretis,     Apostolica     vero    sedes 
omnia  rejiceret.     Itaque   fuit  denique   compositio   facta,   in  qua  nos 
imperatorio   nomine   interfuimus.       Ea    certain    legem   dedit,    deinde 
inviolabiliter  observandam,  ^jer  quam  aliqua  ex  decretis  Concilii  prae- 
dicti  recepta  videntur,  aliqua  rejecta.     Likewise  in   his   Germania  c. 
11  :   Postremo  eo  modo  concordiae  locus  fuit,  ut  sententia  quorundam 
decretorum  Basiliensis   Concilii  i-eciperetur,  rellqua  vero  ejus  statuta 
rejecta  viderentur.     However  Leibnitz  Cod.  jur.  Gentium  P.  i.  p.  396 
already  maintained,  anteriora  concordata  et  concessa,  qualia  in  decretis 
Constantiensis   et  Basileensis    Concilii  et  Eugenii  approbatione   con- 
tinentur,    hie  confii-mari,    adeoque  male   vulgo  negligi.     After  Plorix 
discovered  again  the  acceptance  of  Mayence  (see  §  132,  note  41)  the 
true  state  of  the  case  was  once  more  revealed  by  him,  and  frequently 
maintained  by  the  Canonists  Neller  at  Treves,  Endres,  and  Gregel,  in 
Wiirtzburg,   Jung  at   Heidelberg,    Roth  at   Mayence,   Heddericb  at 
Bonn,  especially  during  the  controversy  about  the   nunciature.      See 
particularly  Jo.  Phil.  Gregel   diss,  de  juribus  nationi  Gei'manicae  ex 
acceptatione  Decretorum  Basileensium  quaesitis,  per   Concordata   As- 
chafU'enburgensiamodificatis  aut  stabilitis.     Mogunt.  1787.  4,  (reprinted 
in  P.  A.  Gratz  Continuatio  thesauri  juris  eccl.  ab  A.  Schmidt  adornati 
vol.  i.  Mogunt.  1829.  8.  p.  41  ss.)     On  the  other  hand  Spittler  (Gesch. 
der   Fundamentalgesetze  dcr   deutschkathol.    Kirche  im  Verhiiltnisse 
zum  rbm.  Stuhle,  i'l  d.  Getting,  histor.  Magazin  Bd.  1.  St.  2.  S.  347. 
St.  3.  S.  474.  Bd.  4.  St.  L  S.  151)  sought  to  prove  that  the  decrees  of 
Basle  wei'e  quite  abolisht  by  the  Aschafi'enburg  Concordat.      See  on  the 
other  side  Koch   Sanct,  Pragin.  p.  47   ss.     Ueber  die   Fundamental- 
gesetze der   deutschkathol.  Kirche  im  Verb,   zum   rom,   Stuhle,   ein 
Nachtrag  zur  Spittler'schen  Geschichte.    Frankf.  u.   Leipz.    17iO   (in 
which  Spittler's  treatise  is  first  reprinted  entire,  and  then  refuted.) 
^  Not  till  the  Emperor's  permission  was  recalled  in   1447,  and  the 


348  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

The  former  rcsio-necl  his  office,  the  latter  entirely  dissolved 
(]449).^  The  pope  had  reason  to  expect  to  bring  all  things 
back  to  their  old  course  in  Germany  with  greater  speed,  now 
that  the  Emperor  Frederick  III.,  wdien  he  received  the  long- 
desired  imperial  crown  at  Rome  in  1452,  was  blind  enough  in  his 
joy,  to  propose  a  crusade  to  the  Holy  Land  instead  of  the  pro- 
mised Council.®  The  fall  of  Constantinople,  which  happened 
soon  after  (29.  May  1453),  furnisht  a  solemn  pretext  for  a 
crusade,  and  Nicholas  V.  forthwith  issued  his  summons,  and 
granted  a  tithe  of  Church-revenue  for  its  support.^*^  However 
the  Papacy,  now  sunk  so  low  in  public  esteem,  could  no  longer 
rouse  the  people  as  in  earlier  times,  and  scatter  the  political 
entanglements  of  princes  with   a  religious  enthusiasm.      This 

town  of  Basle  forced  by  three  Imperial  mandates  to  banish  the  Council, 
see  Miiller's  Gesch.  Schweizerischer  Eidgenossen  Th.  4  (new  edition 
Leipz.  1826)  S.  262  ff. 

^  See  the  minutes  in  Ravnald.  1449.  no.  3  ss.  Miiller's  Reichstags- 
theatrum.  Th.  1.  S.  366  ftC 

y  Compare  the  speech  of  Aeneas  which  he  addrest  to  the  Pope  by  the 
commission,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  Emperor,  in  Aenea  Sylvii  hist. 
Frid.  iii.  in  Kollarii  Analecta  Monum.  T.  ii.  p.  307,  and  especially  in  the 
passage  p.  317  :  Alius  fortasse  vel  generale  Concilium,  vel  reformationis 
decreta  petivisset.  Sed  quod  majus  haberi  Concilium  potest,  quam 
Tuae  Sanctitatis  Tuique  ISancti  Irenatus  praesentia?  Frustra  Con- 
cilium petit,  qui  Romani  Pontificis  mandata  non  recipit.  Ubi  Tua 
Sanctitas  est,  ibi  Concilium,  ibi  Reges,  ibi  mores,  ibi  decreta,  salub- 
risque  reformatio.  Caesari  susceptis  imperialibus  infulis,  Tuaque  sacra 
manu  coronato  nihil  hoc  tempore  visum  est  antiquius,  quam  de  Passagio 
Tecum  agere.  The  Pope  in  his  answer  took  his  man  quite  aright  : 
Ecclesiam  numquam  Imperio  sacro  tam  gratam  esse  posse,  quam 
debeat :  expeditionem,  de  qua  loquutus  esset  Aeneas,  laudandum  opus, 
dignumque  Caesare,  multam  prae  se  ferre  pietatem  ; — consulendos 
tamen  esse  caeteros  Christianae  religionis  Principes,  eorumque  auxilia 
in  tantum  opus  quaerenda  :  quos  si  benivolentes  invenerit,  relaturum 
se  Caesari,  atque  tam  sanctum  negotium  summo  conatu  aggressurum. 

i»  The  Bull  of  30  Sept.  1453  is  in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  9.  e.g. 
Inprimis  universes  Principes  Christianos — hortamur,  requirimus  et 
mandamus  in  vim  professionis  factae  in  sacri  susceptione  baptismatis, 
ac  in  vim  juramenti  praestiti,  cum  dignitatum  suarum  infulas  susce- 
perunt,  ut  ad  defensionem  Christianae  religionis  et  fidei,  cum  bonis  et 
personis  suis  pro  sua  possibililate  verisimiliter  et  indesinenter  assistant, 
aeterna  praemia  recepturi  ab  illo,  cujus  causam  egere,  et  in  praesenti 
vita  pariter  et  in  futura.  Quod  inpraesentiarum  credimus  cuilibet  esse 
de  necessitate  salutis,  cum  talis  sit  necessitatis  articulus,  a  qua  .se 
nullus  legitime  valeat  excusare  etc. 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  ^  133.  (JALIXTUS  III.  349 

remained  among  the  number  of  unfulfilled  projects,  and  empty 
engagements ;  and  the  Papal  see  reapt  from  it  no  further 
advantage,  than  the  power  of  bringing  once  more  into  use  under 
a  seemly  pretext,  many  of  those  methods  of  raising  money,  which 
had  been  abolislit  by  the  Reforming  Councils.  For  this  very 
reason  the  great  mass  of  the  Gennan  people,  who  felt  them- 
selves deceived  and  bitterly  injured  by  the  Pope  and  the 
Emperor,  saw  no  other  agency  but  Papal  avarice  at  work  in 
these  efforts  for  a  crusade.^^     And  when  Calixtus  III.  immedi- 

1^  On  these  efforts  and  their  result  in  Germany  see  Pii  ii.  Pont. 
Max.  Coranientarii  reruin  nieniorabilium,  quae  teniporibus  suis  conti- 
gerunt  libb.  xii.  a  Joanne  Gobellino  (the  priv'ate  Secretary  of  Pius  II. 
so  properly  by  this  Pope  himself,  see  Phitina  ed.  1645.  p.  760)  com- 
positi.  Francof.  1614.  fob  p.  22  ss.  In  the  diet  at  Ratisbon  a  general 
promise  was  made,  which  was  to  be  more  fully  deliberated  upon  in  the 
next  diet  of  the  empire  at  Frankfort  (compare  Midler's  Reichstagsthea- 
trum.  Th.  1.  s.  450.)  But  here  (in  Sept.  1454)  mutati  erant  Theu- 
tonum  animi,  i:ec  cuiquam  placebat,  expeditionem  in  Turcas  fieri : 
infectae  veluti  venenis  quibusdam  aures  neque  Imperatoris  nomen, 
neque  Romani  Praesulis  ferre  poterant,  dicebantque,  cos  corrodere 
auruin  velle,  non  bellum  gerere  :  sed  aliuni  futuruni  Concilii  exitura, 
quam  sibi  persuasissent :  nee  pecuniam  collaturos  Gei'maniae  populos, 
nee  in  railitiara  daturos  nomina :  atque  in  earn  sententiam  persuasi 
omnes  Imperatori  et  Papae  maledicere,  legatos  eorum  contemnere, 
Burgundos  irridere,  qui  proni  ad  expeditionem  videbantur,  Hungaris 
durissima  verba  dare,  qui,  cum  suum  regnum  tueri  nequivissent,  nunc 
Germaniam  suis  calamitatibus  involvere  vellent :  nee  ulia  spes  reliqua 
erat  rei  bene  gerendae,  cum  decretum  Ratispouense  prorsusrejiceretur. 
At  cum  in  coneioneui  itum  est,  locuto  Aenea  (as  Imperial  commissary) 
omnium  repente  animi  in  priorem  belli  gerendi  ardorem  rediere. 
Oravit  ille  duabus  ferme  horis,  ita  intentis  animis  auditus,  ut  nemo 
unquam  expuerit,  nemo  ab  orantis  vultu  oculos  suos  averterit  etc. 
(The  speech  itself  may  be  seen  in  Miiller's  Reiehstagstheatrum.  Th. 
1.  8.  474  fif.)  Aeneas'  vain  display  of  eloquence  surpast  the  result.  It 
was  quite  determined  to  send  a  considerable  army  to  the  aid  of  Hun- 
gary ;  but  this  was  to  be  more  particularly  discust  at  the  ensuing  diet 
in  the  Nevisiadt  of  Vienna.  A  more  impartial  account  of  the  success 
of  this  diet  is  given  by  the  Franciscan  Johannes  Capistranus,  who  alone 
was  able  at  that  time  to  rouse  the  common  people  in  the  style  of  the 
ancient  preachers  of  Crusades  (on  his  agency  see  Chr.  A.  Pescheck  in 
Illgen's  Zeitsehr.  fiir  die  hist.  Theologie.  Bd.  2.  St.  2.  s.  259  ff.),  and 
who  was  present  at  Frankfurt,  in  his  letter  to  the  Pope  of  28.  Oct. 
1454  in  Wadding  Annales  Minorum  ed.  2.  T.  xii.  p.  203 :  cum 
apud  multos  appareat  in  praesenti  dieta  magna  fuisse  conclusa, 
mihi  vero  aut  nihil,  aut  parum  boni  conclusum  extitisse  visum 
est.  As  all  was  made  to  depend  upon  fresh  deliberations,  the 
Hungarians    might    in    the    meanwhile    be    driven    to    make    peace 


350  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

ately  after  his  accession  (1455)  began  to  follow  up  this  opportunity 
with  still  greater  zeal  ;^^  the  only  result  effected  was  that  the 
Reforming  party  once  more  arose  in  Germany  to  win  back  again 
the  lost  freedom  of  the  Church.  When  the  weak  Emperor, 
Frederick  III.,  under  the  guidance  of  the  crafty  Aeneas  Sylvius, 
attacht  himself  entirely  to  the  Pope's   side  ;^^    measures  were 

with  the  Turks.  He  then  also  informs  the  Pope  of  the  common 
saying  which  was  in  vogue  after  the  diet :  Omnes  Principes,  omnes 
Domini,  totus  mundus  generaliter  dicit  :  Quomodo  volumus  contra 
Turcam  proprios  sudores,  propria  nostra  bona^  panem  filiorum  nostro- 
rum  expo)iere,  quandoquidem  siimmiis  Pontifex  in  turribus,  in  gros- 
sis  maris,  in  calce  et  lapidibus  thesaurum  s.  Petri  expendit,  quern  in 
defensioneia  sanctae  fidei  deberet  expendere  ?  However,  Nicholas  V. 
died  during  the  diet  in  the  Viennese  Neustadt,  and  now  the  delibera- 
tions were  again  deferred. 

1-  Plalina  in  vita  Calixti  iii.  ed.  1645.  p.  727  :  bellum  Turcis  statim 
indixit.  Id  se  ante  Pontificatum  vovisse  ostendens  suo  chirographo, 
his  verbis  scripto,  quod  in  libro  quodam  suo  extabat  :  Ego  Calistus 
Pontifex  Deo  oinnipotenti  voveo  et  sanctae  individuae  Trinitati,  me  hello, 
maledictis,  interdictis,  execrat'ionibus,  et  demum  qidbuscunque  rebus 
potero,  Turcos  Christiani  nominis  hostes  saevissimos  persecuturum. 
Admirati  sunt  omnes  qui  aderant,  quod  Pontificatus  nomen  sibi  desump- 
sisset  ante  adeptam  dignitatem,  quodque  homo  senex  ac  fei'e  decrepitus 
tantum  animi  haberet.  Ut  autem  quod  promiserat  re  ipsa  praestare 
posset,  Predicatores  per  totam  Europam  statim  misit  etc.  (More  parti- 
cularly s.  Antoninus  in  Summa  P.  iii.  Tit.  xxii.  cap.  14.  init.  Constituit 
plures  praedicatores  diversarum  regionum,  qui  discurrerent  per  civitates 
et  castella  ad  praedicandam  crucem  contra  Turcam,  qui  hoi'tarentur 
plebes  ad  contribuendum  eleemosynas  ad  tam  sanctum,  tam  pium,  tara 
necessariura  omnibus  opus  pro  conducendis  armigeris,  concedens  indul- 
gentiam  plenariam  peccatorum  contritis  et  confessis  semel  in  vita  et  semel 
in  morte  cuicunque  eleemosynam  V.  Ducatorum  largienti,  auctoritatem- 
que  tribuens  absolvendi  et  dispensandi  in  muUis  casibus.)  Ex  his  autem 
facultatibus  ad  sedecim  triremes  Romae  aedificatas  in  hostem  misit, 
Patriarcha  Aquilejensi  Praefecto,  qui  triennio  maritima  hostium  Asia- 
norum  vexavit,  insulas  quasdam  cepit,  ac  magnas  calamitates  hostibus 
intulit.  A  Crusade-Bull  dated  15.  May  1455,  according  to  which  a 
general  crusading-host  was  to  be  assembled  by  1.  March  1456,  may 
be  seen  in  Raynald.  ann.  1455.  no.  19. 

^3  Gobellini  comm.  p.  25  :  Haec  cum  audita  essent  in  Austria  (at 
the  diet  in  the  Viennese  Neustadt),  fuere  non  pauci,  qui  Caesari  sua- 
sarint,  nunc  tempus  esse  coercendi  Apostolicam  sedem,  ne  tantum  in 
Germania  posset ;  conventiones,  quae  cum  Eugenio  quarto  factae 
fuerant,  diminutas  esse,  nee  prius  obediendura  Romano  Pontifici,  quam 
ea  concederet,  quae  natio  Germanica  optaret ;  ancillam  earn  videri, 
libertatem  aliquando  mereri.  Atque  hoc  ipsum  Jacobus  Treverensis 
Archiepiscopus  obnixe  requirebat,  qui  ex  lite  lucrum  aliquod  expecta- 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.   §   133.  CALIXTUS  HI.  351 

indeed  restricted  to  l(uid  and  bitter  complaints  against  the  Pope 
and  the  Emperor,^*  and  against  the  breaches  of  the  Concordat 
committed  by  the  former  and  endirred  by  the  latter ;  and  the 
Pope  in  a  reproachful  letter  ventured  the  bold  assertion,  that  the 
observance  of  the  Concordat  depended  upon  the  Pope's  favour.^^ 

bat.  Contra  Aeneas  non  esse  e  re  Caesaris  ajebat,  Romani  Pontificis 
auctorituteni  repriniere,  ut  populi  gratia  iniretur,  quae  sui  natura 
inconstantissima  est ;  nee  multit'idini  relinquendas  habenas,  quam  nosset 
principatibus  ininiicam  ;  inter  Principes  aliquando  amicitiam  inveuiri, 
inter  plebem  et  regem  odium  immortale ;  Papani  Imperatoi-is,  et 
Imperatorem  Papae  auxilio  indigere ;  stiiltum  esse  illi  nocere,  cujua 
expectes  openi  ;  cum  Pontificatus  novus  initur,  tunc  Romani  Praesulis 
gratiam  beneficiis  emerendam.  Quodsi  »h  injuriis  incipias,  difficile  in 
benevolentiam  patere  adituni  ;  mittendam  more  niajorum  obedientiam, 
foedusque  cum  novo  Praesule  honestum  ineundum,  eoque  pacto  Ger- 
manos  Imperatori  obedituros.  Vicit  Aeneae  sententia,  atque  ipse 
missus  est,  qui  ea  perageret,  quae  suaserat  etc.  The  speech  made  by 
Aeneas  before  the  Pope  upon  this  proffer  of  obedience  is  Ep.  413  in  the 
collection  of  his  letters. 

1^  At  the  diet  of  Nuremberg  in  1456  the  electors  already  thought  of 
electing  a  King  of  the  Romans  even  against  the  Emperor's  will, 
Mliller's  Reichstagstheatrum  Th.  1.  S.  555  ff.  At  an  assemblage  of 
the  electors  of  Mayence,  Cologne,  the  Palatinate,  Saxony  and  Bran- 
denburg, with  the  Archbishops  of  Saltzburg  and  Bremen,  which  was 
held  at  Frankfort  in  1457,  another  assembly  of  the  princes  was  deter- 
mined upon  to  meet  in  Nuremberg  at  Martinmas-tide  1457,  in  which  they 
were  to  deliberate  (see  Neue  Sammlung  der  Reichs-Abscbiede.  Frankf. 
a.  M.  1747.  Fol.  Th,  I.  S.  190)  ;  anne  magis  expediat  pro  honore  Princi- 
pum  et  nationis  quod  decreta  Constantiensis  et  Basileensis  Conciliorum, 
quae  ea  gravamina  contingunt,  circa  quae  magis  necessarium  fuerit 
providendiun,  absque  modificatione  et  simpliciter — repetantur  et  inno- 
ventur  :  vel  quod  ordinationes  intermediae,  de  quibus  in  avisamentis 
supradictis  cautum  et  actum  est,  prosequautur  et  continuentur,  sen 
quod  alia  congrua  et  honesta  via  Alemanniae  consulatur.  Afterwards 
they  were  to  consult  de  modo  et  forma,  quibus  Romanus  Imperator 
posset  induci  ad  concm-rendum  una  cum  Principibtis  Alemanniae  in  re 
ista,  et  etiam  ad  providendum  Nation!  vel  per  pragmaticam  sanctionem 
vel  alio  remedio  oportuno.  Likewise  anne  Dominus  Apostolicus  vel 
Uteris,  vel  oratoribus,  et  quibus  modis  et  mediis  interpellandus  sit 
super  hac  re.  The  Avisamenta  here  agreed  on  were  to  be  communi- 
cated previously  to  the  other  nobles.  They  may  be  the  Pragmatica 
sanctio  of  which  Aeneas  speaks  Germania  c.  78  ss.  (See  below  note 
19). 

15  Calixti  III.  ep  ad  Fridericum  Imp.  dd.  31.  Aug.  1457  (imperfect 
in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  40,  perfect  in  Aen.  Sylv.  Epist.  385) : — nuper 
— sicut  nobis  relatum  est,  nonnulli  ex  venerabilibus  fratribus  nostris  ac 
dilectis  filiis,  nobilibus  viris,  Romani  Imperii  Electoribus,  et  alii  pleri- 


352  THIRD  PERIOD. -DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517, 

However,  neither  in  Germany  nor  any  other  country  was  the 


que  Priucipes  ac  Praclati  natiouis  ejusdcm,  dietaquadam  sive  conventu 
inter  se  celebrata  (iu  Frankfort  see  above  note  14),  Oratores  suos  adTe 
miserunt,  qui  de  nobis,  deque  curia  nostra  non  parvam  querelani 
facieutes,  inter  caetera  expnsuisse  feruntur,  quod  nos  diversis  modis 
nationem  ipsam  aggravantes,  quae  inter  Te  nomine  nationis  e'c  anleces- 
sorem  nostrum — concordata  fuerunt,  minime  adimplere  aut  observare 
curemus. — Audivimus  rumorem  esse,  tanquani  nos  aurum  ex  natione 
tua,  supra  quara  deceat,  extorqueamus.  Injuriantur  profccto  nobis,  eta 
vero  longe  recedunt,  qui  talia  dicuut ;  nihil  unquam  nostro  nomine  ab  bis 
cxtortum  est,  quibus  beneficia  contulimus,  ut  illi  garriunt :  nihil  exactura, 
nihil  petitum  praeter  Annatam  vetusto  jure  debitam  :  at  si  qui  contra  Tur- 
cos  pecuniaria  nobis  subsidia  obtulerunt,  non  recusavimus,  nee  recusare 
quidem  debemus  pi-o  tanta  Christianae  religionis  necessitate.  Pecunias 
autem  hujusraodi — non  usurpainus  nobis, — non  consumimus  in  deliciis, 
sed  in  defensionem  fidei  convcrtimus. — Innumerabiles  sunt  et  intolei'abi- 
les  nobis,  quas  indies  subimus,  expensae  :  nunc  in  Orientem  Legato  classis 
nostrae,  nunc  in  Albanian!  Scanderbechio  fortissimo  Cbristi  athletae, 
iudefessoque  bellatori,  nunc  Legatis  et  Oi-?toribus  iu  diversas  mundi 
partes  emissis,  nunc  istis,  nunc  illis  per  Graeciam  et  Asiam  laboraut- 
ibus,  ne  destituti  periclitarentur,  pecunias  mittimus  :  nee  fuerunt  inanes 
hujusmodi  sumptus.  Licet  enim  nobis  in  Domino  gloriari,  qui  per 
ministros  suos,  torpentibus  ac  pene  dormientibus  cunctis  ferme  Chris- 
tianis  Principibus,  nobis  tantummodo  instantibus  atque  urgentibus 
Turcorum  superbissima  cornua  et  insolentissimas  acies  apud  Lngariani 
confregit.  (The  victory  of  John  Hunnyades  at  Belgrade  in  1456), 
magnumque  ilium  et  potentissimum  exercitum  prostravit,  qui  sibi  non 
Ungariam  modo,  sed  Germaniam  totam,  Galliam  atque  Italiam  prote- 
rere,  legemque  Christi  funditus  evertere  pi-oniittebat. — Nunc  quoque 
classis  nostra  Rhodum  tuetur,  Cyprum,  Mitylenem,  Chium,  et  onines 
in  Oriente  Christiani  nominis  insulas  : — quodque  laudabilius  est, — non 
tantum  quas  diximus  insulas  Legatus  noster — tutatus  est,  sed  alias 
plerasque  Turcorum  domino  servientes  ad  Apostolicae  sedis  dovotionem 
obedientiamque  rfedegit. — Quae  cum  ita  sint,  audent  tamen  nonnulli 
parum  quidem  religiosi,  et  ad  commune  bonum  minus  intenti  nos 
redarguere,  quod  ab  his  pecunias  recipimus,  qui  promoventur,  quamvis 
sponte  oblatas  in  classem  contra  Turcos  einissam.  Quod  quam  inique 
^■gunt,  jam  plane  prospicis.  Sed  ajunt  plerique,  concordata,  de  quibus 
mentionem  supi-a  fecimus,  per  nos  minime  observari,  affii-mantes,  elec- 
tiones  Episcoporum  aliorumque  Praelatorum  nos  parvi  pendere,  ac 
prorsus  abjicere  :  quod  pari  modo  neque  vere,  neque  juste  nobis  objici- 
tur.  Neque  enim  electiones  Praelatorum  in  Germania  factas  quovis 
pacto  contemnimus,  neque  ex  concordatis  oranes  passim  electiones  con- 
firmare  tenemur,  sed  illas  tantummodo,  quae  canonicae  experiuntur  : 
quod  quidem  a  nobis  diligenter  custoditum  est. — Super  reservationibus 
autem  caeterisque  bencficiorum  provisionibus,  de  quibus  similiter  acce- 
pimus  querelas  coram  Tua  Serenitate  fuisse  propositas,  non  sumus 
memores,  aliquid  a  nobis  esse  concessum  contra  concordata  praedicta. 


CH.  I.— rAPACY.  §  133.  CALIXTUS  II.  353 

crusade  accomplisht  :^^  and  the  Pope  could  not  undertake  any 
decisive  enterprise  against  the  Turks,  with  the  sums  which  had 
been  collected,  not  Avithout  difficulty,  from  the  different  national 
Churches.  Aeneas  Sylvius,  who  for  his  good  service  in  Germany 
had  been  already  successively  rewarded  by  Nicolas  V.  with  the 
Bishoprics  of  Trieste  and  Siena,  and  by  Calixtus  III.  (in  Decem- 
ber 1456)  with  the  rank  of  Cardinal,  still  used  every  means  to 
lessen  the  opposition   to   the   Papal    See  in   Germany.^^      He 

Quod  si  quid  tale  factum  est,  ut  saepe  in  midtitudine  literarum  ac  ne- 
gotioruin  aliqua  transeunt  neque  bene  gesta,  neque  bene  revisa ;  non 
est  intentionis  nostrae  aut  Ordinariorum  mensibus  derogate,  aut  con- 
cordatis  ipsis  contravenire,  Quinimo  quamvis  Uberrima  sit  Apostolicae 
sedis  auctoritas,  nullisque  debeat  pactionum  vrnculis  coerceri ;  ex  mera 
tamen  liberalitate  nostra,  ex  zelo,  quern  gerimus  ad  pacem,  ex  caritate, 
qua  te  tuamque  natlonem  prosequi niur,  concordatls  ipsis  locum  esse 
volnmus,  nee  patiemiir  ea  temere  violari,  dum  Romanae  sedis  guber- 
nacula  retinebimus.  Si  quid  pi'aeterea  est,  quod  ipsi  nationi  molestum 
videatur  ex  his,  quae  prodeunt  ex  nostro  soHo,  idque  fortasse  dignuni 
eraendatione  censetur  (possumus  enim  et  nos,  ut  homines,  aliquando 
labi  atque  errare,  in  his  maxime,  quae  facti  sunt) ;  non  decet  Episcopos 
aut  alios  quosvis  mortales  super  Apostolicam  sedem  auctoritatem  sibi 
vindicare. — Et  tu  ergo,  Serenissime  Imperator,  si  quid  arbitraris  tuae 
nationis  Praelatos  habere,  quod  per  nos  eniendari  debeat,  admone  eos, 
hortare  e^u-ge,  ut  ad  nos  venientes  suas  nobis  necessitates  exponaiit, 
gi-avamina  referant,  desideria  proferant  etc.  Under  the  letter  is  the 
note  :  Dictata  per  Aeneam  Cai'dinakm  Senensem. 

^^  True,  Alphonso,  King  of  Aragon  and  Sicily,  took  the  cross 
(Raynald.  1455  no.  30),  but  he  carried  on  a  war  against  the  Genoese 
with  the  forces  and  money  collected  for  war  against  the  Turks  (1.  c. 
1456.  no.  11  ss.)  Alphonso,  King  of  Portugal,  also  promised  to 
march  against  the  Turks  (1.  c.  145€.  no.  8),  but  in  the  end  did  nothing 
at  all  (1.  c.  1457,  no.  65.)  Charles  VII.,  King  of  France,  forbade  the 
preaching  of  the  crusade,  lest  his  kingdom,  threatened  by  the  English, 
should  be  left  unprotected  (1.  c.  1456.  no.  3  ss.)  :  he  consented  indeed 
at  this  time  to  the  collection  of  the  tithes  of  the  Church  sans  prejudice 
des  droits,  franchises,  libertez  et  prerogatives  de  I'Eglisede  France  (see 
the  edict  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'egl.  Gallicane.  chap.  xxii.  no. 
20),  but  he  refused  to  allow  a  crusading  army  to  be  assembled  (Ray- 
nald. 1456  no.  5) :  the  tithe  also  was  refused  by  many  of  the  clergy, 
who  appealed  to  a  general  council  after  the  example  of  the  University 
of  Paris  (Raynald.  1457.  no.  54  ss.) 

^^  This  is  known  chiefly  from  the  letters  of  Martin  Meyer,  Chan- 
cellor of  Mayence,  to  his  friend  Aeneas  Sylvius  dd  31.  Aug.  1457 
(prefixt  to  Aeneae  Sylv.  Germania,  printed  often  besides,  e.g.  in 
Freberi  Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.  ed.  Struve.  T.  ii.  p.  686.  Ricberii  hist. 
Cone,  gener.  lib.  iv.  P.  1.  cap.  1.  J.  F.  Georgii  Nationis  Germanicae 
VOL.  IV.  Z 


354  THIRD  PERIOD. —DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

sought  by  his  numerous  letters  to  win  over  the  chiefs  of  the 
malcontents.^^     His  work  Descriptio  de  ritu,  situ,  moribus  et 

gravamina  adv.  sedem  Rom.  p.  244  ss.)  :  Cognovi  ex  Uteris  amicorum, 
Te  Cardinalem  esse  creatum.  Congratulor  et  Tibi,  qui  pro  Tua  virtute 
digna  conseciitus  es  praemia,  et  mibi,  cujus  amicus  in  ea  dignitate  con- 
stitutus  est,  in  qua  me  meosque  necessarios  aliquando  juvare  poterit. 
I  Hud  mihi  molestum,  quod  in  ea  tempora  incidisti,  quae  sedem  Apos- 
tolicam  afitiictura  videntur.  Nam  domino  meo  Arcbiepiscopo  frequentes 
afferuntur  de  Romano  Pontifice  querelae,  qui  neque  Constantiensis 
neque  Basileensis  Concilii  decreta  custodit,  neque  se  pactionibus  ante- 
cessoris  sui  teiieri  arbitratur,  nationemque  nosti-am  contemnere  et 
prorsus  exbaurire  videtur.  Constat  enim,  elcctiones  Praelatorum 
passim  rejici,  beneficia  dignitatesque  cujusvis  quaUtatis  et  Cardinabbus 
et  Protonotariis  I'esei  vari.  Et  tu  quidem  ad  tres  Provincias  Teutonici 
nominis  sub  ea  formula  reservationera  impetrasti,  quae  bactenus  insolita 
est  et  inaudita.  Expectativac  etiam  gratiae  sine  numero  conceduntur  : 
Annatae  sive  medii  fructus  absque  uUa  dilatione  temporis  exiguntur,  et 
plus  etiam,  quam  debeatur,  extorqueri  palam  est.  Ecclesiarura  regi- 
mina  non  magis  merenti,  sed  plus  offerenti  committuntur :  ad  corra- 
dendas  pecunias  novae  indulgentiae  indies  conceduntur.  Decimarum 
exactiones  inconsnltis  Praelatis  nostris  (against  Cone.  Const.  Sess. 
xliii.,  see  §  131,  note  20.  Deer.  6.)  Turcorura  causa  fieri  jubentur. 
Causae,  quae  tractandae  terminandaeque  in  partibus  fuerant,  ad  Apos- 
tolicum  tribunal  indistincte  trabuntur  (against  Cone.  Basil.  Sess.  xxxi. 
see  §  132,  note  35)  :  excogitantur  mille  modi,  quibus  Romana  sedes 
aurum  ex  nobis,  tamquara  ex  barbaris,  subtili  extrabat  ingenio :  ob 
quas  res  natio  nostra  quondam  inclyta,  quae  sua  virtute  gftoque  san- 
guine Romanum  Imperium  coemit,  fuitque  mundi  domina  ac  regina,  ad 
inopiam  nunc  redacta,  ancilla  et  tributaria  facta  est,  et  in  squalore 
jacens,  suam  fortunam,  suam  pauperiem  multos  jam  annos  moeret. 
Nunc  vero,  quasi  ex  somno  excitati  optimates  nostri,  qixibus  remediis 
buic  calamitati  obviam  pergant,  cogitare  coeperunt,  jugumque  prorsus 
excutere,  et  se  in  pristinam  vindicare  libertatem  decreverunt.  Erit 
baec  non  parva  jactura  Romanae  Curiae,  si  quod  cogitant  Romani 
Principes  eftecerint.  Quantum  itaque  de  tua  nova  dignitate  laetor, 
tantum  commoveor  et  angor,  tuo  tempore  boc  parari.  Sed  Dei  fortassis 
alia  est  cogitatio,  et  illius  profecto  sententia  obtinebit.  Tu  interim 
bonum  habeto  animum,  et  quibus  repagulis  fluminis  impetus  coerceri 
possit,  pro  tua  sapientia  cogitttto,  et  vale  opiime.  The  dissatisfaction 
with  Rome  proceeded  yet  further,  see  Aeneae  Sylvii  Ep.  301.  ad  Mar- 
tinum  Mayer :  Sunt  nonnulli  nationis  tuae  homines,  parum  pensi  ha- 
bentes,  quibus  Romani  Pontificis  auctoritas  neque  necessaria  esse  vide- 
tur neque  a  Christo  instituta.  The  whole  letter,  which  is  adopted  into 
Aeneae  Germania  c.  89  and  90,  has  for  its  aim  the  refutation  of  their 
opinion. 

^^  Aeneae  Sylvii  Ep.  348.  ad  Laurentium  Rovarellam  (Legate  in 
Hungary.)  He  was  to  impress  upon  the  German  nobles,  quod  multo 
facilius  filii  Principum  promovebuntur  per  sedem  Apostolicam,  quam 
per  Capitula  vel  Ordinarios.     Et  hoc  bene  cura  in  auribus  Principum 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  ia;j.  CALIXTUS  III.  p,55 

conenlcare,    quia    Veritas    est.     Ep.   319.    ad    Theodoricuiii    Arcliiep. 
('.>lon.  dd.  2,  Dec,  1457.     Si  Romanae  sedis  auctoritas  depriineretur, 
credito,  quia  nee  tua  nee  aliorum  Episcoporuni  aalva  nianebit.     Audito 
taiuen,  quae  consulis,  ut  hie  quoque  ea  refovraentur,  quae  odium  tuae 
nationis  pariunt,  et  ego,  si  inea  vox  audietur,  ad  id  operam  dabo.    Nam 
et  hie   aliqua   cominittuntur,    quae   iion   laudo    omnia.      Verum    illud 
salubre  puto,  ut  super  gravaminibus,  quae  vestri  allegaut,  ad  Romanum 
Pontificem  reeursus  habeatur,  qui  non  negabit  assensum  justa  petenti- 
bus,     Ep.  334.  ad  Johannem  de  Lisura  (Councillor  of  Mayence  see  § 
132  note  51)  :   Per  Wigandum    Secretarium    Moguntini  misimus  tibi 
Alphabetum,    et   nunc  duplicamus,   si    forsitan   illud    non    recepisti  : 
poteris  scribere  mentis  tuae  conceptum,  et  consulere  Ecclesiae  necessi- 
tate— Laboi'e  tuo   nostroque  quietem   consecuta  est    Ecclesia    nostris 
dicbus   apud   Germanos.       Faxit   Deus,   ne    lacerari   videamus    quod 
aliquando  i-esarcivimus.     Multa  rumor  affert,  et  Geruianos  fieri  Gallos 
imitatione  contendit.     Nobis  ilia  via  salubrior  esse  videtur,  qua  patres 
nostri  ambulavere. — Nee  facile  sua  in  DIoecesi  quisque  Pontifex  Papa- 
tum   habebit :    et  sunt,   qui   quaerunt,   et  ejus  rei   causa  nigrum    in 
Candida  vertunt.     Ep.    383.   ad   Mai-tinum  Mayer,  the  answer  to  the 
letter  quoted  in  note  17.     He  first  maintains,  nee  unquam  regni  coe- 
lestis  introire  januam  potuisse,  qui  Romanorum  Pontificum  auctoritatem 
contumaciter  eontempsere,  nee  hodie  illis  gloriandum  esse,  qui  aucto- 
ritate  propria  leges  sibi  cotistituunt,  quibus   pro  suo   libito  Romanae 
sedis  jussiones   spernere  possint.      Hos  enim    catholica  Veritas,    nisi 
resipuerint   ante  obitura,    ignis  aeterni   mancipio    sine   intermissions 
deputat.     Fatemur  insuper  aliquando  in   Romana  Curia,  quam  regunt 
homines,  aliqua  fieri,  quae  digna  essent  emendatione,  nee  dubitamus 
ipsos  Romanae  urbis  Praesules  etiam,  in  quantum  homines,  falli,  errare, 
labi  ac  decipi  posse.     Then  he  refutes  the  charges,  first  that  the  con- 
cordats were  not  observed,  afterwards  that  the  right  of    election  was 
not   regarded.     On  this    head    the  same  Aeneas   Sylvius,  who    had 
declared  in  his  Ep,  66,  ad  Jo.   Peregallum  :  Nihil  est,  quod  absque 
argento  Romana  curia  dedat.     Nam  ipsaeraanus  impositiones  et  Spiri- 
tus   Sancti   dona   venduntur,    nee   peccatorum    venia   nisi    nuramatis 
impenditur,  writes  as  follows  :  Quod  deinde  subjungis  extorqueri  mul- 
tum  auri  ab  his,  qui  dignitates  vel  alia  benelicia  assequuntur,  non  est 
cur  de  hac   sede  conqueramini,  sed  polius  de  cupiditate  et  ambitione 
vestrorum   hominum,    qui    eurrentes    pro    Episcopatibus,    invenientes 
competitores,   his  quibus  palatium   patet    certatira  pecunias  ofFerunt, 
Illi   vero,   qui  alloqui   Pontificem   possunt,  non    sunt   omnes    similes 
Angelis,  sed  quales  in  Aleraania  Galliaque  multos  reperias  :  recipiunt 
enim  quod  offertur,  non  extorquent.     Romanus  autem  Praesul  solus  in 
thalamo  suo   nunc  hos  nunc  illos  audit,  et  illos  promovere  solet,  qui 
magis  commendantur,   nee  scit,  nee  etiara  arbitratur,  pecuniae  causa 
hos  aut  illos  commendatione  praeferri.     Nee  sibi  plus  auri  datur,  quam 
coucordata  permittant;  nisi  fortasse  aliquando  occasione  expeditionis 
contra  Turcos,  aliquid  super  Annatas  recepit  (The  reading  in   Ger- 
mania  c,  25.  justifies  this)  quod  sibi  profecto  non  fuit  in  tanta  necessi- 
tate negandum.     Then  as  regards  the  complaints  against  the  sale  of 
indulgence   and    tithes.      Complaints  of  extortion    would   always  be 

z  2 


356  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.  D.  U09— 1517. 

conditione  Gcrmaniae  was  principally  intended  for  the  removal 
of  the  exasperation  of  the  Germans  against  the  Papal  see.^^     At 

alleged  by  the  avaricious  on  various  grounds.  Germany  was  not 
ijnpoverisht,  but  richer  than  ever,  yet  its  prosperity  was  the  happy 
result  of  Christianity,  and  so  an  advantage  conferred  by  the  Roman 
see,  which  converted  the  country.  Then  he  defends  himself  against 
the  reproach  of  holding  insolitas  reservationes.  The  reservations 
made  in  his  favour  were  not  against  the  concordats.  Sed  arbitraris 
fortasse,  beneficia  quae  in  Germania  sunt  Germanis  potius  committi 
debere  qiuim  extraneis,  nee  nos  aliter  sentimus.  Sed  cum  nos  jam 
annis  supra  XXIV,  Germaniamincolueriraus,  non  reputamus  extraneos 
existimari  debere  :  cumque  Imperatori  ipsique  nationi  longo  tempore, 
summa  fide,  magnia  laboribus  servierimus,  et  nunc  ad  Cardinalatum 
recepti  ea  curemus,  quae  nationis  ipsius  boiiori  atque  utihtati  conducant, 
et  ita  prorsus  agamus,  ut  natione  Germani  potius  quam  Itali  puteraur  ; 
non  judicavimus  tribus  illis  provinciis  IMoguntinae,  Coloniensi,  Trg- 
verensi  indignum  videri,  aut  grave  censeri,  si  annuo  duo  millia  duca- 
torum  in  eis  obtineremus  ex  illis  beneficiis,  quae  sedes  Apostolica 
conferre  haberet.  Putavissemus  etiara  majora  in  eadem  natione,  cui 
semper  servivimus,  sponte  offerri :  sed  non  sumus  nos  insatiabiles, 
contentamur  eo,  quod  pro  debiti  status  conservatione  sufficiat, 
nee  phira  circa  hoc.  Quod  autem  operas  tuas  ad  id  offers,  ut  gra- 
tiae  nostrae  fructum  consequamur,  agimus  tibi  gratias,  qui  partes 
amici  non  upgligis,  idque  rogamus,  ut  interveniente  casu  opportuno 
prorsus  efficias. — Si  qua  Praepositura  vacaverit,  aut  Ecclesia  paro- 
chialis  magni  reditus,  velis  ita  efticere,  ut  ad  complementum  gratiae 
nostrae  (the  reservation  granted  him  by  the  Pope)  pervenire  possimus. 
1^  This  work  has  been  many  times  publisht  separately,  e.g.  Argent, 
1515.  small  4to.  Romae  1584  and  in  Aen,  Sylv.  Opp,  Basil.  1571. 
fol.  p.  1034  ss.  It  is  addrest  to  Martin  Rlayer,  Chancellor  of  the 
Electorate,  and  contains  a  more  detailed  answer  to  the  gravamina 
brought  forward  by  him,  which  are  before  given  Ep.  383  (note  18.) 
The  remarks  on  the  pragmatic  sanction  proposed  in  Germany  arc 
worthy  of  note  (compare  above  note  14.)  Cap.  78  :  Pugna  nobis  cum 
paucis,  qui  cum  sibi  docti  videantur,  nee  pro  sua  opinione  dignis  effer- 
antur  honoribus,  miscere  omnia  divina  et  humana  jura  conantur,  ut 
inter  rerum  mutationes  cadentiura  assequi  cathedras  valeant  etc. — 
Quid  est  quod  pro  libertate  molientur,  quid  parant  in  Apostolicam 
sedem,  quo  sibi  modo  consulere  satagunt  ?  Non  scribis  tu  hoc  nobis  : 
fortasse  times  deferri.  Commendamus  cautionem  tuam  :  nam  Cancel- 
lario  nihil  tam  convenit  quam  pectus  arcanorum  tenax.  Non  tamen 
nos  latet  hoc :  provisi  sunt  amici  nostri,  nullig  obligati  Principibus, 
quod  nobis  omnium,  quae  apud  vos  aguntur,  notitiam  fecere,  missis 
exemplaribus  ejus  Pragmaticae,  quae  ab  aliquibus  excogitata,  in  pub- 
licum deferri  debuit.  Cap.  79  :  Cujus  duae  partes  sunt.  In  prima 
referuntur  omnia  fere  gravamina,  quae  superius  enumeravimus.  Quibus 
ut  obvietur,  ponitur  modus,  qui  servandus  sit  in  natione  vestra  circa 
Praelatorum  electiones,  beneficioruui  collationes,  causarum  auditiones, 
indulgentiarum  concessiones,  decimarum  exactiones,  et  caetera  istius- 


Cli.  I.— PAPACY.  §.133.  CALIXTUS  III.  357 

the  same  time  his  works  exprest  so  uncHsguisedly  the  principles  of 
the  most  devoted  Papal-policy,  that  it  was  already  evident  from 

modi.  In  secunda  ponuntur  appeilationes,  ad  quas  recurrendum  sit,  si 
forte  Pragiriaticae  sanctioni  Summus  Pontifex  obviain  ierit.  Inseritiir 
et  poena,  qua  plectendi  sint  Gerniani  non  obedientes,  et  foedus  Princi- 
pura  pro  ciistodia  sanctionis.  Fama  quoque  ad  nos  delatum  est  inter 
Pragmaticos  sernionem  babitum  esse  de  niittendis  liuc  oratoribus, 
qui  ex  Romano  Pontifice  sanctionis  suae  confirmationem  expetant, 
quasi  primam  sedem  eo  modo  bonoraturi,  quod,  si  optatum  responaum 
habuerint,  gratias  agant,  si  minus,  nibilomiuus  natio  Pragmaticae 
subjiciatur.  Scimus  nihil  borum  placero  divo  Imperatori,  majorique 
parti  Principum, — sed  agimus,  ut  dictum  est,  cum  seditiosis  quibusdam 
et  perditis  horainibus  etc.  Cap.  80.  De  Pragmatica  igitur  imprimis 
dicamus. — Summam  vim  ejus  respiciraus,  quae  buc  tendit,  ne  Ger- 
manica  natio  jussionibus  Apostolicae  sedis  obedire  cogatur,  ne  quid 
pecuniarum  ad  Romanam  curiam  deferatur.  Nam  hoc  est,  quod  omnes 
sibi  querelae  volunt,  hoc  quaeritur,  dum  causae  in  partibus  retinendae 
dicuntur,  dura  Praelatorum  electiones  ad  Metropolitas  referuntur,  dum 
bcneficiorum  collationes  Ordinariis  reservantur,  dum  annatarum  exac- 
tiones  prohibentur.  Aeneas  conceives  of  the  dignity  and  power  of  the 
Papal  see  quite  in  an  ultramontane  sense,  but  he  defends  them  upon  a 
political  and  strikingly  material  platform.  Cap.  87  :  Ecclesiarum 
ceterarum  dignitates  et  cathedras,  ut  inquit  Nicolaus,  Papa  Romanus 
instituit  :  Ecclesiam  vero  illaui  solus  ipse  Deus  fundavit,  et  super 
petram  iidei  mox  nascentis  erexit.  Qui  b.  Petro  aeternae  vitae  clavi- 
gero  terreni  simul  et  caelestis  Imperii  jura  commisit.  Cap.  94  :  An 
pauperem  tu  Pontificem  maximum  esse  volueris  ? — At  nos  Pontificem 
maximum,  quamvis  optimum,  non  putamus  officio  suo  satisfacere  posse, 
nisi  facultatibus  praeditus  sit.  — Convenit  Romauum  Pontificem,  mag- 
num sacerdotem,  curare,  ut  evangelium  Christi — omnibus  sincere 
praedicetur,  ut  omnes  errores,  omnis  blasphemia — eradicetur,  ut 
pellantur  a  finibus  Christianis  impugnatores  nostrae  religionis,  ut 
schismata  removeantur,  ut  bella  sopiantur,  ut  furta,  rapinae— de  medio 
tollantur, — Postremo  debet  Roraana  sedes,  veluti  patrocinium  orbis 
terrae,  tutusque  portus  afftictorum, — omnibus  ad  se  currentibus  non 
solum  benignas  aures  adhibere,  sed  opem  ultro  atiferre. — Et  quis  est, 
qui  haec  agere  posse  pauperem  et  inopem  Papam  affirmet '? — Quomodo 
restituentur  Episcopi  exules,  aut  haeretici,  vel  schismatici  corrigentur  ? 
— Implorandum  est  hrachium  saeculare,  clamabis.  At  nos  ex  te 
quaerimus,  an  melius  per  se  Romanus  Praesul  haec  agat  viribus  suis 
fretus,  an  per  alium  ? — Quid  vero,  si  Principes  ipsi  aberrent,  et,  ut  saepe 
vidimus,  haereticis  succumbant  erroribus,  quid  agemus  ?  Quid  si  Rex 
coercendus,  si  arguendus  Imperator  '?  Numquid  et  Regem  Franciae 
inutilera  depositum  a  Romano  Praesule  legimus  ?  Numquid  Henrici 
Fridericique  Caesares  contra  Ecclesiam  debacchati  sunt,  et  digni 
anathemate  putati  ?  Quid  ergo  an  brachium  contra  se  Imperator  prae- 
bebit,  aut  pauper  eum  corripiet  Romanus  Praesul  ?■ — Nos  teneraus, 
potentiam,  opes,  viresque  raulto  melius  in  Apostolica  sede  quam  in 
alio  quovis  saeculari  throne  existere.     Nam  sedes  haec  tutrix  fidei  est, 


358  THIRD  PERIOD.— UIY.  V.— A.D.   1409—1517. 

them,  what  was  to  be  expected  from  this  former  adherent  of  the 
Council  of  Basle,  when  under  the  name  of  Pius  II.  he  mounted 
the  Papal  throne  (1458)."°  Pius  II.  thought,  by  imitating  the 
earlier  Popes,  to  bring  back  the  Papacy  to  its  former  supremacy  ; 


quae  nunquam  erravit,  aut  erratura  est,  quia  rogavit  Dominus,  ut  non 

deficiat  fides  Petri.     Imperatores  vero,  et  Reges,  et  alios  Episcopos 

saepe  in  haeresim  lapsos  fuisse  legirnus.     Cap.  101  :  Caeterum  neque 

illud,  quod  sequitur  de  appellationibus,  piae  aures  ferre  possunt.     Nam 

si  Princeps  est  Romanus  Praesul,  si  Dominus,  si  Magister,  quo  pacto 

ab  eo  appellatur? — Nam   si  leges   civiles  neque   a   Senatu,   neque   a 

Principe  saeculari  appellationem  admittunt,  quanto  minus  ab  ecclesias- 

tico    Principe  erit?     Nam  si  Papa   simul  et    Imperator  conferantur, 

quantum  inter  solem  et  lunara  interest,  tantum  eos  differre  dicemns, 

et  Papara  soli,  Imperatorem  lunae  assimulabimus.     Praeterea  cum  ap- 

pellatio  ab  inferior!  ad  superiorem  defei'atur,   Papa  vero  prior  sit  et 

major  omnibus,  liquet  ab  eo  non  esse  provocandum,      Sed  audio,  quod 

tecum  loqui  potes  :  non  quispiain   slnguJaris  homo  appellabitur,  sed 

Concilium^  quod  majus  est  et  potentius  Romano  Praesule.     Nolunius 

banc  modo  quaestionem  ingredi,  quae  longiorem  tractatum  requirit,  et 

aliud  ingenium  quam  nostrum  est.     At  idem  Gelasius  sacros  canones 

ait  sanxisse,   ne   unquam  ab  ea   sede   appellaretur,  neque  Concilium 

excepit,  et  amplius  de  Romana  sede,  quod  ilia  etiam  quos  Synodus 

inique  damnaverat  absolvit.     Quo  dicto  declarat  a  Synodo  ad  Papam 

appellatum  fuisse,  eoque  modo  majorem    Synodo  Papam  extitisse. — 

Quocirca  si  quid  est  quod  gravius  ille  agat,  non  est  recalcitrandum,  sed 

ferendum.     Ridiculum  profecto,  nemo  est  tam  parvae  urbis  dominus, 

qui  a  se  appellari  ferat,  et  nos  Papam  appellatloni  subjectum  dicemixs? 

— At  si  me  ais,  Pontifex  indigne  prernit,  quid  again  ?     Redi  ad  eum 

supplex,  ora  onus  levet.     At  si  rogatus^  interpellatus  nolit  siibvenire 

misero,    quid  agam  ?      Quid  ages,   ubi   tuus  te   Princeps   saecularis 

urget? — Feram,  dices,  nam  aliud  nullum  est  remedium.     Et  hie  ergo 

feras. —  Cap.  102  :   Et  majores  igitur  nostri,  quamvis  Romanum  Ponti- 

ficem  aliquando  posse  injurium  esse  non  dubitarent,  non  tamen  appel- 

landum  ab  eo  sanxerunt.     Nam  injuriam  ab  ilia  sede  rarissime  ventu- 

ram  arbitrati  sunt ;  privates  vero  homines,  si  provocare  possent,  non 

dubitaverunt  toties  appellaturos,  quotiens  in  eos  sententia  promulga- 

retur :  quoniam  sicut  litigare  homines  injuste  audent,  ita  et  provocare 

audebunt,  ac  per  eum  modum  nullus  erit  unquam  finis  litium. 

'^  Concerning  him  see  especially  Gobellini  commentarii  above  note 
11.  His  own  epistolae  are  the  chief  sources  for  bis  history  ;  tbcse 
however,  although  there  ai-e  more  than  20  editions  of  them,  are  still 
seldom  to  be  found.  The  edition  used  here  is  that  of  Norimb.  1496. 
4.  With  regard  to  a  new  edition  intended  by  Privy-Councillor  Zapf, 
see  Hormayr's  Taschenbuch  fiir  die  vaterland.  Gesch.  Jahrg.  1830.  s. 
144  ff. — H.  Chr.  C.  E.  Helwing  de  Pii  II.  Pont.  Max.  rebus  gestis  et 
moribus  comm.     Berol.  1825.  4. 


CH.   I.— PAPACY.  ^  i;]3.  PIUS  II.  359 

but  just  as  he  himself  reckoned  more  upon  political  calculation, 
than  conviction  and  enthusiasm,  so  all  his  efforts  were  shivered 
upon  the  political  com])lications  of  that  time  without  eliciting 
any  enthusiasm. ^^  Accordingly  it  was  in  vain  that  he  set  in 
motion  the  same  means,  by  which  the  Popes  had  achieved  such 
marvellous  results  in  the  first  ages  of  Crusades.  He  founded 
new  Ecclesiastical  Orders  of  Knighthood,  l)ut  they  soon  came  to 
an  end.^^  He  summoned  a  general  assemblage  of  Christian 
nobles  to  Mantua,^"  but  he  could  only  bring  it  to  an  imperfect 
issue  by  dint  of  great  laboiu'.^"*  Here  tlie  nations  were  to  have 
united  in  one  Crusade  ;  but  here,  on  the  contrary,  nothing  else 
was  brought  fully  to  light  but  the  universal  lukewarmness,  and 
the  impossibility  of  any  common  undertaking  by  reason  of  the 
manifold  quaiTels  of  the  Princes  amongst  themselves.^'^     Pius 

-'  Pius  II.  invested  Ferdinand  with  Naples  (Raynald.  1458  no.  20 
ss.)  ;  but  the  House  of  Anjou,  supported  by  France,  made  unceasing 
claims  for  this  kingdom,  and  occasioned  wars  in  Italy. — The  Emperor 
Frederick  III.  was  at  issue  with  the  king  Matthias  about  Hungary, 
but  he  gave  in  so  early  as  1459,  On  the  other  side  within  Germany 
itself,  there  were  two  hostile  parties,  the  Imperial  and  the  Palatino- 
Bavarian  opposed  to  each  other. 

■^  On  18.  Jan.  1459  he  founded  the  Ordo  hospitalis  b.  Mariae 
Bethlemitanae,  after  the  example  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John  for  the 
protection  of  Lemnos  (Raynald.  ad.  h.  a.  no.  2.).  To  the  same  year 
belongs  also  a  Societas  sub  vocabulo  Jesu  nuncupata  ad  Dei  honorem 
et  infidelium  oppugnationem  instituta  (see  Pii  ii.  Ep.  ad  Carolum  R. 
Galliae  dd.  13.  Oct.  1459  in  Leibnitii  Cod.  Juris  Gentium  P.  i.  p.  420), 
to  which  the  Pope  granted  many  privileges  (Raynakl.  1.  c.  no.  83.). 

23  Gobellinus  lib.  ii.  p.  34.  The  writ  of  summons  is  in  Raynald. 
1458.  no.  16  ss. 

2*  Pius  [I.  opened  the  Assembly  1  June  1459  with  the  words 
(Gobellinus  lib.  iii.  p.  60)  :  Speravimus,  fratres  ac  filii,  banc  urbem 
adeuntes,  frequentes,  qui  praecessissent  Regum  legates  invenire  :  pauci 
adeunt,  ut  vidimus,  decepti  sumus.  Non  est  religionis  cura  apud 
Christianos,  quantam  credidimus  etc. 

25  In  his  closing  speech  in  January  1460  the  Pope  states  the  result 
of  the  convention  to  this  effect  (Gobellinus  lib.  iii.  p.  92.)  :  Hungari 
si  adjuventur,  summo  conatu  et  universis  viribus  suis  Turcas  invadent. 
Germani  exercitum  pollicentur  duorum  et  quadraginta  millium  bella- 
torum  ;  Burgundus  sex  millium  ;  I  tali,  exceptis  Venetis  ac  Genuen- 
sibus,  Cleri  decimas,  populi  trigesimas  annuorum  redituum,  ac  vigesi- 
mas  Judaicae  substantiae,  ex  quibus  navales  copiae  sustentari  queant. 
Idem  facit  Joannes  Rex  Aragonum.  Ragusaei  duas  triremes  offerunt, 
Rhodi  quatuor.  Haec  tanquara  certa  solemni  stipulatione  per  Principes 


3G0  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

II.  condemned  also  at  Mantua  appeals  from  the  Pope  to  a 
general  Council,-''  but  immediately  after,  more  appeals  then  ever 
followed  quick  one  after  the  other.     Cardinal  Bessarion  as  Papal 

ac  Legates  proinissa  sunt.  Veneti  quaniquam  publice  nihil  promiserint, 
cum  tamen  expeditionem  paratain  viderint,  haudquaquam  "dcerunt, 
neque  patientur,  ut  suis  majoribus  deteriores  videri  possint.  Idem  de  . 
Francis,  de  Castellanis,  de  Portugallensibus  dicimus.  Anglia  civilibus 
agitata  motibus  spem  nidlam  poUicetur,  neque  Scotia  in  intimo  ab- 
scondita  Oceano.  Dacia  quoque,  Suecia  ac  Norvegia  remotiores  pvo- 
vinciae  sunt,  quam  railites  possint  mittere,  nee  solis  contentae  piscibus 
pecuniam  nunisti-are  possunt.  Poloni  Turcis  per  Muldaviam  contennini 
suam  causam  deserere  non  audebunt.  Bohenios  raercede  licebit  con- 
ducere,  suo  aere  extra  regnum  non  militabunt.  Sic  res  Christianae  se 
habent.  Classem  pecunia  Italica  parabit,  si  non  Venetiis,  ac  saltim 
Genuae,  aut  in  Aragonia  :  nee  minor  erit,  quam  res  ipsa  deposcat. 
Hun2;ari  viginti  millia  equitum  armabunt  ;  peditum  baud  minorem, 
numerum,  qui  Germanis  juncti  ac  liurgundis  duodenonaginta  millia, 
militura  in  castris  habebunt.  Et  quis  non  bis  copiis  superatum  iri 
Turcas  arbitretur?  Hie  accedet  Georgius  Scanderbecbius,  et  Alba- 
norum  fortissiraa  manus  ;  et  multi  per  Graeciam  ab  boste  deficient  ; 
et  in  Asia  Charamannus  et  Armenorum  populi  Turcas  a  tergo  ferient  : 
non  est  cur  desperemus,  tantum  Deus  ipse  coepta  secundet ! 

-<'  The  Bull  of  23.  Jan.  1640  in  Gobellinus  iii.  p.  91  (according  to 
Raynald.  1460,  no.  10.  the  date  is  X.  Kal.  Febr.)  :  Execrabilis  et 
pristinis  temporibus  inauditus  tempestate  nostra  inolevit  abusus,  ut  a 
Romano  Pontifice  — nonnulli  spiritu  I'ebellionis  imbuti,  non  sanioris 
cupiditate  judicii,  commissi  evasione  peccati  ad  futurum  Concilium  pro- 
vocare  praesumant  :  quod  quantum  sacris  canonibus  adversetur,  quan- 
tumque  reipublicae  Christianae  noxium  sit,  quisquis  non  ignarus  jurium 
intelligere  potest.  Namque,  ut  alia  praetereamus,  quae  huic  corruptelae 
manifestissime  refragantur,  quis  non  illud  ridiculum  judicaverit,  quod 
ad  id  appellatur,  quod  nusquam  est,  neque  scitur  quod  futurvmi  sit  ? 
Pauperes  a  potentioribus  multipHciter  opprimuntur,  remanent  impunita 
scelera,  nutritur  adversus  primam  sedem  rebellio,  libertas  delinquendi 
conceditur,  et  omnis  ecclesiastica  discipliiia,  et  bierarchicus  ordo  con- 
funditur.  Volentes  igitur  hoc  pestiferum  virus  a  Christi  Ecclesia 
procul  pellere — hujusmodi  pi'ovocationis  introductiones  damnamus,  et 
tanquam  erroneas  ac  detestabiles  reprobamus,  cassantes,  et  penitus 
annullantes,  si  quae  hactenus  taliter  interpositae  reperiantur  ; — prae- 
cipientes  deinceps,  ut  nemo  audeat— ab  ordinationibus,  sententiis  sive 
mandatis  quibuscunque  nostris  ac  successorum  nostrorum  talem  appella- 
tionem  interponere,  aut  interpositae  per  alium  adhaerere,  seu  eis  quomo- 
dolibet  uti.  Si  quis  autera  contrafecerit  a  die  publicationis  praesentiura 
in  Cancellaria  Apostolica  post  duos  menses,  cujuscunque  status,  gradus, 
ordinis  vel  couditionis  fuerit,  etiamsi  imperiali,  regali,  vel  pontificali 
praefulgeat  dignifate  ;  ipso  facto  sententiam  execrationis  incurrat,  a 
qua  nisi  per  Romanum  Pontificem  et  in  mortis  articulo  absolvi  non 
possit.     Universitas  vero,  sive  collegium  ecclesiastico  subjaceat  inter- 


OH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  133.  PIUS.  II.  361 

Legate  was  expected  to  bring  about  a  Crusade  in  Germany, 
(1400),"^  but  at  last  he  only  occasioned  a  fi*esh  paper  of  griev- 
ances, and  an  appeal  from   the  electoral  princes. ^^     Sigismund, 

dicto  ;  et  nihilominus  tara  collegia  et  universitates,  quam  praedietae — 
personae  eas  poenas  ac  censuras  incurrant,  quas  rei  niajestatis,  et 
haereticae  pravitatis  fautores  incurrere  dignoscuntur.  Tabellionea 
insuper  ae  testes,  qui  liujusmodi  actibus  interfuerint,  et  generaliter  qui 
scienter  consilium,  auxilium  dederint  vel  favorein  talibus  appellantibus, 
pari  poena  plectantur. 

^^  On  Bessarion's  vain  endeavours  at  the  diets  of  Nuremberg,  Worms, 
and  Vienna,  to  establish  peace  amongst  the  German  Princes,  and  set  on 
foot  the  expedition  against  the  Turks,  see  Platinae  Panegyricus  in 
Bessarionem  Card,  in  his  Vitae  Pontiff.  Rom.  Lovan.  1572.  fol.  p.  71 
ss.  Fragments  from  it  are  found  in  H.  Chr.  Senckenberg  Selecta 
juris  et  historiarum.  t.  iv.  (Francof.  ad  M.  1738.  8.)  p.  334  ss.  and  in 
Chr.  J.  Kremer's  Gesch.  des  Kurf  Friedrichs  I.  v.  d.  Pfalz  (Manheim 
1766.  4.)  Urkunden  S.  179  f.  His  eftbrts  with  the  Bishops  in  the 
matter  of  the  tithe  were  not  raoi*e  fortunate,  see  Excerpta  e  Cod.  Ms. 
Acta  Imp.  publica  continente  in  Senckenberg  1.  c.  p.  315:  1460. 
Convocatio  Electorum  Imperii  et  Episcoporum  per  Card.  Graecum — in 
Nordlinga  in  Franconia,  postulando  decimam  generalem  a  Clero,  et 
ibidem  recepto  responso  dilatando,  dedit  in  sua  ira  oratioribus  bene- 
dictionem  cum  sinistra  manu. 

2^  The  finale  responsum  Legati  at  the  diet  of  Vienna  (in  Sencken- 
berg 1.  c.  p.  357  ss)  had  injured  the  electors,  and  so  immediately 
afterwards  they  drew  up  an  appeal  at  Nuremberg  (1.  c.  p.  369  ss.) 
First  there  is  a  complaint  because,  although  they  had  shown  them- 
selves ready  in  good  earnest  for  war  with  the  Turks,  and  had  only  de- 
manded previously  of  the  Emperor,  quatenus — ad  superiores  partes 
Imperii  sui  in  locum  corapetentem  se  conferre  dignaretur  ad  tollendum 
et  amputandum  schismata,  divisiones,  guerras, — quae  proh  dolor  Rom. 
Imp.  et  nationi  nostrae  increverunt,  to  which  demand  however  no 
answer  had  been  made  by  the  Emperor  :  verumtanien  idem  Aposto- 
licae  sedis  Legatus — ceremonia  quadam  contra  dictos  oratores  nostros 
fretus  est,  nos  parvifaciendo,  et  nostras  oblationes  sinceras  et  devotas 
rejiciendo,  increpando  et  judicando, — nostras  oblationes  esse  hominum 
renitentium  et  tergiversantium. — Sugillabantur  (Principes  Germaniae) 
tanquam  ludentes  cum  fide. — Succensebatur  in  illos,  quasi  promissa 
violantes  et  sua  irrita  facientes. — Quae  si  veritati  subnixa  forent,  sicuti 
non  vera  sunt,  essemus  de  sorte  gentium  incredulorum.  On  the  con- 
trary they  repeated  their  promises.  Porro  cum  in  Concilio  Constantiensi 
inter  alia  ordinatum  fore  dinoscitur,  ne  Summus  Pontifex  decimam  im- 
ponat,  nisi  hoc  faciat  cum  concilio  et  consensu  Praelatorum,  et  majoris 
partis  in  regnis  vel  provinciis,  ubi  decima  venit  imponenda  ;  pronuncia- 
vitque  saepenumero  Apostolicus  Legatus  praefatus,  se  plena  a  Sanctis- 
simo  Domino  nostro  fulcitum  auctoritate  et  facultate  decimam,  vicesi- 
mam,  atquc  tricesimani  per  plures  annos  in  natione  nostra  imponendi, 
sicque   praesumendi  et  formidandi,  quod — idem  Apostolicus   Legatus 


362  THIRD  rERIOD— DIV.  V.— A.D.  U09— 1517. 

Archduke  of  Austria,  was  punisht  with  ban  and  interdict  for  his 
violence  towards  Cardinal  Nicholas  of  Cusa,  Bishop  of  Brescia, 
(1460)  :  But  the  consequence  was  only  another  disagreeable 
appeal,  and  an  equally  disagreeable  explanation  from  Gregory  of 
Heimburg,  the  Archduke's  councillor .^^     In  August  1461  Pius 

aut  Sanctissimus  Doininus  nosier — irrequisito  concilio  et  consensu  tarn 
nostrorum  quain  alioruni,  quorum  interest — ad  hujusmodi  impositionem 
.  processerint  aut  procedant :  hinc  est,  si  et  in  quantum — contra  ordi- 
.^/liationem  Ecclesiae  sanctae  Dei  in  praefato  Concilio  Constantiensi — 
'  attemptatum  foret  attempteturve, — hoc  esse  gravamen  edicere  gravamur 
cui  nee  nos,  nee  nostri  utriusque  status  homines  minime  parere  aut 
satisfacere  possemus.  Attento  potissimum,  quod,  cum  per  amplissimas 
et  repetitas  ei  variis  respectibus  concessas  indulgentias,  quibus  piarum 
raentium  aeraria  evacuata  sunt,  turn  per  excessivam  solutionem  anna- 
tarum,  quarum  gratia  Ecclesiae  vel  feneratoribus  dispensiose  deditae, 
aut  ferme  funditus  confectae  jacent,  tum  variis  aliis  gravaminibus — 
adeo  gravatus,  adeo  exhaustus  et  exinanitus  est  uterque  status,  ut  illi 
omnia  ea  gravamina  et  sarcinam  hujusmodi  acceptandi  et  ferendi 
omnino  deest  facultas  atque  potestas.  Hac  occasione  ab  his  impo- 
sitionibus  et  gravaminibus — provocaraus  et  appellamus  ad  S.  D.  N, 
Papam  Pium,  ad  sanctam  sedem  Apostolicam,  aut  ad  ilium  vel  ad  illos, 
ad  quern  vel  ad  quos  de  jure  fuerit  appellandum,  vel  ad  Romanum 
Pontificem,  qui  in  Concilio  general!  seu  ycumenico  vel  jam  institute  vel 
instituendo  in  pi'oximo  praesidentiam  habeat  vel  habiturus  est, 
praesertim  ad  instituendum  eundem  Rom.  Pontificem  de  pia  nostra 
intentione,  supplici  oblatione — plenius,  atque  forsan  hactenus  in- 
structus  sit  etc.  The  Pope  in  answer,  by  a  Bull  of  4.  Sept  1461  (in 
Miiller's  Reicbstagstheatrum  Th.  2.  S.  29)  declared  it  to  be  an 
untruth  that  Bessarion,  whom  he  had  sent  into  Germany,  ad  praesi- 
dendum  in  dietis  tam  apud  Norimbergam,  quam  apud  curiam 
imperialem  tunc  tenendis,  had  in  view,  eos  ad  ipsius  decimae  solutionem 
compellere,  and  assured  them  nostrae  intentionis  semper  fulsse  et  adhuc 
esse,  quod  praedicta  decima  in  eadem  natione  non  exigeretur,  nee 
exigatur,  nisi  de  vestro  aliorumque  Praelatorum  et  Priucipum  con- 
sensu. 

-^  Compai-e  Gerardi  de  Roo  (about  1519)  Annales  Austriaci  lib.  vii. 
p.  222,  261.  Jo.  Jac.  Fugger's  (about  1555)  Spiegel  der  Ehreu  des 
I'.rzhauses  Oestereich  S.  663.  £f.  739.  The  Bishop  having  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  Pope  against  Sigismund's  will  was  always  at  variance 
with  him,  and  was  thrown  into  prison  by  him  for  laying  claim  to  certain 
packs  of  wool,  tolls,  and  saltworks.  For  this  the  Pope  declared  dd.  1. 
June  1460  (Raynald  1460.  no.  33),  that  the  Archduke  should  be 
sicut  reus  criminis  laesae  majestatis  perpetuo  infamis,  diffidatus, 
bannitus,  intestabilis,  omnique  privilegio,  honore,  et  dignitate  exutus, 
privatus,  ac  etiam  majoris  excommunicationis  sententia  innodatus,  he 
warned  the  Swiss,  ne  ad  observandum  pacis  et  concordiae  foedera  se 
adstrictos  arbitrentur,  and  commissioned  certain  prelates  ut  Helvetios 


ClI.  I.— PAPACY,  g  1:53.  PITS  II.  3(53 

II.  deposed  Diether  (^Theodore),  Archbishop  of"  Mayence,  in  an 

ad  foedus  armorum  pro  coercendo  Sigisiiiundo  conciteiit.     On  the  other 
hand  Sigismund  appealed  through  Gregory  of  Heimburg  to  a  general 
Council  dd.  13.  Aug.  1460  (the  deed  is  in  Goldasti  Monarchia  t.  ii.  p, 
1576   and   in  Brown  Appendix  ad  facsicul.    rerum  expetendarum    et 
fugiendai-um  p,  114)  et  appellationes  niultarum  civitatum   Italiae   et 
Alaraaniae  Ecclesiarum  valvis — aflSgi   fecit   (Raynald.  1460.  no.  35). 
Now  fell  the  Pope's  Bann  upon  Gregory  also  (Raynald.  1.  c.)  who  had 
been  his  fellow  ambassador  to  Eonie  in  1446  (see   §   132.  note  50). 
Pius    II.  wrote  to  the  magistrate  of  Nuremberg  dd.  18.  Oct.  1460  (iu 
Brown  p.  125)  :  Quidam  ex  parte  Diabolo  mendaciorum  artifice  natus, 
Gregorius  de   Heymburg  nomine, — a  nostra  solemni  declaratoria  sen- 
tentia,  qua — impium  Sigismundum — ^juris  scripti  poenas  declaravimus 
incurrisse,  a  nobis  ad  futurura  Concilium  improbam,  nefariam,  teme- 
rariam,   seditiosam    deniquc  appellationem   dictavit.     Et   illius  inter- 
positionis  per    dictum    Sigismundum    factae  ipse   dictator  in  originali 
instrumento   Florentiae  ad   valvas  Ecclesiae  afBxo   testis  inscribitur. 
Quod  quia  loquax  ille,  praesumptuosus   et   praeceps,    mendax   atque 
turbulentus,     temerarius    ob    istud    facinus    excommunicatus    existit, 
criminaque  et  poenas  incidit  laesae  majestatis  atque  haeresi%  adeo  ut 
ultra  execrationem  honore  omni  et  bonis  jure  sit  privatus;   Devotiones 
vestras     in     Domino    requirentes    admonemus,    hnjusmodi  pestiferum 
hominem    pro   tali  excommunicato  habeatis  ;  —  ipsumque  non  solum 
vitetis,  sed  procul  ejiciatis  ab  oppido  et  dominio  vestro  ;  et  bona  quae- 
cunque  habet  apud  vos,  tarn  mobilia  quam  immobilia,  fisco  vestro  appli- 
cetis,  et  alia  onmia  faciatis,  quae  contra  haereticos  de  jure  canonico 
fieri  mandantur.      Gregory  answered  this  Bull  by  an  Appellatio  ad 
Concilium  futurum  (in  Goldast.  p.  1592.      Brown   p.   126),  in   which 
he  speaks  very  contemptuously  of  the   Pope  :  E.  g.  voluit  Papa  iste 
abuti  potestate  sua, — et  sub  velamento  militaris  expeditionis  in  Tur- 
cam  instaurandae  facultates  Germaniae — medullitus  exhaurire. — Ipse 
aliquando   audiet,  quid  gesserit.  qualem  vitam   egerit,  et  quid   apud 
Comas  :  sed  reprimo  me  etc. — Mihi  satis  est  didicisse  civiles  sententias 
etc. — ipse  in  nmnero  sit  illorum,  qui  putant  haec  omnia  vi  et  artificio 
rhetorum  contineri.     Ergo  si  Papa  ob  id  facinus  me  excommunicatura 
dicit,  quis  erit  ejectior  ipso,  qui  praeter  verbositatem  nihil  habet  in  se 
virtutis  ?     He  refutes  especially  here  the  Pope's  assertion.  Concilium 
supra   Papara    non  esse,    and  defends    appeals  to  General    Councils. 
Theodoras  Laelius  Episc.   Feltrensis,  Referendarius  Apostolicus,  an- 
swered this  appeal  with   a  Confutatio  (in   Goldast  p.   1595),  which, 
however,   Gregory  refuted   by  an   Apologia  contra  detrectationes  et 
blasphemias  Theod.    Laelii   (in  Goldast.  p.   1604).      Then   Pius   II. 
summoned  the  Archduke  before  his  judgment  seat,  dd.  22.  Jan.  1462 
(Raynald.  1461.  no.  11),  as  de  damnatissima  haeresi,  quae  est  omnium 
haeresum  haeresis,  non  solum  suspectum  notorie,  sed  sensibiliter  maeu- 
latum,   tanquam  sacrae  fidei  non  recipient  em   articulum  : — Credo  hi 
imam  Sanctum  et  Apostolicam  Ecdesiam.     Nam  cum  ipsius  Ecclesiae 
Romanus  Pontifex  caput  sit,  canonesque  et  censui'ae  sic  sint  Ecclesiae, 


364  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

arbitrary  manner  :^°  but  the  Pope's  word  of  command,  though 
supported  by  the  Emperor,  produced  no  decided  effect :  it  roused 

quod  quisque  ia  Ecclesia  positus  et  credens  capiti,  canonibus  et  ejus 
censuris  teneatur  obedire ;  dictus  quidem  Sigisraundus  non  solum  illis 
non  obedit,  sed  praedicat  insupei',  quod  minime  obedire  teneatur,  when 
Sigismund  did  not  appear,  excommunication  was  once  more  pronounced 
against  him,  and  Gregory  die  cocnae  Domini  (Gobellinus  lib.  viii.  p. 
203).  In  1464  Sigismund  received  the  Pope's  absolution,  compare 
Jacobi  Picolominei  Card.  Papiensis  Epist.  282  (under  Gobellinus  p. 
668) :  Sigismundus — divino  tandem  est  humiliatus  miraculo,  atque 
eo  quidem  usque  humilitatus,  et  Romanorum  Imperator, — consangui- 
nltate  ilium  attingens,  cum  summa  Sedis  gloria  ante  genua  Legati 
apostolici  procidens  non  ante  surgendum  putaverit,— quam  poenitenti 
et  satis  proinjuriis  facienli  poenarum  abolitionem,  restitutionemque  est 
consecutus.  On  the  other  hand,  Gregory  of  Heimburg  remained  firm, 
he  struggled  long  against  the  Popes,  first  on  the  side  of  Diether,  Arch- 
bishop of  Mayence,  afterwards  on  the  side  of  George  Podiebrad,  King 
Bohemia,  until  he  at  length,  shortly  before  his  death  at  Dresden  in 
1472,  sought  and  obtained  absolution.  There  is  a  documentary  narra- 
tive of  these  last  events  by  J.  G.  Horn  in  d.  Niiztl.  Sammlungen  zu 
einer  histor.  Handbibliothek  von  Sachsen.  Th.  4.  (Leipzig  1728.  4.) 
S.  382  If. 

3"  Diether  was  elected  in  June  1459,  and,  after  much  negotiation, 
confirmed  by  Pius  II.  in  Mantua  1460.  The  Bull  of  deposition,  dated 
21.  Aug.  1461  (in  Kaynald.  1461.  no.  21,  more  fully  in  Miiller's 
Reichstagstheatnim.  Th.  2.  S.  31),  gives  first  as  the  reason  for  the 
sentence,  that  Diether  had  obtained  the  majority  in  the  election  by 
bribery.  The  Pope,  who  was  not  aware  of  this  fact,  when  his  confir- 
mation was  applied  for,  considering,  quam  conventui  Mantuanensi — sua 
praesentia  admodum  utilis  esset,  required  that  Diether  sicut  jura 
volunt,  pro  confirmatione  should  appear  in  person  :  he,  however,  modo 
corporis  infirmitatem,  modo  pauperiem  praetendens,  had  evaded  this, , 
and  so  the  Pope  at  last  had  granted  confirmation  to  his  proctors  :  pro- 
cui'atores  Dietheri  ejus  nomine  et  in  animam  ejus  ea  nobis  juraverunt, 
quae  caeteri  Episcopi  Romanis  Pontificibus  jurare  consueverantet  ultra 
hoc  venturum  ipsum  personaliter  infra  annum  ad  praesentiam  nostram. 
However  he  had  disappointed  all  the  hopes  entertained  of  him  :  cum — 
expectaremus,  hunc  hominem — ea  curare,  quae  pro  tutela  Christianae 
religionis  in  Mantuensi  conventu  concluseramus,  invitare  homines  suae 
nationis  ad  expeditionem  contra  Turcos  obeundam,  ad  obediendum  in 
ea  re  carissimo  fiUio  nostro,  Friderico  Romanorum  Imperatori  Augusto, 
ad  quern  idcirco  legatum  de  latere  miseramus  ad  parandos  exercitus,  ad 
solvendas  decimas,  ac  vigesimas  et  trigesimas  contribuendas,  et  alia 
praesidia  praestanda  ;  homo  in  reprobum  sensum  datus — mox  cornua 
erexit  in  Apostolicam  sedem, — Legatum  nostrum  calumniatus  est,  qui 
decimas  conaretur  exigere,  quibus  copiae  contra  Turcos  armari  pos- 
sent,  palamque  dicere  non  est  veritus,  nos  argentum  nationis,  non  fidei 
defensionem  quaerere  (this  refers  to  the  transactions  at  Vienna,  and 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  133.  PIUS  II.  3G5 

a  contest,  and  the  issue  of  the  struggle  was  not  the  overthrow 

the  appeal  of  the  electors  note  28). — Inter  haec  accidit,  ut  ad  I'nstan- 
tiam  niercatonnn,  qui  pecunias  Apostolicae  sedi  debitas  sibi  mutuo 
concesseriuit,  cum  jam  satisfactionis  tenipus  praeteriisset,  Dietherus 
ipse  excommunicaretur  absque  nostra  conscientia  :  nam  id  perjudices 
inferiores  in  forma  Camerae  fieri  solet.  Quod  ubi  ad  ejus  notitiam 
pervenit, — non  recurrit  ad  nos, — sed — Apostolicam  sedem  blasphemans 
conficto  quodam  infamatorio  libello  ad  futurum  Concilium  contra  Man- 
tuanam  buUam  appellavit,  excommunicationem  ipso  facto,  a  qua  nisi  a 
nobis  absolvi  non  potest,  ct  alias  poenas  contra  reos  majestatis  et  haere- 
ticae  pravitatis  fautores  a  jure  fulminatas  incurrens.  Nee  animo  irre- 
verenti  et  infrunito  satis  fvut,  primam  sedem  his  modis  contempsisse,  nisi 
et  divina  quoque  contemneret,  illis  se  publice  immiscens  palam  et 
notorie  excommunicatus,  et  in  irregularitatem  incidens.  Then  he  is 
charged  with  not  having  appeared  before  the  Pope  within  a  year 
according  to  his  oath,  and  with  having  summoned  a  meeting  of 
the  nobles  at  Frankfort,  against  the  Emperor's  will.  The  Pope 
had  afterwards  sent  Ambassadors  to  him,  qui  male  vadentem  re- 
traherent  et  in  viam  reducerent :  they  had  arrived  during  the  meet- 
ing of  the  nobles  which  Diether  had  removed  to  Mayence :  here 
he  had  admitted  also  the  excommunicated  Gregory  of  Heimbure;  as 
Sigismund's  ambassador  in  spite  of  their  warnings.  As  his  designs 
against  the  Pope  met  with  no  success,  he  had  secretly  disavowed  the 
apjDcal  because  of  the  Legates,  but  had  returned  immediately  afterwards 
to  his  former  courses.  Accordingly  sentence  of  deposition  was  pro- 
nounced against  him.  Another  Bull  of  the  same  day  (in  Miiller  S. 
35)  appoints  Adolphus,  Count  of  Nassau,  to  be  Archbishop  of  Mayence. 
The  true  state  of  the  case  appears  even  from  the  Pope's  Bull  of  depo- 
sition ;  but  still  plainer  from  Diether's  own  defence,  viz.  from  the 
appellatio  mentioned  in  that  Bull  (in  Senckenberg  Selecta  juris  et 
histor.  T.  iv.  p.  393),  from  the  apology  written  in  answer  to  tliat  Bull 
on  the  Thursday  after  Michaelmas  1461  (in  Miiller  S.  38)  and  from 
a  second  work,  printed  by  the  first  printer  at  Mayence,  dated  the  Tues- 
day after  the  Sunday  Laetare  1462  (in  Lehraann's  Speyerscher 
Cronik  Buch  vii.  cap.  105.  S.  859).  The  first  charge  of  Simony  he 
refutes  in  his  defence  (Miiller  S.  39)  by  the  account  of  the  proceedings 
at  the  election,  according  to  which  he  was  unanimously  appointed. 
At  Mantua  the  Pope  required  from  the  electoral  ambassadors  (see 
Appellatio  in  Senckenberg  iv.  p.  393),  quatenus  se  nomine  nostro 
obligarent,  ne  futuro  Concilio  daremus  operam,  neve  Principes  Ger- 
manicae  nationis  convocaremus.  (Schrift  in  Lthmann  :  Dann  wolten 
wir — in  die  Uftsatzung  und  Schatzung  des  zehenden,  zwantzigsten 
und  dreyssigsten  Pfennings,  von  seiner  Heiligkeit  iiff  Teutschland  ge- 
schlagen,  verwilligt  und  uns  verbunden  haben,  unser  Mit-Churfiirsten 
bey  Zeit  unsers  Lebens  ohne  S.  Heiligk.  Wissen  und  Gefallen  nit  zu 
versamlen,  unser  Bischoft'  und  Suftraganien  und  Pfafifheit  unter  uns 
seyn,  nicht  zu  beruffen,  und  kein  gemein  Concilium  fiirzunehmen  ge- 
statten  als  dz  an  unser  Bottschaft,  wir  zu  S. 'Heiligk.  gesandt  hatten, 
zu  mehrmalen  gesonnen  ist,  zweiffelt  uns  nicht,  wir  waren   solcher 


3G()  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D,  1409—1517. 

unbillicber  Beschwerung  vertmgen).  As  the.  Ambassadors  would  not 
consent  to  this,  they  were  dismist  without  effecting  the  object  of  their 
mission.  Some  months  after  a  second  embassy  was  sent  to  the 
Pope,  to  obtain  confirmation  without  those  conditions  Cum  autera 
Oratores  nostri,  antequam  ad  Cameram  Apostolicam  pervenissent,  lit- 
teras  nostras  atque  efficacem  obligationem  facere  cogebantur  pro  An- 
nata  ipsi  Camerae  persolvenda,  qua  praestita  et  recepta  ilico  eis  nuncu- 
pata  est  quaedam  pecuniarum  suimna  gravissima,  scilicet  xxm.  vc.  et  I. 
floren.  Rhenensium  : — obstupuerunt  Oratores  nostri,  nee  tamen  aliter 
literas  extrahere  potuerunt,  nisi  in  ilia  obligatione  persisterent.  Cum- 
que  de  gravi  taxa  conquererentur,  nihil  aliud  supererat,  quam  Camerae 
ipsi  Apostolicae  de  taxa  expressata  [satisfacere],  subordinatis  etiam 
numulariis,  canipsoribus  vel  mercatoribus  appellatis,  qui  obligationem 
respectu  Camerae  Apostolicae  in  se  receperunt,  et  a  nostris  Oratoribus, 
nedum  nostro  verum  etiam  ipsorum  propriis  nominibus,  obligationem 
seu  cautionem  acceperunt.  Et  ita  Oratores  nostri  una  cum  litteris  con- 
firmationis  et  caeteris,  quae  ad  conseci'ationem  obtinendam  requiruntur, 
a  Romana  Curia  dimissi  sunt.  Nos  vero  admirati,  cur  tanta  summa  a 
nobis  exigeretur,  cum  tamen  a  praedecessoribus  nostris  longe  minor 
fuerit  persoluta,  sciscitati  sumus,  quaenam  vera  taxa  esset  ab  Ecclesia 
Magunt.  Camerae  Apostolicae  debita.  Cum  vero  in  hujusmodi  inves- 
tigatione  fluctuaremus  ambigue  nonnihil,  certe  summam  pecuniarum 
persolvimus,  ut  jam  putaremus  illi  summae  satis  appropinquasse,  quae 
a  praedecessore  nostro  tempore  suae  confirmationis  fuit  persoluta.  Ob- 
tulimus  ergo  et  nunc  offerimus  talem  summam,  qualem  praedecessor 
noster  exposuit,  seu  quae  de  jure  vel  antiqua  consuetudine  ipsi  Ca- 
merae Apostolicae  ab  Ecclesia  nostra  debita  esset.  Papa  vero,  his 
non  contentus,  processus  poenales  contra  nos  et  Oratores  nostros 
supradictos  dicitur  instituisse,  aut  comminatur  instituere  velle.  Nobis 
vero  allegantibus,  quod  ad  solutionem  promissio  a  nobis  et  a  nostris 
extorta  est,  et  error  factus,  qui  nos  merito  excusat  :  —  responsum 
est  nobis,  jam  non  agere  contra  nos  Romanum  Pont,  et  Collegium 
Cardinalium,  sed  mercatores  illos,  qui  se  debitores  pro  nobis  consii- 
tuerunt,  quibus  et  nos  de  sua  cavimus  indemnitate  ;  ideo,  si  Camera 
nos  gravasset,  nihilominus  mercatoribus  illis  indemnitatera  promissam 
exsequi  leneamur.  Quod  et  nos  profecto  justum  censeremus,  nisi 
collusio  expressa  sufficienter  mercatoribus  ipsis  obstaret,  qui  agentibus 
Camerae  subordinati  et  submissi  machinationis  hujusmodi  non  erant 
inscii.  Quod  etiam  ex  hoc  fonte  clarius  deprehenditur,  quod,  cum 
mercatores  ipsi  pecuniam  constitutam  Dominis  Cardinalibus  exsolve- 
runt,  ipsi  sibi  caverunt,  qviod  si  pecunia  ilia  ipsis  mercatoribus  per  nos 
soluta  non  fuerit,  mercatoribus  ipsis  a  Dominis  Cardinalibus  persolve- 
retur,  prout  ipsorum  Card,  litteris  ad  nos  missis  clare  edocti  sumus. 
Rudolf,  Dean  of  the  Cathedral  of  Worms,  Papal  legate  at  the  diet  of 
Mayence,  contradicted  that  statement  with  regard  to  the  Annates  (in 
Gobellinus  lib.  vi.  p.  144)  :  mentiti  omnes  sunt,  qui  vel  nummum 
unum  abs  te  flagitatum  asserunt  ultra  summam  in  Camera  praetaxa- 
tara  :  decem  millia  auri  nummum  principalis  taxatio  requirit,  minuta- 
que  quae  vocant  servitia  et  litterarum  expeditio,  et  oratorum  suraptus 
circiter  quatuor  millia  deposcunt. — Ecclesia  Treverensis,  quae  multo 


CH.  I.— I'AI'ACY.  ^  1P,3.  PIUS  II.  3(57 

but  the  compensation  of  Diether  (Oct.  1403).'^^  In  Germany 
where  the  Hberal-minded  Aeneas  Sylvius  was  not  yet  forgotten, 
the  opposite  policy  of  Pius  II.  could  not  fail  to  awaken  a  mingled 
feeling  of  doubt  and  discontent.  Thus  the  Pope  was  induced  to 
issue  a  bulla  retractationum  addrest  to  the  University  of  Cologne 
{2Q.  April.  1463) :  but  in  this  his  inconsistency  was  rather  brought 
to  light  than  justified.'^"^    Pius  II.  met  with  but  little  better  success 

minor  est,  sub  Cali-^to  tertio  triginti  niillia  dcdit.  From  this,  however, 
it  would  only  follow  that  the  money  leuder  employed  by  the  Curia 
proposed  a  loan  of  GOOO  florins.  According-  to  the  Aschafifenburg 
concordat,  which  in  this  point  agrees  entirely  with  that  of  Constance 
(§  131.  note  19),  one  half  of  the  annates  was  to  be  paid  in  the  first, 
the  other  half  in  the  second  year. 

^'  The  struggle  betwixt  Diether  and  his  adversary,  Adolphus  of 
Nassau,  which  was  cai'ried  out  in  favor  of  the  former  by  the  assistance 
of  the  Elector  Frederich  I.  of  the  Palatinate,  was  brought  to  an  end  by 
the  treaty  of  Zeilsheim  12.  Oct.  1463  (see  Serrarii  Rer.  Mogunt.  ad 
Johannis  T.  ii.  p.  192  ss.),  which  was  ratified  at  Frankfurt  on  the  26th 
Oct.  and  acceded  to  even  by  the  Papal  Legates.  According  to  it 
Diether  resigned  the  Archiepiscopal  dignity,  but  retained  during  his 
lifetime  several  of  the  cities,  offices,  and  customs  of  Mayence,  and  was 
exempted  from  the  Archiepiscopal  jurisdiction  (Gudenus  Codex  diplom. 
T.  iv.  p.  368.)  Und  zu  stunt  alz  daz  geschacli  (thus  writes  a 
cotemporary  chronicler  at  Speyer  in  Kremers  Gesch.  des  Kurf.  Fried- 
richs  I.  s.  359),  so  hat  der  Legat,  der  by  dem  von,  Nassau  waz,  daz  Cruz 
geniacht  liber  den  von  Ysenburg  und  uber  sine  Diner,  und  hat  auch  den 
Monchen  von  Franckfurt  iren  segen  geben  und  absolvirt,  wan  sie  sangent 
wider  des  Babstes  Gebott  und  hielten  es  mit  den  von  Ysenburg.  But  the 
new  elector  Adolphus  had  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  absolution,  and 
to  execute  for  this  pui-pose  a  bond  for  500  florins  in  favour  of  the 
Papal  legate  (Gudenus  iv.  p.  372.)  How  glad  the  Pope  was  to  see 
the  matter  thus  concluded,  is  shown  by  his  letter  to  Diether  (in  Gude- 
nus iv.  p.  371),  in  which  he  overwhelms  him  with  praises  and  promises 
on  account  of  his  resignation,  calling  him  his  dilectum  filium.  A 
detailed  narrative  of  these  proceedings,  but  in  favour  of  the  Pope,  may 
be  seen  in  Gobellinus  lib.  iii.  p.  64.  lib.  vi.  p.  143  ss.  lib.  ix.  p.  220.  lib. 
xii.  p.  345.  Compare  especially  Kremer's  Gesch.  des  Kurf.  Friedrichs 
I.  v.  d.  Pfalz.  Frankf.  u.  Lcipz.  1765.  4.  S.  210  ff.  244  &.  353  ff. 
Diether  von  Ysenburg,  Erzb.  u.  Kurf.  v.  Mainz.  Erster  Theil  (geht 
bis  1462.)     Mainz  1789.  8. 

^'-  This  Bull  is  abridged  in  Raynald.  1463.  no.  114  ss.,  entire  in 
Harduini  Concill.  ix.  Hartzheim  Cone.  Germ.  v.  p.  945  :  In  mino- 
ribus  agentes,  nondum  sacris  Ordinibus  initiati,  cum  Basileae  inter  eos 
versaremur,  qui  se  generale  Concilium  facere,  et  universalem  Eccle- 
siam  repraesentare  ajebant,  dialogorum  quendam  libellum  (this  is  his 
Pentalogus   de   rebus   Ecclesiae  et  Imperii  in  Pezii  thes.  anecdotorum 


368  TIIIKD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  U09— 1517. 

in  France  than  in  Germany.     When  he  inveighed  at  Mantua 


novissirao  T.  iv.  P.  iii.  p.  639)  ad  vos  scripsiinus,  in  quo  de  auctoritate 
Concilii  generalis,  ac  de  gestis  Basileensiurn,  et  Eugenii  Papae  contra- 
dictione  ea  probavimus  vel  damnavimus,  quae  probanda  vel  damnauda 
censuimus  :  quantum  capiebamus,  tantum  defendimus  aut  oppugnavi- 
mus  :  nihil  mentiti  sumus,  nihil  ad  gratiam,  nihil  ad  odium  retulimus. 
Existimavimus  bene  agere  et  recta  incedere  via,  nee  mentis  nostrae 
aliud  erat  objectum,  quam  publica  utilitas  et  amor  veri.  Sed  quis  ncn 
errat  mortalis  ? — Declinavimus  et  nos  ab  utero  niatris,  erravimus  in 
invio  et  non  in  via,  ambulavimus  in  tenebris,  et  procul  a  vera  luce 
recessimus  :  nee  nobis  tantum  erravimus,  alios  quoque  in  praecipitium 
traximus,  et  caeeis  ducatum  praebentes  caeci  cum  illis  in  foveam  reci- 
dimus.  Forsitan  et  aliquos  ex  vobis  scripta  nostra  decepere,  et  in 
devia  deduxerunt,  quorum  sanguinem  si  de  manibus  nostris  requisierit 
Dominus,  non  habemus  quod  respondere  possimus,  nisi  nos  ut  homines 
peccavissc,  qui  arbitrantes  rectum  iter  ostendere  obliquum  raonstravi- 
mus.  In  misericordia  tantum  Dei  spes  nostra  sita  est. — Utinam  latu- 
issent  quae  sunt  ed^ta  !  nam  si  futuro  in  saeculo  manserint ;  aut  in 
nialignas  raentes  inciderint,  aut  incautis  fortasse  scandalum  parient : 
qui  haec  scripsit,  inquient,  in  beati  tandem  Petri  cathedra  sedit,  et 
Christi  salvatoris  vicariatum  gessit :  ita  scripsit  Aeneas,  qui  postea 
summuui  Pontificatum  adeptus  Pius  II.  appellatus  est,  nee  invenitur 
mutasse  propositum  :  qui  eum  elegerunt  et  in  suinmo  Apostolatus  vertice 
coUocarunt,  ab  iis  scripta  ejus  approbata  videntur.  Verendum  est,  ne 
talia  nostris  aliquando  successoribus  objiciantur,  et  quae  fuerunt  Aeneae 
dicantur  Pii,  atque  ab  ea  sede  auctoritatem  vendicent,  adversus  quam 
ignoranter  latraverunt.  Cogimur  igitur,  dilecti  filii,  b.  Augustinuni 
imitari,  qui  cum  aliqua  in  suis  voluminibus  erronea  inseruissct,  retrac- 
tationes  edidit. — Idem  et  nos  faciemus  :  confitebimur  ingenue  ignoran- 
tias  nostras,  ne  per  ea,  quae  scripsimus  juvenes,  error  irrepat,  qui  possit 
in  futurum  Apostolicam  sanctam  sedera  oppugnare :  nam  si  quern 
decuit  uraquam  Roman!  primique  throni  eminentiam  et  gloriain  defen- 
dere  ac  extollere,  nos  illi  sumus,  quos  sine  ullis  meritis  pius  et  miseri- 
eors  Dens  sola  dispensatione  sua  ad  b.  Petri  solium,  et  dilectissimi 
filii  sui,  domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  vicariatum  evocavit.  Quibus  ex 
rebus  dilectiones  vestras  hortamur,  et  in  Domino  commonemus,  ne 
prioribus  illis  scriptis  inliaereatis,  aut  fidem  ullam  praestetis,  quae 
supremam  Apostolicae  sedis  auctoritatem  quovis  pacto  elidunt,  aut 
aliquid  adstruunt,  quod  sacrosancta  Romana  non  amplectitur  Ecclesia  : 
suadete  omnibus  ut  id  solum  prae  caeteris  venerentur,  in  quo  salvator 
Dominus  suos  vicarios  collocavit. — Requirit  autem  ordo,  ut  inferiora  a 
superioribus  gubernentur,  et  ad  unum  tandem  perveniatur  tanquam 
principem  et  moderatorem  cunctorum,  quae  infra  se  sunt.  Sicut  grucs 
unam  sequuntur,  et  in  apibus  unus  est  rex,  ita  et  in  Ecclesia  niilitante, 
quae  instar  triumphantis  se  habet,  unus  est  omnium  moderator  et 
arbiter,  Jesu  Christi  vicarius,  a  quo  tamquam  capite  omnis  in  subjecta 
membra  potestas  et  auctoritas  derivatur,  quae  a  Christo  Domino  Deo 
nostro  sine  medio  in  ipsum  influit. — Petrus  igitur  et  successores  ejus 


CH.  I.-  PAPACY.  §  l;;3.  PIUS  II.  3(J9 

against  the  Prao-matic  sanction,'^'^  Charles  VII.  in  retuni  had  an 

Roraani  Potitifices  primatuin  in  Ecclesia  tenuerunt,  et  nos  hodie, 
quamvis"  indigni,  sola  Domini  voluntate  digni,  teueinus  :  et  quicunque 
Komanae  secundum  canonicas  sanctiones  praeficitur  Ecclesiae,  quam 
primum  electus  est  in  sacro  collegio,  supreniara  a  Deo  potestatem  sine 
medio  consequitur,  et  pei-  ordinem  in  omnem  diffundit  Ecclesiam  :  cujus 
peccata  divino  judici  punienda  relinquuntur.  Si  quid  adversus  hanc 
doctrinam  inveneritis  aut  in  dialogis,  aut  in  epistolis  nostris,  quae 
plures  a  nobis  sunt  editao,  aut  in  aliis  opusculis  nostris  (multa  enim 
scripsimus  adhuc  juvenes),  respuite  atque  contemnite  :  sequimini  quae 
nunc  diciinus,  et  seni  raagis  quam  juveni  credite,  nee  privatum  homi- 
nein  pluris  facite  quam  Pontificem  :  Aeneam  rejicite,  Bium  recipite  : 
illud  gentile  nomen  parentes  indidere  nascenti,  hoc  christianum  in 
Apostolatu  suscepimus.  Dicent  fortasse  aliqui,  cum  Pontificatu  hanc 
nobis  opinionem  advenisse,  et  cum  dignitate  mutatam  esse  sententiam. 
Haud  ita  est,  longe  aliter  actum.  Auditc,  filii,  conversationem  nos- 
tram.  Next  he  relates  how  in  1431  he  came  to  Basle  as  a  youth, 
and  was  there  carried  away  by  the  universal  consent,  and  the  authority 
of  famous  names,  to  take  the  Council's  side  against  the  Pope  :  IIow 
he  was  afterwards  awakened  by  tlie  Erapei'or  Frederick's  conduct,  and 
at  his  Coart  was  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  his  error.  Lastly,  he 
discourses  on  the  necessity  of  a  monarchical  government  in  the  Church, 
and  on  the  prerogative  of  the  Roman  See. 

^^  See  Pii  P.  II.  responsio  ad  orationem  Oratorum  Gallicorura 
in  d'Achery  Splclegium  III.  p.  811  ss.  which  first  justifies  at  length 
the  policy  of  the  Pope  in  favour  of  Ferdinand  King  of  Naples  against 
the  claims  of  the  house  of  Anjou,  which  were  supported  by  France,  and 
at  last  p.  820  approaches  the  Pragmatic  Sanction :  Caeterum  quia 
Pragraaticae  Sanctionis  superius  incidit  mentio,  cujus  secreta  magis 
pulsavimus  quam  aperuimus,  urget  nos  conscientia,  imo  vero  caritas, 
qua  genti  vestrae  devincti  suraus,  priusquam  dicendi  finem  facimus, 
de  ea  aliqua  librare  :  ne  taciturnitas  nostra  indulgentia  rcputetur,  et 
quod  sanabile  vulnus  est,  fiat  mortale,  et  nos  a  consortio  vestro  opor- 
teat  abstinere  :  quoniam  sicut  in  veteri  lege  (Lev.  xxi.  11.)  sancitum 
est,  super  omnem  animam,  quae  viortua  est,  non  ingreditur  Puntlfex : 
quod  teste  Hieronymo  perinde  accipiendum  est  ac  si  dicat,  ubicumque 
peccatum  est  et  in  peccato  mors,  illuc  Pontifex  non  accedat.  Cupimus 
sanctara  esse  Francorum  gentem,  et  omni  carere  macula : — at  hoc 
fieri  non  potest,  nisi  haec  Sanctionis  macula  seu  ruga  deponatur,  quae 
quomodo  introducta  sit  ip-^i  nostis.  Certe  non  auctoritate  generalis 
Synodi,  nee  Romanorum  decreto  Pontificum  recepta  est,  quamvis  de 
causis  ecclesiasticis  tractatus  absque  placito  Romanae  sedis  stare  non 
possit.  Ferunt  aliqui  idcirco  initiura  ei  datura,  quia  nimis  onerarent 
Romani  Pontifices  Regnum  Franciae,  nimiasque  pecunias  inde  corra- 
derent.  Mirum  si  haec  ratio  Carolum  movit,  quem  praedecessoris  sui 
magni  Caroli  decebat  imitatorem  esse,  cujus  haec  verba  leguntur :  In 
memoriam  b.  Petri  Apostoli  honoremus  s.  Rmianarii  Ecclesiam : — et 
licet  vix  ferendum  ah  ilia  s.  Sede  imponatur  jugum,  tamen  feramus,  et 
VOL.  IV.  2  A 


370  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1109— 1517. 

appeal  to  a  general  Council  brought  in  (14(>0).^^     Lewis  XI. 

pia  devotione  toleremiis  (rather  Cone.  Tribur.  ann.  895.  c.  30.  see  Part 
1.  §  25.  note  4.)  Non  est  credlbile  Carolum,  qui  inodo  regnat,  suo 
sensu  banc  Pragraalicam  iiitroduxiss!\  Deceplum  putanius,  et  piae 
menti  suggesta  fuisse  non  vera.  Nam  quo  pacto  religiosus  Princeps 
ea  servai-i  juflsisset,  quorum  praetextu  summa  sedis  Apostolicae  aucto- 
ritas  laeditur,  i-eligionis  nostrae  vires  enervantur,  unitasque  Ecclesiae 
et  libertas  perimitur? — Non  ponderanms  causarum  auditionem  non 
beneficiorum  collationem,  non  alia  multa,  quae  curare  putamur.  Illud 
no3  angit,  quod  animarum  perditioncm  ruinamque  cernimus,  et  no- 
bilissimi  Regis  gloriara  labefactari.  Nam  quo  pacto  tolerandum  est 
Clericorum  judices  laicos  esse  factos  ?  Pastorum  causas  oves  cognos- 
cere  ?  Siccine  regale  genus  et  sacerdotale  sumus  ?  Non  explicabimus 
honoris  causa,  quantum  diminuta  est  in  Gallia  sacerdotalis  auctoritas. 
Episcopi  norunt,  qui  pro  nutu  saecularis  potestatis  spiritualera  gladivun 
nunc  exercent,  nunc  recludunt.  Praesul  vero  Romanus,  cujus  paro- 
chia  orbis  est,  cujus  provincia  nee  oceano  clauilitur,  in  regno  Franciae 
tantura  jurisdictionis  habet,  quantum  placet  Parlamento.  Non  sacri- 
legum,  non  pai-ricidam,  non  haereticum  punire  perinittitur,  quamvis 
Ecclesiasticum,  nisi  Parlamenti  consensus  adsit ;  cujus  tantam  esse 
auctoritatem  nonnulli  existimant,  ut  censuris  etiain  nostris  praecludere 
aditum  possit.  Sic  judex  judicura  Romanus  Pontifex  judicio  Parla- 
men'd  subjectus  est.  Si  hoc  admittimus,  monsfruosam  Ecclesiam 
facimus,  et  hydram  multorum  capitum  introducimus,  et  unitatem 
prorsus  exstinguimus.  Periculosa  haec  res  esset,  venerabiles  fra- 
tres,  quae  hierarcliiam  omnem  confunderet.  Nam  cur  Regibus, 
cur  aliis  Praesulibus  sui  subditi  parerent,  cum  ipsi  superiori  suo 
non  pareant.  Quam  quisque  legem  in  aliura  statuit,  eam  sibi  ser- 
vandam  putet.  Verendum  est,  ne  prope  adsit  quod  ad  Thessaloni- 
censes  (2  Thess.  ii.  3.)  significare  videtur  Apostolus,  quia  j^ost  disces- 
sionem  revelabitar  homo  peccati.  Adventum  quippe  Antichrlsti  solli- 
citant,  qui  discessionem  a  Romana  Ecclesia  quaerunt,  qualem  prae  se 
ferre  videntur,  quae  sub  obtentu  Pragmaticae  Sanctionis  fieri  dicuntur. 
Sed  crediraus  haec,  ut  ante  dixiraus,  Regi  vestro  incognita  esse  cujus 
natura  benigna  est,  et  inimica  mali.  Docendus  est  et  instruendus,  ne 
pestem  banc  in  suo  regno  debacchari  ampllus  et  animas  interficere  sinat. 
Vos  Episcopi  lucernae  estis  ardentes  coram  eo,  et  candelabra  lucentia 
in  domo  Domini :  sic  lucete,  ut  lux  vestra  tenebras  omnes  ac  caligines 
Pragmaticae  Sanctionis  ex  nobili  et  christianissima  Francorum  gente 
depellat ;  solumque  lumen  solis,  id  est  veritatis  splendor  et  Veritas 
eluceat.  Quod  si  Rex  vester  opera  vestra  fecerit,  et  vos  mercedem 
Prophetae  recipietis  a  Domino,  et  ipse,  par  suis  progenitoribus  major- 
que,  per  omnes  orbis  Ecclesias,  et  in  Romana  potissinuun,  jure  merito 
et  erit  et  vocabitur  Christianissimus. 

^*  M.  Jo.  Dauvet  Procuratoris  generalis  protestatio  nullitatis  et 
appellatio  ad  futurum  Concilium  contra  orationem  Pii.  II.  Pont,  habi- 
tam  in  Conventu  Mantuano,  comminationes  ejusdem  et  censuras  publi- 
catas  in  Carolum  VII.  Regem  Francorum  dd.  10.  Febr.  1460  (viz. 
more  Gallicano,  and  so  1461)  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'eglise 
Gallicane.  Chap.  13.  no.  10.  and  in  Richerii  hist.  Concill.  generall.  lib. 


cii.  I.— PAPACY.  §  133.  vwa  II.  371 

repealed  that  sanction  a.d.  1461  in  the  hope  that  the  Pope 
might  thus  be  gained  over  to  support  the  claims  of  the  house  of 
Anjou  to  the  throne  of  Naples."''     But  as  this  was  not  the  case, 

iv.  P.  i,  c.  1.  The  king  here  exhorts  the  Pope,  ut  rem  ipsam  matu- 
rius  atque  brevius  digerat  et  consulat, — ut  cum  sacris  generalibus 
Conciliis  pacem  fovcat.  Then  he  charges  him  Concilium  plenarium 
orbis  congregare  in  loco  tuto  ac  libero. — Quod  etiam  hie  maxime 
necessarium  esse  videtur  pro  succurrere  fidei  orthodoxae  :  nam  licet 
plura  hinc  inde  invocentur  auxilia,  et  diversae  pecuniarum  summae 
variis  modis  hujus  rei  pi-aetextu  hactenus  petitae  et  collectae  sint, 
parvum  tamen  aut  nullum  efficax  advcrsus  invasores  christianae  reli- 
gionis — praestatur,  dum  differtur  nimium  plenarii  Concilii  provisio. — 
Et  jam  tempus  decem  annorura  effluxum  dudum  est,  in  quo  secundum 
instituta  magnae  Synodi  Coiistantiensis  ipsum  Concilium  debebat  cele- 
brari.  Illis  vero,  quae  in  praefato  Concilio  deterniinabuntur,  Rex 
devoto  et  benigno  animo  acquiescere  paratus  erit. —  Si  sanctissimus 
Dominus  noster  celebrationem  plenarii  Concilii  in  loco  libero— facere 
recusaverit,  aut  nimium  distulerit ;  volens  ipse  Dominus  noster  Rex, 
quantum  in  co  erit,  necessitati  fidei  orthodoxae  et  universae  Ecclesiae 
succurrere,  intendit  alios  Principes  Christianos  exhortari,  ut  omnes 
unanimiter  universalem  Ecclesiam  in  plenario  Concilio  congregari 
laborent. 

^3  John  Godefroy,  Bishop  of  Arras,  persuaded  the  king,  being  com- 
missioned by  the  Pope  for  the  purpose  (Gobellinus  lib.  vii.  p.  183) : 
in  a  letter  dd,  26.  Oct.  14G1  (Aenae  Sylvii  Ep.  401,  and  in  Raynald. 
1461,  no.  113,  where,  however,  the  beginning  is  wanting)  Pius  en- 
couraged the  king  to  put  his  hand  to  the  work  at  once,  and  received 
his  answer  so  early  as  27.  Nov.  1461.  (1.  c.  Ep.  402.  in  Raynald. 
1.  c.  no.  118) ;  Pragmaticam  a  regno  nostro — per  praesentes  pellimus, 
dejicimus,  stirpitusque  abrogamus,  et  quam  qualemve  ante  Pragmaticae 
ipsius  editionem  circa  Ecclesiarum,  beneficiorum,  aliorumque  rerura 
spiritualium  dispositionem,  censuram,  moderationem  in  regno  nostro  — 
tui  praedecessores  Martinus  V.  et  Eugenius  IV.  Romani  Pontifices 
habebant  et  exercebant,  talem  eandemque  nostro  adjutori  beatissimo 
Petro,  tibique  successori  ipsius  reddimus,  praestamus  et  restituimus 
cum  summo  iraperio,  cum  judicio  libero,  cum  potestate  non  coarctata. 
Tu  enim  cum  scias  quid  auctoritate  divinitus  tibi  tradita  possis,  quas 
pro  regni  nostri  et  Ecclesiarum  in  eo  tranquillitate  postulabimus,  non 
negliges  res  necessarias,  poterisque  semper  quod  optimum  fuerit  judi- 
care.  Pius,  out  of  gratitude,  made  the  Bishop  of  Arras  a  cardinal 
(Gobell.  p.  184).  Now  the  latter  first  began  to  write  about  the  Sici- 
lian question  :  it  was  only  if  the  Pope  would  yield  upon  this  point 
sic  regis  animum  placari  posse,  et  Pragmaticam  Sanctionem  certis- 
sime  sublatum  iri.  Lewis  had  made  the  same  statement  to  the  Episc. 
Interamnensis  :  ita  demum  Pragmaticae  Sanctioni  finem  imponere,  si 
de  regno  Siciliae  ei  mos  gereretiu'  (1.  c.  p.  186).  Soon  after  a.d,  1462 
a  French  embassy  appeared,  which  formally  announced  the  repeal  of 
the  Pragmatic  sanction,  and  thus  gave  occasion  for  great  festivities  ; 


372  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

he  did  not  trouble  himself  to  compel  his  reluctant  Parliament  to 
adopt  the  repeal ;  and  in  the  present  constitution  of  the  French 
Church,  there  existed  only  a  wavering  state  of  mind.^^     All 

but  with  regard  to  the  SiciUan  question,  it  found  the  Pope  inflexible 
(1.  c.  p.  187  8.).  Equally  vain  was  an  angry  letter  from  Lewis,  and 
a  threat  that  all  Frenchmen  should  remove  from  Rome  (Gobell.  lib. 
viii.  p.  207). 

^^  See  especially  Leo's  X.  Bull  Primitiva,  below  §  135,  note  18.  The 
change  in  the  king's  mind  is  shown  by  the  following  decrees  :  dd.  17 
Febr.  1463  {i.e.  1464)  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'egl.  Gall. 
Chap.  22.  no.  21.  :  Pius  Papa  inodernus  bona  Praelatorura  et  virorum 
ecclesiasticorum  decedentium,  tarn  saecularium  quara  regulariura,  quae 
uonnulli  spolia  defunctorum  appellant,  necnon  dimidiam  partem  fruc- 
tuum  tam  beneficiorum  incompatibilium,  quae  dicti  viri  ecclesiastici,  et 
illorum,  quae  in  commendam  obtinent,  ac  etiam  certam  portionem  seu 
quotam  bonorum  et  personarum  saecularium,  tam  mobilium  quam  non 
mobilium,  ejus  Camerae  Apostolicae  per  certas  ejus  constitiuiones  seu 
literas,  a  paucis  diebus  ut  dicitur  apud  Romam  editas,  Apostolica  esse, 
statuit  ct  decrevit.  As  oppression,  impoverishment,  and  scandal,  could 
not  fail  to  be  thus  occasioned,  and  the  rights  of  the  Crown  were  as- 
sailed, the  king  now  deci'ces,  ut  subsidia  et  onera  praemissa,  ac  alia 
similia,  quae  Collectores,  Subcollectores,  atque  alii  Officiarii  seu  Cora- 
missarii  Romanorum  Pontificum — levare  et  exigere  mitterentur,  minime 
levabuntur,  colligentur,  aut  exigentur.  All  officials  were  to  be  on  their 
guard  against  them,  the  disobedient  were  to  be  punisht.  dd.  13  Aug. 
1464. 1.  c.  no.  22.  :  As  this  decree  was  not  everywhere  obeyed,  many  of 
the  clergy  paid  these  taxes  for  plusieurs  s'efforcent  par  bulles  et  commis- 
sions Apostoliques,  proceder  par  excommunimens,  fulminations,  et  cen- 
sures ecclesiastiques,  etprivation  de  benefices  contre  Ics  gens  d'Eglise  de 
nostre  dit  Royaume,  qui  refusent,  ou  diftVrent  de  payer  les  despoiiilles 
des  ti'espassez,  et  la  moytie  des  benefices  incompatibles,  et  des  com- 
mandes  ;  so  the  king  gave  orders,  que  ausdits  Commissaires  ou  Exe- 
cuteurs  ne  soit  obey  :  mais  leur  soit  prohibe  et  defendu  de  faire  lesdites 
exactions,  sur  peine  de  confiscation  de  corps  et  de  biens,  et  de  banisse- 
ment  de  nostre  Royaume.  He  likewise  forbade  his  own  subjects  to  pay 
under  pain  of  banishment  and  confiscation  of  property,  dd.  10  Sept. 
1464  1.  c.  no.  23  :  Although  according  to  the  laws  of  the  French 
Church  no  graces  expectatives  could  be  granted  :  Still  depuis  Fobeys- 
sance  par  nous  faicte  a  feu  nostre  sainct  Pere  le  Pape  puis  derniere- 
ment  et  n'agueres  trespasse  such  grants  had  been  made  en  si  grand  et 
excessif  nombre,  et  multitude  et  a  toutes  manieres  de  gens,  tant 
estrangers  et  non  lettrez,  qu'autres  personnes  quelsconques,  que 
la  chose  est  venue  a  telle  confusion,  qu'a  peine  y  avoit  homme  d'Eglise 
en  nosdits  Royaume  et  Daupbine,  qui  a  cause  d'icelles  graces  se  peust 
dire  seur  en  I'assecuration  d'aucun  benefice,  a  I'occasion  des  Anteferri, 
et  autres  clauses  et  prerogatives,  qui  ont  este  mises  en  icelles  graces  ex- 
pectatives, diversitez  de  regies  de  Chancellerie  Apostolique  derogatoires 
a  droict  commun,  et  autrement.  Thereby  much  money  had  past  out 
of  the   country  ;  the  candidates  were  reduced   to  poverty  with  their 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  133.  PIUS  11.  373 

these  political  combinations  hindered  the  efforts  of  Pius  II. 
against  the  Turks.  His  more  peculiar  attempt,  though  in  this 
also  he  acted  in  imitation  of  the  ancient  pontiffs,  to  convert  the 
Sultan  Muhammed  to  Christianity  by  a  long  letter  (1461),^^ 
remained  naturally  enough  without  success.  At  last  he  resolved, 
to  go  forth  in  person  at  the  head  of  a  crusade  :  but  even  this 
announcement    (1463),^*   which   in    earlier  times  would   have 

relations  :  these  gratiae  expectativae  were  made  a  pretext  for  attempt- 
ing the  lives    of  Incumbents    of    benefices  :  unknown   strangers  had 
thrust  themselves  into  benefices  in  this  manner.     The  king  accordingly 
forbad  his  subjects  que  d'oresenavant  ils  n'aillent,  n'envoyent,  soit  par 
buUes  [par  billets),    lettres  de  change  n'autres   moyens   quelsconques, 
querir,  pourchasser,  ne  obtenir  en  Cour  de  Rome  graces  expectativc^s  ; 
further,  qu'aucun  d'eux  voysent,  ou  envoyent  en  ladite  Cour  de   Rome 
pour  avoir,  n'obtenir  quelques  Eueschez, — ou  autres  benefices  electifs, 
sans  premierement  avoir  nos  vouloir   et  consentement  de  ce  faire,  le 
tout  sur  peine  d'encourir  nostre  indignation,  de  perdre  les  deniers,  dont 
leurs  procureurs — seroyent  trouvez  saisis  par  bulles,  lettres  de  change, 
ou  autres    pour  porter  et  envoyer  en  ladite  Cour  de  Rome  a  la  cause 
dessusdite,  et  d'amende  arbitraire  envers  nous.     With  regard  to  those 
who  had   already  obtained   such  gratias  expectativas,  the  officers  were 
charged  qu'ils  les  contraignent  a  eux  en  desister  et  departir  ;  et  a  revo- 
quer,  faire  casser  et  annuler  a  leurs  despens  tout  ce  qu'ils  auroyent  fait 
au  contraire.    Nevertheless  that  even  after  this  edict  much  money  went 
to  Rome,  is  plain  from  the  i-epresentation  of  the  Parliament  to  the  king 
A.D.  1465.  not  1461  see  §  17.  laquelle  loy — the  pragmatic  sanction- — 
a  este  gardee  jusques  puis  qi;ati-e  ans,  et  par  le  terns  de  vingt — deux  et 
vingt-trois  ans  a  dure),  which  is  contributed  in  a  Latin  translation  by 
Franc.  Duarenus  de  sacris  ministeriis  et  beneficiis.  Paris  1551.  p.  332 
ss.  and  from  him  by  Flacius   in  the  Catal.  test,  verit.  no.   179.,  but  in 
the  original  French  by  Jean  du  Tillet  in  the  Memoire  sur  les  libertez 
de  I'Eglise  Gallicane  in  his  Recueil  des  Roys  de  France,  a  Paris  1607. 
4.  P.  iii.  p.  339  :  The  mention  in  the  introduction  of  the  cassation,  que 
I'on  dit  avoir  este  des  decrets,  constitutions  et  ordonnances  appellees 
la  Pragmatique  sanction,  is  a  proof  that  it  could  not  have  been  recog- 
nized by  Parliament.     Still  it  runs  §  72  :  Et  par  experience,  quae  est 
rerum   magistra,  soit  advise  et  considere  a  I'evacuation,  qui  a  este  si 
excessive  depuis  la  cassation  de  ladite  Pragmatique,  quae  par  experi- 
ence Ton  cognoisse  et  appare,   comment  ce  Royaume  est  presque  tary 
(exhausted),  d'or  principalement : — telleraent  qu'il  n'est  demoure  que 
monnoye.     In  the  succeeding  §§  follows  a  calculation  of  the  immense 
sums  which  had  found  their  way  to  Rome  since  the  repeal  of  the  prag- 
matic sanction  tempore  Pii  et  de  present,  for  Annates  gratiae  expecta- 
tivae, and  how  by  this  means  and  the  frequency  of  grants  in  comniei.- 
dam  the  Church  was  going  to  ruin. 

3''  The  letter  may  be  found  in  Aeneae  Sylv.  Ep.  410.  and  in  Ray- 
nald.  1461.  no.  44  ss. 

^^  dd.  22.  Oct.   1463.   see  Aen,  Sylv.   Ep.  412,  in  the  main  also  in 


374  TRIED  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A. D.  1409— 1517. 

kindled  both  prince  and  people,  now  drew  together  none  but  a 
worthless  rabble.^^     Pius  II.  intended  at  any  rate  to  accompany 

Raynald.  1463.  no.  29.  ss.     E.g.   Et  quis  erit  Christianorurn  tam  feri, 
tarn  lapidei,  tain  ferrei  pectoris,  qui  audiens,  Romanum   Pontificem  b. 
Petri  successorem,  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  vicarium,  aeternae  vitae 
clavigeruin,   patrem    ac  magistrum  universorum   fidelium  cum  sacro 
senatu  Cardinalium  Clerique  multitudine  in  bellum  pergere  pro  tuenda 
religions,  libens  domi  remaneat  ?    Et  quae  poterit  excusatio  quemquam 
juvare  :  senex,  debilis,  aegrotus  in  expeditionem   pei-git,  et  tu  juvenis 
sano  ac  robusto  corpore  domi  delitesces  !    Summus  sacerdos,  Cardinales, 
Episcopi  pi-aelium  petunt,  et  tu  Miles,  tu  Baro,  tu  Comes,  tu  Marcliio, 
tu  Dux,  tu  Rex,  tu  Imperator,  in  aedibus  propriis  otiaberis?     Siccine 
perverti  hominum  officia  patieris,  ut  quae  sunt  Regum  sacerdotes  agant, 
quae  nobilitati  conveniunt,   subire  Clerum   oporteat?     Necessitas  ire 
nos  urget,  quia  non   possumus   alio  pacto  pro  divinae  legis  defensione 
Christianoi'ura  animos  commovere.     Utinam  hoc  modo  commoveamus  ! 
After  the  proclamation  of  the  plenary   indulgence  which   should   be 
granted  to  all  who  took  part  in  this  crusade,  or  supported  it,  with  the 
assurance,  non  dubitantes,  quin   animae  illorum,  quos  ad  hoc  bellum 
proficisci  bona  mente  contigcrit,  cum  beatissimis  ss.  Patrura  et  Ange- 
lorum  Dei  spiritibus  post  banc  vitam  in  caelestibus  sedibus  coUocentur, 
et  consortes  impcrpetuum  Christi  factae  aeterna  felicitate  fruantur  : 
it  pi'oceeds  :    In  tanto   Christianae  religionis  discrimine,   quantum  a 
Turcis   inpraesentiarum  cernitur  imminere,   nulli  dubium  esse  debet, 
quin  Christiani  omnes,  tam   Reges  et   Principes,  quam  alii  potentatus, 
et  privati   homines  ad  defensionem  catholicae  fidei  et  sanctae  legis 
evangelicae  juxta  possibilitatem  suam  cum  bonis  et  corporibus  suis  de 
necessitate  salutis  viriliter  assurgere  et  indesinenter  assistere  tenean- 
tur.     Eapropter  fideles  ipsos  Jesu  Christi  cultores  universes  et  singulos, 
cujuscumque  status  et  conditionis  fuerint,  sive  pontificali,  sive  impera- 
toria,    vel  rcgali    praefulgeant  dignitate,    harura    serie    moneraus   ac 
requirimus,  et  in  vim  promissionis  factae  in  sacri  susceptione  baptismi 
et  in  vim  juramenti  praestiti,  cum  dignitatum  suarum  infulas  suscepe- 
runt,  et  per  obedientiam  nobis  debitam,  eis  et  eorum  singulis  manda- 
mus, ut  banc   sanctam   expeditionem,  ad  quam  profecturi  sumus  non 
sine   maximo  corporis  nostri  dispendio,    modis   quibus   possunt  qua-a 
celerrime  adjuvare,  et  promovere  festinent :  ab  illo,  cujus  causa  agitur, 
exuberantia  suscepturi  praemia  et  in  praesenti  vita  et  in  futura  :  negli- 
gentes  autem  negligentur,  et  in  extreme  judicii  die  minime  inter  illos 
invenientur  quibus  dicturus  est  Dominus  :  venite,  henedicti  patris  met, 
imrcipite  regnuin  etc. 

^^  Vita  Pii  ii.  per  Job.  Anton,  Campanum  Episc.  Aprutinum  (in 
Muratorii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Ital.  1 II. ii.  p.  990)  relates  how  Pius  travelled  sick 
from  Rome  to  Ancona  :  Supra  Ocriculum  maxime  consternatus  est  obvia 
Crucesignatorum  multitudine,  quos  morae  impatientes  retinere  Carva- 
jalius  (the  Cardinal  sent  for  the  purpose)  minime  poterat,  et  agmine 
quum  reverterentur,  nee  rapinis  abstinebant :  quocirca  Medici  aversari 
eo  spectaculo  illius  oculos,  obduci  lecticae  velum  perpetuo  itinere, 
causati   ventos,  jusserunt.     Jacobi  Card.   Papiensis   Comment,  lib.  i. 


CH.  I  — PAl'ACY.  ?  133.  PIUS  II.  375 

the  Venetian  fleet,  but  he  died  at  Ancona  (15.  Aug.  14G4)  before 
he  could  embark.  Paul  II.""*  at  once  distiiiguisht  the  first  days 
of  his  rule  by  tlie  violent  repudiation  of  the  conditions  of  the 
election  which  had  been  agreed  upon  just  before.^^     As  much 

(under  Gobellini  comm.)  p,  357  :  Confluxerat  co  loci  turba  multa  ex 
variis  gentibus  :  non  satis  considerate  donio  egressa.  Eteniin  cum  eos 
solos  evocasset  Pius  peccatoruni  proposita  venia,  qui  vel  annum,  vel 
anni  dimidium  sue  stipendio  in  exercitu  militarcnt : — illi  tamen  nescio 
quo  inconsulto  zelo  corapulsi  veniendum  statuerant,  credentes  stipen- 
dium  ac  victum  ministrante  Pontifice  non  defutui'um.  Cum  autem  non 
invenirent,  quae  sibi  animis  finxerant, — venditis  arniis  regrediebantur 
in  patriam.  Quorum  nihilominus  misertus  ille,  ne  omnino  frustra 
venisse  se  angerentur,  decreti  sui  eos  participes  fecit  (i.e.  according  to 
Platina  p.  750  :  absolutes  peccatis  in  patriam  remisit.)  P>rant  vero 
inter  bos,  qui  consideratius  venientes  tolerare  ad  diem  praefinitam  mili- 
tiam  possent.  Horum  ergo  traducendorum  causa  naves  Venetorum 
duas  dies  jam  multos  in  boras  singulas  expectabat :  sic  enim  illi  facturos 
se  ante  receperant ;  sed  cum  eae  diutius  tardarent  quam  oporteret,  qui 
Buperfuerant  crucesignati  morae  impatientes  catervatim  abibant,  ita  ut 
non  multo  post  appulsis  jam  navibus  miles  non  superesset,  qui  illis 
posset  imponi,  Ea  res  causae  quoque  plurimum  accelerandae  mortis 
Pio  dedit,  dolente  eo  ac  supra  modum  tristante,  quod  retineri  in  earn 
horam  non  potuissent. 

*"  Platina,  who  was  harshly  treated  by  him,  handles  him  in  turn 
veiy  severely  in  his  Vitis  Pontiff.  Beside  him  Michael.  Cannesius  de 
Viterbio  and  Gaspar  Veronensis  have  wi'itten  the  life  of  this  Pope  (in 
Muratorii  SS.  Rer,  Ital.  III.  ii.  p.  993  ss.)  Important  also  for  the 
history  of  his  reign  are  Jacobi  Piccolominei  Card.  Papien-sis  (-{-  1479) 
Rerum  suo  tempore  gestarum  commentarii  libb.  vii.  (from  1464 — 1469) 
under  Gobellini  comm.  Frf.  1614.  p.  348  ss. 

^^  To  those  conditions  of  election,  which  Eugene  IV.  had  already 
been  obliged  to  swear  to  (see  §  132,  note  3),  more  had  been  gradually 
added,  compare  the  Capitulation  of  Pius  II.  in  Raynald.  1458.  no.  5. 
These,  which  had  been  sworn  to  by  the  Cardinals  before  the  election  of 
Paul  II.,  may  be  seen  in  Jacobi  Card.  Papiensis  comm.  libb.  ii.  p.  371  : 
Jurabat  vovebatque  Deo  sanctisque  Apostolis  Petro  et  Paulo,  quisquis 
Patrura  ad  Pontificatum  esset  assumptus,  inchoatam  expeditionem  in 
fTurcos,  quantum  Romanae  Ecclesiae  paterentur  opes,  continuare,  pro- 
venturaque  aluminis  ad  eam  rem  integrum  adhibere  ;  lapses  etiam 
curialium  nostrorum  mores  ad  Patrum  disciplinam  restringere  ;  Curiam 
porro  ipsam  de  provincia  in  provinciam  sine  pluriura  ex  Patribus — 
assensu — non  transferre  ;  Concilium  generale  Christianorum  intra  tri- 
ennium  cogere,  in  quo  et  Principes  sacculi  ad  tuendam  religionis 
causam  accenderentur,  aegraeque  partes  Ecclesiae  communi  medicamento 
sanitatem  reciperent ;  Cardinales  non  ante  creare,  quam  ii  qui  creati 
jam  haberentur,  intra  viginti  quatuor  essent  reducti,  majoremque  hoc 
numero  non  pati  in  Ecclesia  esse  ;  neminem  quoque  assumere,  qui  non 
trigesimum  annum  excedei*et,  quique  non  professus  esset  vel  pontificium 


37(5  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1570. 

money  as  possible  continued  to  be  gathered  in  for  the  Turkish  war, 
but  no  expedition  was  undertaken.  Germany  was  crippled  not  only, 
by  the  indolence  of  the  Emperor  and  the  tediousness  of  the  impe- 
rial diets  but  also  by  the  Pope's  instigations  against  George 
Podiebrad,  the  heretical  king  of  the  Bohemians.^^     The  adven- 

jua,  vel  civile,  vel  literas  sacras  ;  nee  nisi  unum  euraque  hujus  generiti 
hominem  de  cognatione  sua  eligere;  in  omnibus  autem  eligendis  sen- 
tentias  Patrum  non  tacitas  in  aurem,  ut  ante,  sad  ex  subselliis  ad 
declinandos  errores  palara  accipere ;  de  inajoribus  insuper  committendis 
sacerdotiis  non  nisi  in  Consistorio  sententiis  auditis  decernere;  jus  ad 
ea  nominandorum  nulli  omnino  permittere ;  diplomata  etiam  non  dare, 
quibus  ad  alienum  arbitrium  eadem  se  collaturuin  promitteret ;  si  qua 
essent  antea  data,  luio  edicto  adimere  ;  non  destituere  sede  sua  Episco- 
pum  quemquarn  Abbatemve  postulatione  ulla  principuin,  nisi  et  talio- 
nera  ex  juris  forma  in  se  ante  reciperent,  auditique  rei  solemn!  judicio 
assent ;  non  Cardinalem,  remve  suam  apprebendere,  nisi  ex  Patrum 
sententiis ;  non  damnare  etiam,  nisi  ex  synodali  constitutione,  eujus  est 
initiura  Praesul ;  nil  porro  ex  omni  Ecclesiae  patrimonio,  quod  paulo 
insignius  esset,  in  quemquam  distrahere,  aut  ejus  censum  minuere,  nisi 
et  assenserint  Patres,  et  concessioni  subscripserint :  iisdem  quoque  non 
consulentibus  nulli  non  subdito  bellum  inferre,  aut  ad  inferendum  foedus 
quodquam  inire  ;  testamenta  defunctorum  Curlaliura  libera  sinere ; 
portoria  nova  nvilla  inducere,  nee  Vetera  augere  ;  Principi  Potentatuive 
tributum  de  Clericis  sine  ratione  nullum  concedere ;  arcium  custodes 
jurejurando,  vadimoniisque  adigere  de  iis  vacante  Sede  Collegio  repos- 
centi  tradendis  ;  eas,  quae  essent  momenti  majoris,  solis  Clericis,  qui 
tamen  suae  cognationis  non  essent,  committere  ;  eundem  vero  et  arcis 
custodem  et  praesidem  civitatis  non  facere ;  Praesidibus  pi-ovincia 
decedentibus  administratorum  omnium  judices  dare;  ducem  ecclesiastici 
exercitus  ex  suo  genere  non  constituere ;  nil  in  diplomatibus  factum 
dicere  ex  fratrum  consilio,  quod  ad  verum  consulentibus  eis  decretum 
non  esset ;  demum  primo  quoque  mensium  omnium  Consistorio  imperare 
has  leges  ad  innovandam  memoriam  ex  scripto  praesenti  se  recitari. 
Additum  et  bis  eat,  ut  bis  quotannis  per  Calendas  Deeembres  Majasque 
Patres  seorsum  a  Pontifice  convenientes  cognoscerent  inter  se,  an  ser- 
vatae  illae  judicarentur ;  id  si  minus  factum  intelligerent,  charitate, 
quae  filiis  in  parentes  est  debita  usque  ad  tertia  rememorationis  officia, 
transgressionid  et  perjurii  ilium  monerent,  ad  servanduraque  precaren- 
tur.  The  Pope's  flatterers  represented  it  to  him  as  indignum,  vicariam 
Christi  potestatem  huinanis  conditionibus  subdi ;  ipsumque  non  tam  sui 
arbitrii,  quam  alienae  moderationis  ministrum  videri ;  quaerendam 
libertatem  esse,  idque  agendum,  ut  auctoritatem  Ecclesiae  apud  se,  non 
Cardinales  esse  omnes  agnoscerent.  P>y  their  advice  the  Pope  took  the 
following  course :  novae  quaedam  leges  quasi  ex  persona  Patrum  scri- 
buntur,  quarum  erat  obtentus,  quodpriores  illae  cognoscebantur  inutiles, 
induxisse  eos  has  novas,  quibus  tantum  obnoxium  esse  Pontificem  vel- 
lent.  The  Cardinals  were  partly  persuaded,  partly  compelled  to  sub- 
scribe this  :  one  alone,  Carvajal,  was  firm  in  his  refusal. 


CH.  I.— rAPACY.  g  134.  SIXTUS  IV.  377 

tuvous  pilgrimage  of  the  Emperor  to  Rome  (1468)  only  increast 
the  number  of  fruitless  negotiations.^^  In  Italy  Paul  had  to 
sustain  an  incessant  negotiation  with  Ferdinand,  King  of  Naples, 
who  desired  a  release  from  his  feudal  tribute,  in  14G9  this  broke 
out  into  open  war.**  In  France  his  labours  to  obtain  a  formal 
repeal  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  were  thwarted  by  the  stead- 
fastness of  the  Parliament  (1467).*' 


§  134. 

SIXTUS  IV.  (9.  .'Vu:?,  1471-1-2.  Aug.  1484.)     INNOCENT  VIII.  (29    Aug.  1484- 
25  July  1492.)     ALEXANDER  VI.  (  1 1.  Aug,  1492—18.  Aug.  1503.) 

Stephaiius  Infessuva  (Senatus  Populique  Romani  Scriba  s.  Caucellarius  about 
1494)  Diarium  Romanae  urbis  from  1294 — 1494,  in  Eccardi  Corpus  hist, 
med.  aevi  T.  i.  p.  1863,  and  in  Muratorii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Ital.  III.  ii.  p.  1109 ; 
in  the  latter  with  the  omission  of  some  offensive  passages. 
Johannes  Burchardus  (from  Strasburg,  caeremoniarum  Magister,  from  1503 
,  Bishop  of  Horta  f  1506)  Diarium  Curiae  Romanae  from  1484 — 1506. 
Leibnitz  gave  some  fragments  from  this  work  in  the  Specimen  hist,  arcanae 
s.  anecdotae  de  vita  Alex.  VI.  Papae.  Hanoverao  1696.  4. ;  Eccard  gives 
a  fuller  but  very  erroneous  abridgment  from  the  part  upon  Alexander  VI. 
in  the  corpus  hi.stor.  medii  aevi  T.  ii.  p.  2017  ss.  A  description  of  the 
whole  work  may  be  seen  in  the  Notices  et  Extraits  des  Mss    de  la  Bibl.  du 

*^  The  Pope  pronounced  sentence  of  excommunication  and  deposition 
against  tli3  King  '23.  Dec.  1466,  and  instigated  the  German  princes, 
and  the  Kings  of  Poland,  and  Hungary,  to  e.Kecute  the  sentence,  see 
Miiller's  ileichstagstheatrura  Th.  2.  8.  263  ff.  In  1468  Matthias, 
King  of  Hungary,  at  last  began  a  war  against  the  Bohemians,  after 
hiving  first  made  peace  with  the  Tui*ks  for  the  purpose.  Miiller  S. 
311.  ss. 

**  The  description  of  it  is  in  Jacobi  Card.  Papiensis  comm.  lib.  vii.  p. 
438  ss.     Miiller  Th.  2.  S.  319  ff. 

**  Platina  in  vita  Pauli  p.  773.  Jac.  Card.  Pap.  comm.  lib.  iv.  p. 
393  ss.  lib.  V.  p.  403  ss. 

*^  The  Cardinal  .Jean  Balue,  who  was  sent  to  France  for  this  purpose, 
readily  obtained  the  desired  edict  from  the  King,  but  when  he  brought 
it  to  the  Parliament  for  registration,  Jean  de  sainct  Remain,  Procureur 
general  du  Roi,  opposed  the  measure :  Parliament  refused  it,  and  the 
University  appealed  to  a  Council,  compare  the  Chronique  scandaleuse 
in  the  Meraoires  de  Phil,  de  Comines  ed.  par  Lenglet  du  Fresnoy.  T. 
ii.  p.  66.  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'eglise  GaU,  chap.  13.  no.  11.  Bulaei 
hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  V.  p.  684  s. 

VOL.  IV.  2  B 


378  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.  D.  1409—1517. 

Roi.  T.  i.  p.  G8  ss.  The  best  luanuscript  extant  is  that  at  Munich,  ?ee 
Paulus  Sophronizon.  Bd.  6.  Heft  1.  S.  I  There  are  contributions  also  from 
the  Carlsruhe  Ms.  ibid.    S.  6  ff.    Bd.  8.  Heft  6.    S,  9G  fi". 

The  succession*  of  Popes  which  now  follows  proves  the  degra- 
dation of  discipline  and  sense  of  shame  among  the  Cardinals  : 
they  were  distinguisht  for  nothing  but  undisguised  mediocrity 
and  wickedness,  or  even  depravity.  True  Sixtus  IV.  began  to 
push  forward  the  preparations  for  the  Turkish  war,^  with  equal 
zeal,  and  withal  equally  bad  success  :  but  his  chief  motive  was  a 
mean  ambition  to  raise  his  family  from  their  low  estate  to  the 
highest  rank,  so  he  allowed  his  nephew  Jerome  Riario^  to  beguile 
him  into  steps  which  increast  still  more  the  embarrassments  of 

^  Vita  Sixti  IV.  (probably  by  Platina)  in  Muratorii  Scriptt.  Rer,. 
Ital.  III.  ii.  p.  1056  :  Celebrata  coronatione  ad  rem  ecclesiasticam 
christianamque  componendam  aninuim  adjicit.  Concilio  itaque  tantam 
rem  indigere  arbitratus,  ad  Lateranum  se  id  habiturum  ostendit,  quo 
bellum  Turcis  indici  commodius  posset,  quemadmodum  Pius  Pontifex 
instituerat,  si  ei  vivere  licuisset.  At  vero  dum  hac  de  re  maturius 
consultaretur,  Imperator  rem  Christianam  in  magno  discrimine  cernene, 
Pontificem  rogat,  lit  Utinum  habendi  Concih'um  locum  idoneum  deligat. 
Sed  Pontifex,  quum  videret  Mediolanensium  Ducem,  aliquotque  populos 
et  Italiae  Principes  id  nequaquam  approbaturos  :  quumque  etiam  pro- 
ventus  suos,  belli  nervos,  absente  Curia,  imminui  videret,  non  sine 
suspicione  tumultus,  si  ab  urbe  discederet,  Mantuam  primo,  mox  An- 
conam  proponit,  quo  Imperator  venire  commode  poterat. — Verum  quum 
hac  deliberatione  rem  in  longum  protrahi  videret,  Patrum  consensu 
Legatos  decernit,  Bessarionem  Nicaenum  in  Galliam,  Rodericum  Bor- 
c:iam  Vicecancellarium  in  Hispaniam,  Marcum  Barbum  in  Germaniam 
Pannoniasque, — Oliverium  Carafam  Neapolitanum  Cardinalem  class! 
maritimae  in  Turcas  praefecit  magna  cum  impensa.  All  without  suc- 
cess. When  the  Emperor,  after  many  deliberations,  wisht  for  a  new 
one  at  the  diet  of  Augsbiug  in  1473,  and  requested  a  Papal  Legate  for 
the  piu-pose,  the  Cardinalis  Senensis  said  in  Consistory  (see  Jacobi 
Volaterrani  Diarium  Rom.  in  Muratorii  Scriptt.  iier.  Ital.  xxiii.  p. 
94),  nullius  sibi  usus  earn  missionem  videri :  conventus  illorurn  esse 
inanes  :  decem  intra  non  multos  annos  habitos,  quorum  non  sit  fructus 
perceptus  :  hoc  autem  incommodi  nunquara  deesse,  quod  populorum  de 
nobis  innovantur  lamenta  :  etenim  magnis  apparatibus  Principes — ad 
illos  accedere,  eorumque  sumtuum  ferendorum  causa  tributa  suis  impo- 
nere,  atque  identidem  dicere,  iinperio  Komani  Pontificis  se  proficisci,  et 
adjuvari  profectionem  necessarium  ess?  :  ita  miseras  plebes  non  suorunj 
Principum,  sed  nostras  injurias  lamentari. 

2  According  to  Nicol.  Macchiavelli  hist.  Florent.  lib.  vii.  both  brothers 
Jerome  Riario,  Count  of  Imola,  and  Peter  Riario,  Cardinal,  were  sons 
of  the  Pope  :  on  both  see  Paph.  Volaterranus  Anthrop.  1.  xxii.  below. 


CII.  I.— PAPACY.  §  134.  SIXTUS  IV.  379 

Italy,  sullied  his  reputation,  and  hindered  every  undertaking 
against  the  Turks.  First  he  upheld  the  conspirac}^  of  the  Pazzi 
against  the  Medici  in  Florence  1478  :^  when  this  miscarried,  and 
vengeance  was  taken,  even  upon  the  clergy,  with  capital  punish- 
ment, he  made  war  upon  Florence  with  spiritual  Aveapons,  and  in 
alliance  with  Naples  with  secular  arms  also.*     The  universal 

^  An  account  of  the  transactiona  may  be  seen  in  the  Excusatio  Flo- 
rentinorum  per  D.  Barthol.  Scalam  dd.  10.  Aug.  1478,  in  Laurentii 
Medicis  magnifici  vita  auct.  Angelo  Fabronio  (Fisis  1784.  4,)  vol.  ii. 
p.  167,  in  which  also  the  confession  of  John  Baptista  Montesecco,  a 
Papal  brigand  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  affair,  with  regard  to  the 
constitution  of  the  conspiracy,  is  quoted  word  for  word.  Kaphael  Vo- 
laterranus  (j  1521)  Commentariorum  urbanorum  Gcographia  lib.  v. 
On  April  26.  during  high  mass  Julian  de  Medici  was  murdered  in 
church,  Lorenzo  escaped,  the  conspirators  were  cruelly  murdered  by 
the  exasperated  people,  the  Archbishop  of  Pisa  was  hung  from  a  win- 
dow of  the  Town-hall,  Comp.  Laurentii  Medicis  magnitici  vita  auct. 
Angelo  Fabronio.  vol.  i.  (Pisis  1784.  4.)  p.  58  ss.  II.  Leo's  Gesch.  d. 
itaHenischen  Staaten.  Th.  4.  S.  381  ff. 

*  The  Pope's  Bull  of  Excommunication  dd.  1.  Jun.  1478  (in  Ray- 
nald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  5  ss.)  first  alledges  charges  of  many  kinds  against 
Lorenzo  de  Medici,  chiefly  because  of  the  murder  of  the  clergy,  and 
then  declares,  quamvis — a  praedecessoribus  nostris  in  magnos  Prin- 
cipes  ob  minora  facinora  acriter  saevitum  esse  conspiciamus, — iniqui- 
tatis  filios  Laurentiuin,  Priores,  Vexilliferuni,  octo  de  Balia  antedictos, 
and  pronounces  all  those  who  had  given  their  assistance  against  the 
murdered  clevgy  as  criminis  laesae  majestatis  reos,  sacrileges,  excom- 
municatos,  anathematizatos,  infames,  diflidatos,  intestabiles.  It  was 
further  decreed,  eorundem  aedificia  in  ruinam  daid  debere, — nullum  eis 
debifa  reddere,  nuUumve  in  judicio  respondcre  teneri,  nulli  quoque 
filiorum  aut  nepotum  praedicrorum — alicujus  aperiri  debere  januam 
dignitatis  aut  honoris  ecclesiastici  vel  mundani. — Quidquid  in  bonis 
tunc  inveniebatur  eorundem,  fisci  et  Reipublicae  dominio  applicatum 
fore.  The  city  and  domain  of  Florence  were  placed  under  interdict. 
On  the  other  hand  the  Florentines  askt  for  the  opinions  of  the 
most  renowned  canon-lawyers  who  advised  an  appeal  to  a  general 
Council  (see  Fabronius  1.  p.  81.  The  opinion  of  Franc.  Accoltus 
Aretinus  may  be  seen  in  his  Consilia  s.  Responsa  Venet.  1573.  p. 
174.)  Accordingly  a  Synod  of  the  whole  clergy  of  the  Florentine 
dominions  was  summoned,  which  appealed  from  the  Pope  to  a  general 
Council  (Machiavelli  istoria  fiorent.  lib.  8.)  and  in  a  declaration  com- 
posed by  Gentihs  Bishop  of  Arezzo,  on  23.  July  1478,  proved  the 
Pope's  participation  in  the  crime  by  means  of  an  accurate  account  of 
the  transaction,  and  the  confession  of  John  Baptist  Montesecco,  which 
was  quoted  word  for  word,  and  also  declared  his  Ban  and  Interdict 
invalid,'  together  with  the  severest  reproaches  against  him.  This  decla- 
ration was  printed  at  the  time,  see  Storia  della  Toscana  di  Lorenzo 

2  B  2 


5^0  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  140^—1517. 

indignation  roused  by  this  injustice,  the  threats  of  Louis  XI. 

Pignotti  T.  IV.  (Livorno  1820.  12.)  p.  122  :  It  was  piiblisht  again  but 
erroneously,  under  the  title  Synodus  Florentina  contra   Sixtum  IV. 
1770.  8.  (without  stating  the  place  where  it  was  printed,  but  still  in 
Italy),  and  may  be  found  increast  with  new  errors  in  K.  Walclmer's 
polit.  Gesch.  der  i.  J.  1478  zu  Florenz  gehaltenen  grossen  Kirchensynode 
u.  des  Zwistes  dieser  Repviblik  mitd.  roin.  Papste  Sixt.  IV.     Rotweil 
1825.  8.  S.  132  ff.     Fabronius  in  Laurentii  Medicis  vita  vol,  ii.  p.  136 
has  publisht  it  from  the  autograph.      Here  we  find  p.  139.      Causam 
tarn  insolentis  odii,  ct  inexspectatae  retributionls  in  familiam  de  Medicis, 
quae  semper  ei  et   sedi  Apostolicae  servierat,  nullam   invenimns,  nisi 
quandam  perditam  carnis  et  sanguinis   revelationem,  qua  ob  coraitem 
ilium  suum  Hiei'onymum,  in  cujus  manibus  nunc  Ecclesia    Dei   est, 
delirat,  furit,  et  insanit.     Habet  hicsuus  Imolam,  s,  Romanae  Ecclesiae 
urbem,    quam  ejecto  Thaddeo  Manfredo  se  tenere  post    mortem    sui 
Pontificis  posse  diffidebat,  nisi  vicinum   dominium   Florentinimi  aliquo 
foedere  amicitiae  obligaret.     Major  auteni  obligatio  inveniri  posse  non 
videbatur,  quam  si  suo  beneficio  praeessent,  qui  in  ea  Republica  pri- 
mates essent  :  fieri  autem  id  sine  status  rautatione  non  poterat,  mi;tari 
autem  status  sine  morte  Laurentii,  et  Juliani  de  Medicis  impossibile 
videbatur. — Ilac  igitur  impellente  rabie  Comes  oblitus  omnis  humani 
divinique  juris,  oblitus  beneficiorum,  oblitus  conditionis  suae,  qui  cerdo 
fuerat,  stirpem   Cosmanam  delere  aggreditur  etc.  p.  144  :  Sic   se  res 
habuit,  Christiaiii  lectoi'es,  hac  de  causa,  hoc  ordine,  his  mediis  tentata 
eversio  Florentina  est.     Per  haec  vestigia  eum,   qui  venit,  ut  vitam 
habeant  et  abundantius  haheani^  Sixtus  secutus  est.     Sanguis  optimede 
Christiana  religione  meritus  per  Principem  religionis  fusus,  violata  per 
Pontificera  Ecclesia,  polluta  per  summum  sacerdotem  sacra  sunt.     Et 
haec  ne  quis  ignoret  aut  excusare  possit,  confirmat  aperto  hello,  et 
promulgatis  censuris  coeptam  conjurationem  sequitur.  Earn  mulierculam 
imitatur,  quae  vonto  defectum  calvitium  ut  posteriori  veste   retegeret, 
nates  detexit.     In  cubiculo  suo,  ut  vidistis,  tractata  res  est,  suus  Comes 
Pactios  ad  necem  armavit,  suus  Cardinalis  familiam  caedi,  praesentiam 
sceleri  pi-aestitit,  suus  exercitus  fideles  fines  nostros  pro  Turcis  ingressua 
est.     Quis  jam  non  videat,  deliruui  senem  his  suis  promulgatis  censuris 
voluisse  notam  macula,  lutuni   stercore  lavare  ? — Sed  ad  repellendam 
sententiam  ejus — veniamus  etc. — At  last  with  regard  to  the  murder  of 
the  Archbishop  p.  156  :   Suspensus  leno,  si^spensus  parricida,  suspensus 
lusor,  suspensus  proditor,  et  id  in  ipsa  enormitate  criminis,  dum  furerct 
populus  in  proditores  patriae  quorum  hie  erat  caput,  dum  cives  primarii 
de  salute  patriae  trepidabant.     Archiepiscopus  non  erat,  quem  popularis 
ille  furor,  dum  palatium  suum  defendit,  suspendit  :  Archiepiscopi  enim 
talia  non  faciunt.     Armatus  scuto    et  ense  captus  est,  invasor  curiae 
retentus  :  ecquis   hunc    pro  Archiepiscopo  cognovisset,   aut  cognitum 
sacerdotaliter  tractasset  ?     Noluissemus  ipsum    Sixtum  sic  inventuui 
fuisse  a  Savonensibus  suis.     Quod  siinjiciens  manum  quocuraque  modo 
in  Clericum  excommunicandus  sit,   cur  non  hi,  qui  manus  injecerunt, 
excommunicantur  ?      Quid  miser  Laurentius  vulneratus  et  confectus 
dolore  interempti  fratris, — de  sua  vita,  de  suo  statu,  de  salute  patriae 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,   g  134    SIXTUS  IV.  33I 

anxius  impetitur  ?  Quid  additur  affllcto  afflictio,  et  pro  raedela  illati 
vuluerisvulnus  adjungitur  ?  Estne  liaec  ilia  iiianifesta  et  rationabilia 
causa,  pro  qua  tantam  ferri  censuram  sacri  Canones  statuerunt  ?  Est 
hie  gladius  ille  bis  acutus  ex  ore  sedentis  in  throno  procedens,  ut 
laudetur  peccator  in  desideriis  animae  suae,  et  iniquis  benedicatur  ? 
Maledicitur  innocens,  qui  pene  occisus  est  :  occisor,  et  proditor  patriae 
bonae  memoriae  filius  appellatur  !  Ilaeccine  mcmoria,  iSixte  Pontifex, 
tuae  bonitatis  et  justitiae  ?  Parricidarumne  patrem  te  Cardinales  isti 
creaverunt  ?  —  Perfidia  fidem,  nocentia  innocentiam,  scelus  bonitatem 
perdidit,  et  vis  ad  nomen  censurarum  benedictum  maledictum  existime- 
raus  ? — Caeteruni  libenter  hie  intelligeremus  abeo,  qui  tot  tarn  constan- 
ter  proponit,  unde  nunc  maledicat,  quod  modo  benedixit.  Nonne  ilia  sua 
vox  fuit,  cum  audivit  suspensum  fuisse  ob  proditionem  Archiepiscopum  et 
stipatores  :  benedicti  vos  a  Domino,  qui  hominem  siispendislis :  nunqiiam 
voluissemus praefecisse eum  ilHEcclcsiae!  Nonne  etiam  inentionem  habuit 
de  mittendo  Florentiam  Legato,  qui  afflictos  consolaretur  ?  Et  unde  post 
tarn  repens  exorta  in  contrarium  sententia,  tarn  subito  mutata  in  crudeli- 
tatem  commiseratio  ?  Nondura  erat  forsan  captus  Joannes  Baptista  (Mon- 
tesecco),  qui  sua  confessione  Sixti  occultam  voluntatem  in  apertam  neces- 
sitatem  converteret  :  velpendet  ab  alio,  et  est  Vicarius  alicujus  hostis 
nobis  ignoti,  ethominis,  utinam  boni,  non  ejus,  qui  Ecclesiam  suam  super 
firmam  petram  fundavit. — p.  162.  Restat  ut  sententia  nulla  sit,  quae 
nullam  habuit  judicandi  causam,  falsum  sit  judicium,  quod  mendacio 
nititur,  excommunicatus  sit,  qui  alios  excommunicare  vult  violenter  et 
injuste.  Acceperit  Spiritum  Sanctum,  non  simoniace  sit  creatus,  qui 
vocem  suam  veri  pastoris,  non  haereticihomiuis  vult  haberi, — p.  164.  Ad 
alterum  igitur  lumen,  ipsum  scilicet  Caesarem  semper  Augustum  con- 
fugimus,  id  enim  Dominus,  ut  huic  nocti  praeesset,  creavit  :  Chris- 
tianissimum  Regem  Francorum,  in  cujus  tutela  Christi  Ecclesia  est, — 
invocabimus  :  omnes  Principes  et  populos  Christianos  implorabimus, 
ut,  quando  jam  vident,  simoniace  creatum  Pontificem  templa,  Cardi- 
nales, Missas  ad  homicidia  fideliura  exercere.  Concilium,  ad  quod 
appellavimus,  amplius  non  difterant,  sponsam  illius,  in  cujus  sanguine 
baptizati  sunt,  a  tanta  turpitudine  liberent.  —  Abeat  itaque  leno, 
casta  erit  mater,  angularem  lapidera  non  premat  petra  scandali 
etc.  The  Signoria  of  Florence  on  21.  July  1478  issued  a  letter  to  the 
Pope  (first  publisht  by  Francis  Henry  Egerton  :  Lettre  inedite  de  la 
Seigneurie  de  Florence  au  Pape  Sixte  IV.  Paris  Mars  1814.  4.  re- 
printed in  Millin  Magasiu  encyclopedique,  Avi*il  1814  in  Pignotti 
T.  iv.  p.  117.  Walchner  S.  159),  in  which  it  refutes  the  charges 
against  Lorenzo  de  Medici.  E.g.  Ejicere  vis  nos  e  civitate  Lauren- 
tium  de  Medlcis  :  hujus  autem  voluntatis  Tuae  duas  in  Uteris  Tuis 
potissimum  causas  colligimus,  et  quod  tyrannus  noster  sit,  et  quod 
publico  religionis  christianae  bono  adversetur.  Quo  ergo  pacto,  ut 
primam  causam  primura  diluamus,  nos  liberi  erimus  Laurentio  ejecto, 
si  tuo  jussu  erit  ejectus  !  Contraria  tuae  literae  loquuntur,  quae, 
durn  libertatem  pollicentur,  imperando  auferunt :  et,  ut  isto  te  labore 
liberemus,  ejicere  nos  males  cives  Tyrannosque  didicinius,  et  adminis- 
trare  rem  nostram  publicam  sine  monitoribus.  Redi  paulum  ad  te, 
beatissime    pater,    oramus  :  da    locum    affectibus,    qui    sacrosanctam 


382  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

King  of  France/  the  peace  which  Ferdinand  of  Naples  con- 

istam  sedem,  istam  gravitatem  et  sanctitatem  pontificalem  adeo 
decorant.  Laurentium  de  Medicis  tyraimum  clamilas  :  at  nos  popu- 
lusque  noster  defensorem  nostrae  libertatis  cura  caeteris,  quos  tu  arguis, 
civibus  experimur,  et  una  omnium  voce  appellamus ;  parati,  in  quem- 
ennque  rerum  eventum  omnia  ponere  pro  Laurentii  de  Medicis  salute, 
et  civium  reliquorum,  in  qua  quidem  publicam  sakitem  et  libertatem 
contineri  nemo  nostrum  dubitat.  Quod  invelauntur  in  Laurentium  illae 
literae  liberius,  nihil  est  quod  contradicamus  in  praesentia  :  Veritas  ipsa 
fiatis  contradicet  et  tua  conscientia :  hoc  tamen  fatebimur,  beatissime 
p  iter,  movent  risum  omnibus  nobis,  tam  inaniter,  ne  dicamus  maligne, 
conficta  audientibus. — Movet  te  fortasse,  et  de  ea  re  Laurentium  suc- 
censes,  quod  e  furentibus  populi  armis  Raphaelem  Cardinalem,  tuum 
uepotem,  eripi  curaverit,  et  salvum  reddiderit !  Movet,  quod  trucidato 
JuHano  fratre  saucius  ipse  divina  potius  quam  humana  aliqua  ope 
Bceleratos  gladios  sacrilegosque  parricidarum  et  mortem  evitaverit !  Si 
caedi  se  passus  sit  ab  missis  a  vobis  efferatissimis  satellitibus,  si  arcem 
libertatis  nostrae,  publicum  Palatium,  captum  dolis  a  proditoribus 
vestris,  non  recuperasseraus,  si  trucidandos  nosmet,  ac  magistratus 
uostros,  et  cives  tradidissemus  vobis ;  nihil  raodo  tecum  contentionis 
haberemus. 

^  See  the  credentials  of  the  King's  ambassadors  to  the  Pope  on  20. 
Nov.  1478  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  Teglise  Gall.  chap.  13  no  12. 
The  King  complains  in  them,  that  during  the  threatened  danger  from 
the  Turks,  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  Naples  had  stirred  up  dissensiones 
et  guerras  in  Italy.       On  this  account  he  had  gathered  together  the 
ecclesiastical  and  temporal  nobles  of  his  kingdom  at  Orleans,  and  there 
it  was  determined,  necessarium  esse  Concilium  generale  convocari,  et 
sanctissimo  Patri  nostro  Summo  Pontifici  fore  supplicandum,  ut — Con- 
cilium generale  convocari  et  teneri  faceret, — quodque   ipse   Summua 
Pontifex  exemplo  Christi  A'ellet  pacem  praedicai-e,  ct  cum  dicta  illus- 
trissima  Liga  (Florence  and  her  allies)  pacis  unionem  inire.     Accord- 
ingly the  King  sent  this  embassy,  which  was  empowered  at  the  same 
time,  casu  quo  ipse  summiis  Pontifex  praemissa  facere   denegaverit, 
seu  plus  debito  distulerit,  vel  aliqua  in  contrarium  praemissorum,  aut 
aliquid  contra  nos,  regnum  et  regnicolas  nostros  fecerit,  seu  in  futurum 
attentai'e  praesumpserit,  ad  intimandum  et  appellationem  ab  ipso  inter- 
jectam  in  cougregationepredicta  Aurelianis,  et  denovo  si  opus  fuerit  appel- 
landum   ab  ipso  summo  Pontifice  male  consulto  ad  eundem  summum 
Pontificem  bene  consultum,  seu  praefatura  proxiraum  futurum  Concilium 
universalis  Ecclesiae.  The  embassy  was  received  in  January  1479  in  full 
consistory,  see  Jacobi  Volaterrani,  a  cotemporary  Secretarius  ApostoH- 
cus,  Diarium  Romanura  in  Muratorii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Ital.  xxiii.  p.  97  S.,  and 
here  threatened  more  definitely,  that  if  the  Pope  refused  to  yield,  nullae 
vacationes,  nullae  pecuniae  sinerentur  ad  Apostolicam  sedem  ex  regno 
illo  venire,  or  according  to  their  written  declaration  in  Raynald.  1478 
no.  19  :  quod  si  non  fecerit  (Papa),  eo  ipso  petit  (Rex)   congregari 
generale  Concilium  in  aliqua  civitate  regni  sui,  et  illico  Pragmaticam 
iiidicit  Sanctionem,    quam   servari  jubet  in    regno    suo   integerrime. 
Postremo  Praelatos,  et  quasvis  ecclesiasticas  pcrsonas  in  Romana  curia 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  131.  S[XTUr>  IV.  383 

eluded  with  Florence  in  1480,''  and  the  conquest  of  Otranto  by 
the  Turks  (11.  Aug.  1480),  forced  him  to  yield.'^  Next  the 
Pope's  nephew  hankered  after  the  dominions  of  the  house  of 
Este,  which  ruled  in  FeiTara:  forthwith  Sixtus  allied  himself 
with  Venice  against  this  family ;  war  broke  out  in  May  1482, 
and  Ferrara,  though  supported  by  Naples,  seemed  upon  the 
point  of  being  forced  to  submission.^  Then  the  nephew  allowed 
himself  to  be  won  over  by  Naples  f  Sixtus  went  over  to  the 
other   side    (December    1482)    and    excommunicated   Venice.^'' 

degentes,  et  in  regno  suo  habentes  beneficia  ad  ipsa  beneficia  revocat, 
et  per  subtractionem  fructuum  redire  compellit.  The  Pope  decidedly 
refused  all  these  proposals  (1.  c.  no.  20,  ss.) :  however,  the  Emperor  and 
Matthias,  King  of  Hungary,  were  uri,^ent  for  peace:  the  Venetians  pur- 
chast  peace  from  the  Turks,  that  they  might  be  able  to  support  the 
Florentines  (1.  c.  no.  30.) 

6  Ilaph.  Volaterranus  Geogr.  lib.  v. :  Laurentius  cum  jam  periculum 
imminere  conspiceret,  ultro  decrevit  ad  Regis  i  ostis  misericordiam 
confugere.  Itaque — itinere  per  mare  Tyrrhenuui  facto  Neapolira 
celeriter  adplicuit,  ubi  humaniter  exceptus  supplex  veniam  petiit,  ac 
cum  Rege  annui  census  pactione  transegit,  paucisque  post  diebus 
incolumis  ad  suos  regressus  est,  ac  helium  dissolulum  (peace  of  the 
sixth  March  1480.)  Quod  factum  Pontifex  quamquam  graviter  tulit, 
quod  se  neglectum  praeteritumque  viderit:  auxiliis  taraen  destitutus 
pacem  coactus  est  facere.  • 

^  The  capture  of  Otranto  alarmed  the  Pope  so  much,  that  at  first  he 
thought  of  taking  flight  to  Avignon  ;  but  afterwards  he  began  most 
earnestly  to  invite  all  Christian  powers  to  concord,  especially  to  persuade 
the  Italian  states  to  an  armistice,  and  to  render  their  assistance,  see 
Raynald.  1480.  no.  17  ss.  On  the  reconciliation  of  the  Florentines 
with  the  Pope  see  Raph.  Volaterranus  1,  c. :  Quamobrem  oratores  xii.  ad 
eum  missi,  qui  veniam  praeteritorum  peterent  ac  populum  Florentinum 
communi  causa  expiarent. — Praesul  caput  legationis  orationem  in 
senatu  habuit,  veniamque  petiit  praeteritorum.  Die  deinde  dorainico 
primo  Adventus  (the  third  of  December)  anno  1480  omnes  mane  in 
porticum  basilicae  Petri  conveniunt,  Pontificem  atque  Patres  praesto- 
lantes.  I  hi  Pontifex  pro  foribus  templi  procumbentes  ad  genua 
viritim  de  more  virga  converberatos  tertra  expiavit.  Ingressi  deinde 
basilicam  sacrificio  interfuere,  quo  peracto  domum  reducti  sunt  omnium 
Patrura  famiiiis  comitantibus.  Nam  prius  urbem  iiemine  de  more 
obviam  procedente  ingressi  fuerant.  A  more  detailed  account  is  given 
by  Jacobus  Volaterranus  Diar.  Rom.  (Muratorixxiii.  p.  113  ss.) 

i^  Leo  Gesch.  d.  ital.  Staaten.  Th.  3.  S.  183  iF. 

^  Among  the  conditions  of  peace  (see  Jacob.  Volaterr.  in  Muratori 
xxiii.  p.  181)  wa,s  stipendium  Hieronymo  Comiti  in  annos  tres  xl. 
aureoruni  millia. 

^"  M.  Antonius  Sabellicus  (Professor  of  Antient  Literature  in  Venice 
-|-  1506)  hist,  i-erum  Venetiarum  Decadis  iv.  lib.  ii.  (in  the  Istorici  delle 


384  THIKD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

However,  this  Republic  remained  so  successful,  that  her  enemies 
were  obliged  to  make  peace  without  reference  to  the  excommu- 
nication (7.  Aug.  1484).  Vexation  at  this  hastened  the  death 
of  the  Pope,  who  was  hated  as  much  as  he  was  despised  (12. 
Aug.  1484).^^     Innocent  VIII.  succeeded   to  his  place  :  who, 

cose  Veneziane,  i  quail  banni  scritto  per  publico  Decreto.  in  Venezia 
1718,  4.  T.  i.  p,  842)  :  Percusso  cum  hostibus  foedere,  tentavit  Ponti- 
fex  per  literas  Venetos  ab  arniis  revocare,  atque  eo  suadendo  hortan- 
doque  perducere,  ut  Ferrariensi  bello  onmino  abstinevent,  restituerent- 
que  Herculi  Aestensi,  quaecunque  ad  earn  diem  armis  illi  adt'missent. 
(This  letter,  dd.  11.  Dec.  1482,  is  in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  19.)  :  Patres 
ea  denuuciatione  moti,  etsi  certi  erant,  semipartam  victoriam  nolle  abji- 
cere,  consuerunt  tamen,  Pontifici  respondendum,  ac  per  literas  non  illi 
magis,  quam  toti  Italiae,  imo  Europeis  omnibus  demonstrandum  : — 
Venetos  ne  injuria  quidem  lacessitos  arma  prius  induere  voluisse,  quam 
belli,  quod  postea  Herculi  illatum  esset,  Pontijicem  non  solum  auctorem, 
sed  impulsorem  etiam  habuissent:  nee  turn  quidem  eos  a  pace  multum 
abhorrere^  quin  veteri  civitatis  instituto  libenter  earn  complexuros  fuisse, 
nisi  alieno  tempore proponeretur,  tunc  sane,  quum  jam prope  debellatum 
esset,  ac  tarn  indignis  conditionibus,  ut  nil  aliud  esset  illam  recipere, 
quam  Venetum  nomen  omnibus  gentibus  irridendum  exhibere. —  Quod 
ad  se  attineret,  statutum  esse,  bellum,  quod  semel  summo  Pontifice  aitc- 
tore  suscepissent,  bona  ipsius  venia  ad  exitum  perducere:  quern  tarn 
felicem  sperarent,  quamjusta  visa  esset  causa,  propter  quam  illud  susci- 
pere  debuissent.  Haec  et  alia  iti  banc  sententiam  Venetus.  Pontifex 
autem,  pristini  foederis  oblitus,  ubi  Venetum  in  sententia  perstare  vidit, 
interdicti  spiculum  in  eum  detorsit.  The  Bull  dd.  23.  Maj.  1483,  is 
in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  8  ss.  However,  the  Interdict  could  not  be 
observed  in  Venice ;  the  Franciscans,  who  attempted  it,  were  exiled, 
see  Marinas  Sanutus  (-J-  about  1535),  in  his  Lives  of  the  Doges,  in 
Muratori  Script,  rer.  Ital.  xxii.  p.  1228.  The  Venetians  proceeded 
still  fm-ther,  see  Sixti  bidla  dd.  15.  Jul.  1483  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a. 
no.  19.)  :  accersitis  in  eorum  ducali  Palatio  nonnuUis  Praelatis  eccle- 
siasticis  tunc  Venetiis  commorantibus,  coram  eis,  ut  honestis  personis, 
a  monitionibus  et  mandatis  hujusmodi  nostris  ad  tribunal  omnipofentis 
Dei,  et  ad  id,  quod  de  proximo  celebrari  debere  temere  affirmare  non 
erubuerunt,  futurum  generale  Concilium  appellare,  et  ut  appellatio 
ipsa  per  eosdem  Praelatos  reciperetur,  laudaretur  et  admitteretur,  ac 
tandem  ad  nostram  deduceretur  notitiam  procurare,  et  Christifidelibus, 
Clero  et  populo — locorum  eorum  dltioni  obtemperantium,  quod  prae- 
textu  appellationis  hujusmodi  —  mandatis  nostris  obtemperare  non 
tenerentur, — persuadere — non  formidarunt.  At  the  same  time  (Sabel- 
licus  1.  c.  p.  858)  ad  oranes  Germaniae  et  GalHae  Reges  oratores  mise- 
rant,  qui  illos  ad  publicum  conventum  ipsi  Pontifici  ac  Christiano 
nomini  indicendum  impellerent,  ubi  fas  esset  de  Pontificis  injuria  queri, 
fidemque  Christianorum  omnium  adversus  ilium  implorare. 

^^  The  conditions  of  peace  may  be  found  in  Sabellicus  1.  c.  p.  863  s. 
How  great  an  impi-ession  they  made  on  the  diseased  Pope,  may  be 


ClI.  I.— PAPACY.  §  V3i.  SIXTHS  IV.  385 

Bten  in  Jacobi  Volaterrani  Diarium  Rom.  in  Muratorii  xxiii.  p.  198 
8.  Stephani  Infessurae  Diarium  nrbis  Komae  in  Eccardi  Corpus  his- 
tor.  medii  aevi  ii.  p.  1938  :  Deinde  undecinia  die  (Augusti)  acces- 
eerunt  ad  cum  Anibasciatores  Potentiaruin,  putantes  forte  afFerre  ei 
aliquod  gaudium,  et  exposuerunt  ei,  qualiter  conclusa  esset  pax  per 
totara  Italiam.  —  De  quo  ipse  multuin  obstupuit,  et  miratus  est, 
quare  pax  esset  conclusa  sine  eo,  attento,  ut  ipse  dicebat,  ipsum 
debuisse  principaliter  intervenire.  Et  cum  boc  saepius  interrogas- 
set  ab  eis,  et  audivisset,  quod  dicta  pax  esset  conclusa  adeo,  ut  non 
posset  amplius  retractari,  doluit  valde.  Et  causa  doloris  communi 
omnium  existimatione  haec  fuit,  quia  semper  in  omnibus  operibus 
suis  animum  ostendit  suum  in  bunc  finem  et  propositum,  ut  aliquem 
statum,  potentiam  sive  dominium  acquirerct  Comiti  Ilieronymo. — 
Putabat  modo  in  hac  pacis  conclusione,  se  posse  aliquid  dicto  Comiti 
acquirere.  Et  ista  de  causa  intravit  in  talem  confoederationem,  et 
pecuniam  Ecclesiae  expendit.  Sed  postquam  vidit,  se  esse  illusum,  et 
cecidisse  ab  hac  spe  ; — doluit  valde,  ita  ut  tam  ex  primo  dolore  quam 
ex  novissimo  infirniatus  sit  febre, — et — XII.  d.  Aug. — mortuus  sit 
Sixtus  IV.  In  quo  felicissimo  die  Deus  ipse  omnipotens  ostendit 
potentiam  suam  super  terram,  liberavitque  populum  suum  Christianum 
de  manu  talis  impiisimi  et  iniquissimi  regis,  cui  nullus  Dei  timor,  nullus 
regendi  populi  Cbristiani  amor,  nulla  caritalis  et  dilectionis  affectio  ; 
sed  solum  voluptas  inhonesta,  avaritia,  pompa,  sen  vana  gloria  semper 
et  continue  praecipue  viguit,  et  in  consideratione  fuit.  Hie,  ut  fertur 
vulgo,  et  experientia  demonstravit,  puerorum  amator  et  Sodomita  fuit. 
Nam  quid  fecerit  pro  pueris,  qui  serviebant  ei  in  cubiculo,  experientia 
docet,  quibus  non  solum  multorum  millium  ducatorvim  donavit  reditus, 
verum  Cardinalatum,  et  magnos  Episcopatus  largiri  ausus  est.  Nam 
et  non  propter  aliud,  ut  dicunt  quidam,  dilexit  Comitem  Hieronymum, 
et  fratrem  Petrum,  ejus  germanum,  ac  post  Cardinalem  s.  Sixti,  nisi 
propter  Sodomiam. — Hie  avarissimus  :  namque  ut  notum  est  omnibus, 
nullum  unquam  contulit  beneficium  cujuscunque  generis,  nisi  soluta 
pecunia. —  Interdum  etiam  subhastabatur,  ut  nulla  habita  ratione  pec- 
cati,  bonus  an  malus,  dignus  vel  indignus,  literatus  an  illiteratus  esset, 
qui  plus  offerret,  beneficium  consequeretur.  Cardinalatus  quoque  et 
Episcopatus  vendidit  infinitissimos,  de  quibus  hie  narrare  non  expedit. 
Hie  pecuniarum  quaerendarum  causa,  quas  in  bellis  et  pompis  consu- 
mebat,  multa  et  inexcogitata  in  Curia  Romana  ofiicia  adinvenit,  et 
vendidit  his,  qui  Scytbarum  vocabulo  denominabantur  Stradioti,  Jan- 
nizari,  et  Mamaluchi.  Hi  officiales  habebant  varia  exercitia  in  Curia, 
et  ex  his  lucrabantur,  et  sine  dubio  ut  ex  illis  pecunias,  quas  pro  con- 
sequendis  exposuerant,  rehabere  possent,  citra  modum  lucrum  extorque- 
bant.  Hie  officia  multa  in  urbe,  non  citra  avaritiae  causam,  perpetua 
et  venalia  fecit. — Hie  gabellam  novam  imposuit,  ut  fornarii  sive  pis- 
tores  pro  quolibet  sacco  grani,  quod  macinandum  (to  be  ground)  mitte- 
bant,  ultra  consuetam  solutionem  unum  jrrossum  papale  solverent.  Hie 
Datium  [dazio  impost)  sub  nomine  decimae  immoderatum  tam  a 
Clericis,  quam  ab  OlHcialibus  exigebat,  etquidem  sine  aliqua  misericordia. 
Figebat  enira  praeceptum  in  ostio  Ecclesiae,  ut  intra  certum  brevissi- 
mum  spatium   sub  excommunicationis   et  privationls  poena  et  ultra 


386*  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

in  defiance  of  the  conditions  of  his  election,^^  sought  with  a  still 


illam,  alias  centum,  et  alias  quiuquaginta  Ducati  solverentur  :  quod  si 
ita,  ut  ponebatur,  derepente  noti  esset  solutura,  Ecclesia  ipsa  erat  intev- 
dicta,  et  Canonici  privabantur.  Ilic  Romae  dum  vixit,  panis  peuuriam 
semper  induxit  pecuniarum  quaerendarum  causa.  Nam  emebat  gra- 
num  de  messibus  per  oinnes  ecclesiasticas  regiones  uno  Ducato  : — 
deiade  peuuria  facta — quatuor  vel  quinque  Ducatis  veveudebat.  Ali- 
quando  ex  regno  Regis  Ferdinandi  granum  foetidura  et  putridum 
parvo  pretio  comparabat,  illudque  in  loco  quodam,  qui  Abundantia 
vocabatur, — non  uiinori  quain  tribus  Ducatis  pro  rubio  distrahe- 
bat.  Et  quia  saepe  coiitingebat,  quod  tanta  grani  multifudo  ibi 
consumi  non  poterat,  inter  fornavios  distribuebat,  mandabatque 
illis,  ut  sub  certa  poena  non  possent  aliud  quam  dictum  suum 
granum  consumere  seu  operari,  pro  pretio  tamen  XL.  Cnrlino- 
ruin  pro  quolibet  rubio,  quod  nisi  solverent,  statira  carcerabantur. 
Panis  vero,  qui  ex  dicto  frumento  fiebat,  erat  ater,  foetidus  et  abomi- 
nabilis,  et  ex  necessitate  comedebatur,  ex  quo  saepenuraero  in  civitato 
morbus  viguit.  Hie  poenas  omnes  cujuscunque  generis  ad  pecuniam 
reduxit,  ita  ut,  si  ignem  quis  meritus  fuisset,  soluta  aliqua  pecunia 
liberaretur. — Et  tandem  tantura  vigebat  in  eo  avaritiae  vitium,  ut  non 
puderet,  nee  erubesceret,  si  aliquando  Camera  esset  debitrix  alicujus, 
et  ipse  debitura  proraiserit,  denegare,  et  in  sua  fide  deficere,  et  ali- 
quando, quod  clarissimum  erat,  denegare. — Hie  literatorum  et  bonos 
mores  habentium  inimicus,  solum  illi  grati  erant  mali  etc.  Raphael 
Volaterranus  Comm.  urban.  Anthropologia  lib.  xxii. :  Suorum  imprimis 
amantissimus  ac  indulgentissimus  fuit,  quorum  causa  pleraque  praeter 
fasjusque  et  agebat  et  concedebat.  Petrum  ante  omnes  ejusdem  Or- 
dinis  (Franciscani)  ac  patriae,  quern  a  puero  una  cum  Hieronymo 
fratre  sibi  educaverat,  ad  Cardinalatum  usque  provexit,  virum  alioquin 
natum  pei'dundae  pecuniae  :  nam  biennio,  quo  tantum  postea  vixit, 
ducenta  aureorum  millia  in  luxu  victitando  solum  absumpsit,  LX, 
millia  aeris  alieni,  argenteorum  item  CCC.  pondo  dimisit.  Decessit 
tabidus  voluptate  annorum  XXVIII.,  opificibus  maxime  desideratus, 
quorum  officinas  novis  semper  lucris  et  opibus  replebat.  Hieronymus 
vero  fratei-,  Forolivii  Forocorneliique  princeps  factus,  post  eum  rem 
omnem  Ecclesiae  administravit,  vir  ingenio  severiore  ac  voluptatibus 
praeter  unicam  venationem  minimum  deditus.  Xistus  itaque  post  hos 
fratrum  sororumque  filios  extulit :  ueque  enim  alter  propinquis  foecun- 
dior  fuit.  Ttien  follows  an  enumeration  of  these  advancements,  and  of 
the  wars  which  he  carried  on,  ad  arma  conversus,  quibus  magis  quam 
religioni  natus  fuerat.  Quum  igitur  tot  tumultibus  absumpta  pecunia 
indigeret,  nova  Collegia  prinms  excogitavit,  quae  liceretur.  Estimates 
of  them.  Verum  haec  seu  necessitati,  seu  vei'ius  proximis  ac  ministris 
tribuenda,  nam  eo  Pontificum  nuUus  ncc  animo  munificentior,  nee  in 
dando  hilarior,  nee  in  proraovendis  hominibus  proinptior  repertus  fuit. 
The  manner  in  which  he  entertained  forein  nobles,  and  beautified 
Rome  with  buildings. 

*-  These  may  be  seen  in  Raynald.  1484   no.  28  ss.     The  provisions 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  134.  INNOCENT  VIII.  337 

more  profligate  vileness  to  exalt  and  enrich  his  seven  illegitimate 
children. ^^  He  carried  on  two  wars  with  Ferdinand,  King  of 
Naples,  until  the  year  1492,  and  brought  forward  Kenatus,  Duke 
of  Lorraine,  as  pretender  to  his  crown. ^*     True,  he  proceeded  as 

directed  against  Nepotism  are  no.  30  :  De  parentela  et  consanguinitate 
sua  non  plures  quam  unum  dumtaxat  qualificatum  (ad  Cardinalatum) 
promovebit ;  and  no.  38.  :  quod  arces  S.  Angeli,  civitatis  vetulae, 
Tiburis,  Spoleti  et  Caesenae  non  concedet  alicui  de  parentela  sua,  nee 
Praelato,  nee  saeculari ;  sed  aliis  Praelatis  et  ecclesiasticis  personis  ; 
Deque  faciet  eundem  Castellanuin  et  gubernatorem  alicujus  civitatis, — 
nee  Cajjitaneatum  generalem  Ecclesiae  nepoti,  nee  alicui  consanguineo 
suo  concedet, 

^*  Infessura  (in  Miirat.  III.  ii.  p.  1189.  Eccai-d.  ii.  p.  1947)  enu- 
merates the  grants,  which,  according  to  report,  Innocent  had  promised 
pro  habendis  vocibus,  and  then  adds  :  Quare  negari  non  potest,  quin 
consitlerata  qualitate  et  vita  Viri,  qui  juvenis  et  Januensis  est,  et  ex 
pluribus  mulieribus  septem  filios  inter  mares  et  foeminas  habet, — ac 
considerata  qualitate  electionis,  quae  multo  deterior  fuit  electione  Xisti, 
quomodo  longe  pejora  et  deteriora  non  sequanfur  ?  So  early  as  the 
fourth  day  after  the  election  Cardinales  animo  insatiabili  et  quadam 
voracitate  inter  se  omnia  officia  saecularia  tam  urbis  quam  extra  ui-bem 
diviserunt.  The  promise,  omnia  officia  et  beneficia  liomana  concedere 
Romanis  was  not  observed.  Et  sic  in  ejus  principio  sequitur  vestigia 
Xisti,  etsi  grave  est  unicuique  fidem  fallere,  sed  magis  Principi.  Sed 
non  est  mirum,  si  populum  Romanum  decepit,  quia  Deum  omnipoten- 
tem,  cui  in  promotione  castitatem  vovit  et  promisit,  et  tamen  post 
septem  filios  habuit,  turpiter  fefellit  atque  decepit.  Raph.  Volater- 
ranus  Comment,  urban.  Anthropologia  lib.  xxii.  :  Xisti  deinde  secutus 
exemplum  quaestus  gratia  Sccretariorum  collegium  iustituit  pristinum 
numerum  augendo ;  Pontificum  etiam  primus,  qui  novum  et  ipse 
exemplum  iutroduceret  palam  liberos  nothos  jactaudi,  ac  soluta  omni 
antiqua  disciplina  divitiis  eos  omnibus  cumulandi.  The  Epigram  of 
the  day, 

Octo  Noeens  puoros  genuit  totidemque  puellas, 
Hune  merito  poterit  dicere  Roma  patrem, 

probably  adopted  the  number  8  because  Innocent  was  the  eighth  of 
this  name. 

1*  Ferdinand  wisht  to  have  the  tribute  remitted  by  Innocent  VIII. 
as  it  had  been  by  Sixtus  IV.  The  Pope  entered  into  an  alliance  with 
the  disaffected  barons  of  Naples,  Ferdinand  with  the  family  of  Ursini 
at  Rome.  The  first  war  began  in  1485  (Eaynald  h.  a.  no.  38.  1486. 
no.  1)  :  on  12.  August  1486  a  peace  was  concluded  on  terms  advan- 
tageous to  the  Pope  (Raynald.  ad  b.  a.  no.  13),  but  this  was  not 
observed  by  Ferdinand.  Accordingly  differences  soon  rose  again 
(Raynald  1487  no.  9  ss.),  in  1489  the  Pope  declared  that  the  King 
had  forfeited  his  kingdom  (Rayn.  h.  a.  no.  5  ss.) :  The  peace  of  1492 


388  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

his  predecessor  had  done,  to  encourage  princes  and  people 
to  undertake  expeditions  against  the  Turks  :^^  But  when 
Dschem  (called  Zizim  or  Zemes  in  the  western  world),  the 
brother  and  the  rival  of  the  Tui'kish  Sultan  Bajazet,  was 
delivered  over  to  him  in  1489  by  the  knights  of  Rhodes, 
instead  of  sending  him  at  the  head  of  an  anny  against  the 
Turks,  he  chose  rather  to  detain  him  in  prison  on  considera- 
tion of  an  annual  tribute  from  the  Turkish  Sultan.     Alexander 

was  a  repetition  of  the  earlier  one  (Rayn.  h.  a.  no.  10  S3.),  compare 
Leo's  Gesch.  d.  ital.  Staaten.  Th.  4.  S.  611.  ff.     S.  617,  f. 

15  Raynald.  1484.  no.  60  ss.  1485.  no  1  ss.  1486.  no.  60  ss.  1488.  no. 
10  ss. 

1^  On  Dschera's  History  see  Jos.  v.  Hammer's  Gesch.  des  osmanlschen 
Reiches  Bd.  2  (Pesth  1828.  8.)  S.  250  ff.  He  fled  in  1482  to  Rhodes, 
he  was  kept  prisoner  in  France  by  the  knights  of  Rhodes,  and  in  1489 
was  delivered  over  to  the  Pope,  who  had  striven  hard  to  get  possession 
of  him,  under  the  pretext  of  employing  him  in  some  expedition  against 
the  Turks.  Thus  Innocent  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  (Raynald. 
1485.  no.  12)  :  Hortamur  nobilitateni  tuam,  et  quanto  possumus  studio 
per  Redemptoris  nostri  sanctissimam  passionem  requirimus,  ut  pro 
religione  animi  tui,  et  pro  communi  omnium  salute, — [nolueris]  pati, 
ut  idem  Tui-ci  frater  ad  alias  quam  nostras  manus  deveniat :  nam  si  in 
nostra  fuerit  potestate,  modum  et  viam  adinveuiemus,  quibus  illo  tam- 
quam  instrumento  ad  res  magnas  pro  religione  Christiana  et  Dei  laude 
gerendas  uti  possimus.  With  regard  to  Dschem's  entry  into  Rome  13. 
March  1489  and  his  appearance  before  the  consistory,  see  Infessura  in 
Murat.  III.  ii.  p.  1224  S.  Negotiations  with  the  Sultan  were  imme- 
diately opened  at  Rome.  The  Papal  Legate  Angelas  Pechinolius  (see 
the  notice  sent  by  him  to  the  Pope  in  June  1489  in  Justus  Fontauinus 
de  antiquitatibus  Hortae  Coloniae  Etruscorum.  Rom.  1723.  4.  p.  488) 
had  to  hear  from  the  King  of  Hungary  :  Orator  Soldani,  qui  est 
Romae,  supplicavit  Domino  sanctissimo  pro  parte  istius  Turci,  quod 
sua  Sanctitas  sit  contenta  recipere  a  Soldano  duccnta  millia  Duca- 
torum,  et  quod  eum  det  ad  manus  Soldani,  et  sua  Sanctitas  fuit 
contenta  Sic  misit  unum  hominem  ad  Rhodum  sub  praetextu,  quod 
pro  aliquibus  fratribus  religiosissimis  Rhodiensium  vadat  ad  Rho- 
dum :  sed  inde  mutatis  vestibus  ibit  ad  Soldanum  pro  compositione 
istius  pecuniae  et  aliarum  rerum.  —  Quantum  autem  deceat  unum 
Papam  ista  facere,  sua  Sanctitas,  quae  prudentissima  est,  potest 
melius  considerare,  et  quid  sint  dicturi  alii  Christiani  Principes, 
quando  ista  audierint.  The  Legate  could  only  answer,  that  the 
Pope  would  never  deliver  up  Dschem  for  200,000  ducats,  as  the  Sultan 
had  already  bidden  600,000  for  him.  However  the  King  stood  to  his 
point :  Domine  Legate,  si  non  scit  Paternitas  vestra,  scio  ego  :  et  forte, 
quod  plus  sunt :  sed  de  ducentis  millibus  ego  sum  bene  certus.  The 
King  himself  had  wisht  to  get  Dschem  in  his  power  for  his  war  with 
the  Turks  :   when  it  seemed  as  if  the  Pope  wex'e  going  to  commit  him 


CII.   r.— PAPACY.  §  13L  ALEXANDER  IV.  339 

VI.  likewise,  the  luost  depraved  of  all  the  Popes  (from  11.  Aug. 
1492)^'  recognized  no  loftier  aim  than  to  overwhelm  with  hon- 

to  a  Venetian  fleet,  the  King  was  on  the  point  of  entering  into  a  treaty 
with  the  Sultan,  for  he  thought  (p,  484) :  Veneti  non  in  beUum 
contra  Turcum  proficiscentur,  sed  privata  aliqua  conimoda  et  privatas 
eorum  passioned  ulcisci  intendunt,  and  declared  forthwith  to  the 
Legate  (p.  482) :  sua  Sanctitas  vult  decimas  habere  :  vere  non  habe- 
bitis  : — si  portabitis  ilium  Turcum  per  mare,  ego  portabo  fratrem  suura, 
Tui-corum  Imperatorem  per  terram  in  Italiam,  Meanwhile  the  Sultan 
made  an  attempt  to  have  Dschem  and  the  Pope  poisoned.  Infessura 
p.  1232  :  but  afterwards  (Infess.  p.  1234)  an  Ambasciator  magni 
Turci  made  his  appearance  30.  Nov.  1490  with  rich  gifts  for  the  Pope 
(the  lance  with  which  the  side  of  Christ  was  pierced  belonged  to  their 
number,  and  the  Pope  received  it  as  genuine,  regardless  of  the  repre- 
sentations made  to  him  that  the  lance  was  ah-ead}'  shown  in  Nurem- 
berg and  Paris,  see  Burcard  in  the  Notices  et  extraits  T.  i.  p.  94),  and 
offered  to  him,  quod,  si  retineret  dictum  Turcam,  pro  censu  se  daturum 
quadraginta  milliaDucatorum  pro  quolibet  anno,  quousque  ipsum  reti- 
nuerit.  Item  obtulit  pacem  et  perpetuam  securitatem  inter  Christianos 
et  Turcas,  et  quod  Christiani  de  caetero  possent  ire  et  redire  in  terras 
ejus  libere  et  absque  aliquo  timore.  However,  an  interview  with 
Dschem  must  be  granted  him,  for  he  declared  se  nolle  solvere  tributum 
praedictum,  nisi  eum  oculata  fide  videret.  Et  ita  dixit  so  habuisse  in 
mandatis,  ne  forte  diceretur  vivus,  et  mortuus  esset.  Compare,  with  re- 
ference to  Dschem's  history,  the  Abbot  Ludovicus  Tubero  comm.  de  tem- 
poribus  suisfrom  1490 — 1522)lib.vi.§  6. and  7. in  Schwandtner Scriptt. 
rerum  Hungaricarum.  T.  ii.  p.  214  s.  lie  first  relates  §  7.  how 
Matthias  king  of  Hungary  had  toiled  in  vain  with  the  king  of  France, 
to  get  Dschem  into  his  power,  sperans,  si  Gemiura  in  potestate  haberet, 
non  solum  facile  consecuturum,  ut  Bajazethes  intra  fines  suos  sese  con- 
tineret,  atque  invalidior  viribus  fieret  (certo  enim  sciebat,  Gemium  a 
popularibus  studio,  ut  fit  novarum  rerum  valde  desiderari)  ;  verum 
etiam  se  bonam  Imperii  partem  eo  facto  Turcis  ademturum  :  quippe 
arbitrabatur,  Bajazethem  fraterno  metu  nullam  pacis  conditionem  ab  se 
dictara  recusaturum.  Then  he  proceeds  :  Non  ita  multo  post  Innocen- 
tius  VIII.  Pontifex  Ronianus  et  sibi  amplum  fore  putans,  Regem 
Turcam  tributarium  habere,  et  tanto  auro,  cujus  quidem  sacerdotes  hac 
tempestate  maxime  avidi  sunt,  potiri  cupiens,  oblata  Rhodiorum  Principi 
dignitate,  qua  Cardinales  sacerdotes  Romanae  Ecclesiae  insigniti  sunt, 
agit  cum  illo,  ut  Turcam  sibi  tradcret.  Rhodius,  non  parvum  fortunae 
suae  additamentum  existimans,  in  collegium  Cardinalium  cooptari, 
accepta  conditione  hominem  suae  fidei  commissum  hujuscemodi  facile 
permutat  magistratu.  Itaque  vidimus,  si  Deo  placet,  non  pecunia 
modo,  quod  jam  solemne  est,  sed  etiam  perfidia  atque  humano  sanguine 
sacerdotia  apud  Christianos  parari,  si  Christiani  appellandi  sunt,  qui 
nihil  praeter  nomen  habent  Christianorura. 

^^  In  spite  of  the  urgent  remonstrances  which  were  brought  before 
the  Cardinals  when  proceeding  to  a  fresh  election,  in  the  sermon  of 
Leonellus   Episc.  Concordiensis  (in  Raynald.   1492.  no.  24  s.)  and  of 


390  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.   V.— A.D.  ]-i09— 1517. 

ours  and  possessions  his  five  illegitimate  children,  and  amonfr 
them  especially  his  favorite  Caesar  Borgia.^^  When  Charles 
VIII.  king  of  France  desired  to  assert  the  claims  of  the  house  of 
Anjou  upon  Naples,  Alexander  at  first  suffered  himself  to  be  won 
over  by  large  gifts  bestowed  upon  his  sons,  to  the  side  of  Ferdi- 
nand king  of  Naples,  and  after  his  death  (25.  Jan.  1494;  of  his 
son  Alphonso  11.,^^  he  threatened  Charles  with  excommunica- 
tion,^*' and  sought  aid  from  Tm-key  for  himself.-^  However  when 

Bernardinus  Carvajal  Episc.  Pacensis  (in  Martene  thes.  anecd.  II.  p. 
1774  ss.)  all  of  them,  five  only  excepted,  let  themselves  be  bribed  by 
Roderick  Borgia  to  elect  him :  he  now  ascended  the  Papal  throne  as 
Alexander  VI.,  see  Infessura  in  Eccard.  II.  p.  2008.  S. 

^^  Thus  on  10.  June  1493  he  married  his  daughter  Lucretia  to 
Alexander,  lord  of  Pezaro,  after  separating  her  from  her  former  hus- 
band, and  satisfying  him  with  money :  he  held  a  magnificent  bridal 
feast  in  the  papal  palace,  the  proceedings  at  which  were  by  no  means 
peculiarly  decorous,  see  Infessura  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2011  S.  Infessura 
remarks  on  the  occasion  :  Alexander  consuetudinem  jam  coeptam  per 
Innocentium  de  maritanda  prole  foeminina  prosecutus  est  et  ampliavit. 
Incumbit  igitur  Clerus  omnis,  et  quidem  cum  diligentia  circa  sobolem 
procreandam.  Itaque  a  majori  usque  ad  minimum  concubinas  in  figura 
matrimonii,  et  quidem  publice  attinent.  Quod  nisi  a  Deo  provideatur, 
transibit  haec  corruptio  usque  ad  Monachos  et  Religiosos,  quamvas 
Monasteria  urbis  quasi  omnia  jam  facta  sint  lupanaria,  nemine  contra- 
dicente.  Raphael  Volaterranus  comm.  urb.  Anthropologia  lib.  xxii. : 
Alexander  deinde  nihil  prius  habuit  quam  Innocentii  exemplo  suos 
nothos  honoribus,  verura  longe  majoribus  extollere,  quando  jam  I'es 
haec  honori  et  gloriae  coepit  esse.  Itaque  Lucretiam  filiam  prius  Jo. 
Sfortiae  Pisaurieusi  Principi  locavit,  deinde  abdicatam  (forsaken  by 
her  husband,  see  jSIachiavelli  hist.  Fragmente,  translated  by  Leo  S. 
114)  Aloisio  Aragoni  Alfonsi  Regis  filio  notho,  quo  demum  interfecto 
Alfonso  Estonsi  Ferrariae  Duci,  cum  quo  adhuc  perseverat.  Ex  filiis 
vero  alteram  minorem  natu  in  regno  Siciliae  Principem  fecit  (see  note 
19),  alium  Caesarem  Cardinalem  (1493.  Ludov.  Tubero  lib,  viii. 
§  15. :  vix  puberem  Cardinalem  designavit,  ementitus,  non  ex  se 
genitum  esse,  sed  ex  viro,  cujus  uxorem,  quod  satis  constat,  ipse 
adulteraverat),  majorem  quoque  in  Ilispania  ducem  (John  Borgia  of 
Aragon,  duke  of  Gandia,  whom  in  1497  he  invested  with  the  Duke- 
dom of  Benevento  also,  see  Burchardus  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2081). 

'^  Leop.  Ranke's  Geschichte  der  romanischen  u.  germaniscben 
Volker  V.  1494  b.  1535.  Bd.  1.  (Li^pz.  u.  Berlin  1824)  S.  30.  Leo's 
Gesch.  V.  Italien,  Th.  5.  S.  71  ff".  For  instance  Giuftredi  Borgia 
received  a  natural  daughter  of  King  Alphonso  for  his  wife,  and  with 
her  the  Dukedom  of  Squillace  by  way  of  dowry. 

*'  On  the  Pope's  effort  to  keep  Charles  away  from  Italy  see  Ray- 
nald  1494.  no.  15  ss.  After  Alexander  had  invested  Alphonso  with 
Naples,  the  French  ambassador  appealed  against  this  in  consistory  to 


CII.  1.— rAl'ACY.   §  104.     ALEXANDER  YI.  3*)! 

a  geueral  council,  the  Pope  required,  on  the  contrary,  that  Charles 
should  leave  to  hira  the  decision  of  his  claims  1.  c.  no.  18,  and  threatened 
him  with  the  anathema  decreed  by  Pius  II.  at  Mantua  in  case  of  such 
an  appeal  (1.  c.  no.  20). 

^^  In  July  1494  the  Pope  had  held  a  conference  with  Alphouso 
King  of  Naples  at  Vicovarium,  in  consequence  of  which  both  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Turkish  Sultan  (Burchardi  Uiarium  in  Eccard.  II. 
p.  2047,  and  Raynald  1494  no.  21).  The  papal  envoy  was  arrested, 
and  the  instructions  given  him  by  the  Pope  found  upon  him.  These 
instructions  and  five  letters  from  the  Sultan  to  the  Pope  may  be  seen 
in  Burchardi  Diarium  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2053  ss.  and  in  the  Memoires 
de  Phil,  de  Comines,  nouvelle  edition  par  Messieurs  Godefroy,  aug- 
mentee  par  M.  I'Abbe  Lsnglet  du  Fresnoy.  T.  iv.  P.  ii.  (Londres 
et  Paris  1747.  4.)  p.  47  ss.  The  Sultan's  five  letters  are  also  given 
in  the  Fuudgruben  des  Orients  Bd.  5.  (Wien  1816.  Fol.)  S.  183.  (all 
three  editions  are  from  different  MSS.)  The  Papal  instructions  of 
June  1494  charge  the  Nuutio  George  Bocciardo  to  set  plainly  before 
the  Magnus  Turca,  Sultan  Bajazet,  qualiter  Rex  Franciae  properat 
cum  maxima  potentia  terrestri  et  maritima — hue  Romam  veniens 
eripere  e  manibus  nostris  Gem  Sultan,  fratrem  Celsitudinis  suae,  et 
acquirere  Regnum  Neapolitanum, — sed  etiam  in  Graeciam  transfretare, 
et  patrias  Celsitudinis  suae  debellai'e. — Et  cum  nobis  opus  sit  resistere, 
— CQgiraur  ad  subsidium  praefati  Sultan  Bajazet  recurrere,  sperante.s 
in  araicitia  bona,  quam  ad  invicem  haberaus,  quod  in  tali  necessitate 
juvabit  iios  :  quem  rogabis,  et  nomine  nostro  exhortaberis,  ac  ex  te 
persuadebis  cum  orani  instantia,  ut  placeat  sibi  quam  citius  mittere 
nobis  Ducatos  quadraginta  millia  in  auro  Venetos  pro  annata  anni 
praeseatis,  quae  finiet  ultimo  die  Novembris  venturi  (the  annual  pay- 
ment for  Uschem's  detention).  As  much  advantage  might  be  gained 
by  the  support  of  the  Venetians,  persuadebis  et  exhortaberis  Majes- 
tatera  suam,  quam  tenemur  certiorem  reddere  ob  veram  et  bonam 
amicitiam,  quam  habemus  ad  invicem,  ne  patiatur  aliquod  interesse,  ut 
statim  mittat  unum  Oratorem  ad  Dominium  Venetorum  : — quos  exhor- 
tetur  et  adstringat,  quod  pro  quanto  cari  pendant  amicitiam  suam, 
debeant  esse  adjumento  et  defensioni  nostrae  et  Regis  Alfonsi  terra 
marique.  — Denotabis  pariter  magno  Turco  adventum  Oratoris  magni 
Soldani  (Sultan  of  Egypt)  ad  nos  cum  litteris  et  muneribus,  quae 
transmisit  nobis,- — et  promissiones,  quas  nobis  fecit  de  magno  thesauro, 
ac  de  raultis  aliis  rebus  (that  is  if  Dschem  were  delivered  up  to  him)  ; 
significabis  Majestati  suae  intentionem  nostram,  in  quantum  sibi  pro- 
misimus,  firmiter  tenebimus,  et  nunquam  coutraveniemus  in  aliqua  re  : 
imo  nostrae  inteutionis  est  accrescere  et  meliorare  nostram  bonam 
amicitiam.  Bene  gratum  nobis  esset,  et  de  hoc  multum  precamur  et 
hortamur  D.  Serenissimum,  quod  pro  aliquo  tempore  non  itnpediat 
llungarum,  neque  in  aliqua  piirte  Christianitatis,  et  maximein  Croatia 
et  civitatibus  Ragusiae  et  Leguiae :  quod  faciendo  et  observando  nos 
faciemus,  quod  Hungarus  non  inferat  ei  aliquod  damnum,  et  in  hoc 
Majestas  sua  habebit  compassionem  complacendi  nobis,  attento  niaxime 
motu  Francorum,  et  aliorum  Principum.  Quodsi  in  bellando  perse- 
veraret,  habeat  pro  comperto  sua  Magnitude  quod  in  ejus  auxilio  essent 


392  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D,  1409—1517. 

Charles  appeared  in  Rome  (31.  Dec.  1494)  the  Pope  went  over 
to  his  side  iminediately,  and  delivered  up  to  him  Prince  Dschem, 
but  he  took  care  to  have  him  poisoned  immediately,  that  he 
might  not  lose  the  promised  price  set  upon  his   head  by  the 

quam  plures   Principes  Christian!,  et  doleret  Majestatem  suam  non 
fecisse    secundum    consilium     nostrum,    quod    damns    sibi  prime   ex 
officio,  quando  siraus  pater  et  dominus  omnium  Christianorum,   postea 
desideramus  quietem  Majestatis  suae  ad  bonam  et  mutuam  amicitiam  : 
quoniam  si  aliter  Majestas  sua  statueret  prosequi  et  molestare  Christi- 
anos,    cogeremur  rebus  consulere,  cum  aliter   non  possemus    obviare 
ma.Kimis    apparatibus,    qui   fiunt  contra    Majestatem   suam.     In  the 
Sultan's  answers,  all  of  the  15th  and   18th  Sept.   1494,  beside  the 
concession  of  the  Pope's  I'equests,  the  following  noticeable   passages 
occur.     In    the  fourth  :   notum  sit  Tuo  supremo  Pontificio,  quemad- 
modum  Rev.   Dominus  Nicolaus  Cibo  Archiepiscopus  Ai-elatensis  est 
dignus  et  fidelis  homo. — Hujus  igitur  rei  causa  justum  est  a  vobis 
decerni,  majori  in  oi-cline  ipsum  esse  debere  :  unde  et  rogaviraus  dictum 
supremum  Pontifieem  finnocentium  VIII. J  ^  ut  faceret  ilium  Cai'dinalem, 
et  assensus  est  nostrae  petitioni. — Verum  quia  non  erat  tempus,  id  est 
Septembris  mensis,  non   sedet  in  ordine  suo. — Ea  de  causa  scribimus 
et  rogamus   Tuam   Magnitudinem, — ut  adimpleat  ipsi   Tuum    Ponti- 
ficium,  videlicet  ut   faceret   ipsum   perfectum    Cardinalem.      In  the 
fifth  :    Inter  alia  mihi  retulit  [Georgiits  BussardnsJ,    quomodo  Rex 
Franciae  animatus  est  habere  Gem  fratrem  nostrum,  qui  est  in  manibus 
vestrae  Potentiae  :  quod  esset  multum  contra   voluntatem  uostram  et 
vestrae  Magnitudini  sequeretur  maximum  damnum,   vosque  et  omnes 
Christiani  paterentur  detrimentum.     Idcirco  una  cum  praedicto  Georgio 
cogitare  coepimus  :  pro  quiete,   utilitate  et   honore  vestrae  Potentiae, 
et  adhuc  pro  mea  satisfactione  bonum  esset,  quod  dictum   Gem  meum 
fratrem,  qui  subjectus  est  morti  et  detinetur  in  manibus  vestrae  Mag- 
nitudinis,   omnino  mori  faceretis,  quod,  si  vita  cai'eret,  esset  et  vestrae 
Potentiae    utile,     et    quieti     commodissimum,    mihique    gratissimum. 
Et  si  in  hoc  Magnitude  vestra  contentabit  coraplacere  nobis,  prout  in 
sua  prudentia  confidimus  facere  velle,  debet  pi*o  meliori  Suae  Potentiae, 
et   pro  majori  nostra  satisfactione,  quanto  citius   poterit,  illo  meliori 
modo,  quo  placebit  Vestrae  Magnitudini,  dictum  Gem  levari  facere  de 
angustiis  istius  mundi,  et  transferri  ejus  animara  in  alterum  saeculum, 
ubi  meliorem  habebit  quietem.     Et  si  hoc  adimplere  faciet  Vestra  Po- 
tentia,  et  mandabit  nobis  corpus  suum  in  qualicumque  loco  citra  mare 
nostrum  ;  promittimus  Nos  Sultan  Bajazet  suprascriptus  in  quocumque 
loco   placuerit   Vestrae  Magnitudiai     Ducatorum    trecenta   millia   ad 
emenda  filiis  suis  aliqua  dominia,  quae  Ducatorum  trecenta  millia  con- 
signare  faciemus  illi  cui  ordinabit  Vestra   Magnitude,    antequam   sit 
nobis  dictum  corpus  datum,  et  per  vestros  meis  consignatura.     Adhuc 
promitto  Vestrae  Potentiae,  quod  vita  mea  comite  et  quamdiu  vixero, 
habebimus  semper  bonam  et  magnam   amicitiam  cum  eadem  Vestra 
Magnitudine  sine  aliqua  deceptione,  et  eidem  faciemus  omnia  benepla- 
cita  et  gratias  nobiles.     The  Sultan  also  agreed  to  disquiet  the  Chris- 


CU.  I.- PAPACY.  §  VM.  ALEXANDER  VI.  393 

Sultan.^-  In  Marcli  1495  the  Pope  allied  himself  again  with 
the  Emperor  and  the  King  of  Spain,  in  order  to  drive  the  French 
out  of  Italy.-^  But  not  long  after,  he  quarrelled  with  Frederick 
the  new  King  of  Naples,  brother  of  Alphonso  II.,  who  refused 
to  satisfy  the  extravagant  demands  of  Caesar  Borgia,^*  and  once 

tians  no  more,  and  at  last  he  confirmed  all  these  promises  with  a 
solemn  oatb. 

--  15i;rcbjvrdus  in  Eccard  ii.  p.  20GG,  more  correctly  in  Raynald. 
1495.  no.  12  :  Feria  quarta,  vigesima  quinta  Februarii  Gem,  frater 
Mtxgni  Tureae,  qui  nuper  Kegi  Fi'ancorum  per  sanctissimum  Dominum 
nostrum  ex  pacto  et  conventione  inter  eos  stipulatis  fuerat  consignatus, 
in  civitate  Neapolitana  ct  castro  Capuano  ex  esu  sive  potu  naturae  suae 
non  convenienti  vita  est  functus,  cujus  cadaver  deinde  ad  instantiam  et 
preces  magni  Tureae  eidem  magno  Tureae  cum  tota  defuucti  familia 
niissum  est,  qui  propterea  dicitur  magnani  pecuniarum  suramam  per- 
fiolvisse  seu  donasse,  et  familiam  ipsam  in  gratiam  recepisse.  Ludovi- 
cus  Tubero  (see  note  16)  lib.  vi.  §  7.  in  Scbvvandtner  ii.  p.  216  : 
Mortuo  Innocentio  Alexander,  Pontificatum  pecunia  adeptus,  Gemiuni 
in  Caroli  VIII.  Francorum  Regis,  tunc  Neapolitanum  regnum  petentis, 
coactus — permislt  potestatem,  date  ei  prius  veneno  baud  quidem  prae- 
sentaneo,  sed  quod  ad  occultandam  facinoris  invidiam  aliquot  diebus 
mortem  protraberet.  Feruut  autem,  hxmc  Pontificem  adeo  deplorata 
vita,  atque  ad  extremum  perditum  fuisse,  ut  omnia  sacra  pretio  ven- 
deret.  Quosdam  insuper  Cardinales  divitiis  notos  veneno  sustulisse 
dicitur,  quo  eorum  pecuniis  liberorum  suorum  ex  adulterio  susceptorum 
fortunam  augeret,  Quare  ejus  aetate  per  totum  fere  Cbristianum 
orbem  bi  versiculi  passim  decautabantur  : 

Vendit  Alexander  claves,  Altaria,  Ciiristum  : 
Emerat  ista  prius,  vendere  jure  potest. 

Unde  omnibus  persuasum  est,  ipsum  Pontificem,  qui  verius  Carnificis 
nomen  obtinere  debuit,  Venetis  quoque  non  solum  consciis,  sed  etiam 
internuntiis,  propter  simultatem,  quam  cum  Rege  Carolo  babebant, 
ingentis  pecuniae  pactione  ad  boc  scelus  a  Bajazethe  esse  inductum, 
qui  quidem  in  securitatem  suam — fratreni  e  medio  tolli  magnopei'e 
optabat.  Atque  in  hunc  maxime  modum  Christiani,  Turcis  praesertim 
finitimi,  a  quibus  minime  oportuit,  pene  proditi  sunt.  Nam  Bajazethes, 
domestico  metu  liberatus,  statim  animo  consilia  volutare  coepit  Cbris- 
tianos  aperte  oppugnandi,  atque  opportunitate  rerum  gerendarum,  quae 
ad  illam  diem  baudquaquam  patuerat,  uti.  Compare  Hammer's  Gescb. 
des  osman.  Reiches.  Bd.  2.  S.  277. 

'^^  L.  Ranke's  Gesch.  der  roman.  u.  german.  Yolkcrv.  1494 — 153.5. 
Bd.  1.  S.  62  ii\     Leo's  Gesch.  v.  Italien.  Th.  5.  S.  96  fif. 

-*  John  of  Borgia  was  murdered  4  weeks  after  bis  exaltation  to  the 

dukedom  of  Benevento  (see  note  18),  as  Lud.  Tubero  lib.  viii.  §  15. 

Macbiavelli  (-[-  1527.     Hist.   Fragmente  von  Nicolo  di   Bernardo  dei 

Macbiavelli  libers,  v.  H.  Leo,  Hannover  1828.  8.  !:?.  115)  and  Guiccia- 

VOL.  IV,  2  c 


394  THIRD  PERIOD.— Dl^.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

more  made  proposals  to  Le'wis  XII.  King  of  France.  Every 
tiling  was  now  possible  in  Rome  :  the  Cardinal  Caesar  Borgia 
was  releast  from  his  ecclesiastical  profession,^'  Lewis  XII.  was 
divorced  from  his  wife.^^     In  acknowledgment  of  this  the  latter 

diui.  lib.  ill.  expressly  state,  at  the  instigation  of  his  brother  Caesar 
Borgia,  who  endeavoured  from  this  time  forth  to  be  releast  from  his 
ecclesia=«tical  profession,  and  loaded  with  worldly  honours  inster\d  of 
his  brother.  Accord^n^•,y  h(i  demanded  from  King  Frederick  his  elde.^t 
daughter  to  wife,  and  tlie  priricipality  of  Tarentum  for  her  dower  :  see 
Machiavelli  ibid.  S.  159.     Guicciardini  lib.  iv.     Ranke  S.  169  ff. 

-^  Burchardus  in  Eccard  ii.  p.  2096  ;  Feria  sexta,  decima  tertia 
Augusti  (1498),  in  secreto  Consistorio  Dominus  Cardinalis  Valentinus 
proposuit,  se  ab  ineunte  aetate'inclinatum  semper  fuisse  statu!  saeculari, 
sed  Sanctissimum  Dominum  nostrum  voluisse,  ut  se  daret  statui  eccle- 
siastico,  et  ad  Ordineni  se  promoveri  Diaconatus,  eujus  voluntati  se 
opponere  visum  non  esf.  Cum  autem  omnis  ejus  voluntas  etinclinatio 
sit  adhuc  ad  statum  saeoularem,  supplicavit,  S.  D.  N.  dignaretur  cum 
singular!  dementia  prosequendo  secum  dispensare,  ut  diniissishabitu  et 
dignitate  ecclesiastica  liceat  ei  redire  ad  saeculum,  ac  matrimoniuni 
contrahere.  Et  reverendissimos  Domino  ^  Cardinales  rogavit,  quatenus 
hujusmodi  dispensation!  consentire  vellent,  et  cum  eo  S.  D.  N.  suppli- 
care. — Cardinales  omnes  communiter  concordi  voto  remiserunt  dispen- 
sationem  hujusmodi  arbitrio  et  voluntati  ejusdem  S.  D.  N.  Lud. 
Tubero  lib.  viii.  §  15.  in  Schwandtner  ii.  p.  282  :  Hoc  parricidio  (the 
murder  of  his  brother  note  24)  admisso  Caesar  Cardinalatu,  quern  a 
patre  ultro  oblatum  non  religionis  studio,  sed  spe,  ut  plerique  faciunt, 
opulentioris  fortunae  acceperat,  sese  sponte  abdicavit,  palani  professus, 
se  a  Pontifice  progenitum,  et  ob  id  tanto  nequaquam  idoneum  sacer- 
dotio :  aeque  ac  majus  fiagitiura  esset,  rllegitime  natum  suinmum 
sacerdotium  obtinere,  quam  sacris  Deoque  dicatis  pecuniis,  ac  in  hos- 
pitalitatem  absumendis  abut!,  atque  his  ipsis  regna,  pulsis  justis  regi- 
bus,  per  nefas  parare.  Afterwards  in  1500  Caesar  was  raised  by  the 
Pope  to  be  Cnpitaneus  Generalis  et  Confalonerius  S.  Romanac  Ecclesiaej 
Burchard  p.  2115. 

2^  Louis  Duke  of  Orleans  succeeded  his  cousin  Charles  VIII.  in 
April  1498.  Ludov.  Tubero  lib.  vii.  §  14.  in  Schwandtner  ii.  p.  254  : 
Qui  (Ludf)v!cus  Aurelianensis)  quidem  una  cuin  regno  uxorem  etiain 
ipsius  Regis  in  matrimonium  accepit,  prima  conjuge  novo  inter  Chris- 
tianos  exemplo  repudiata,  apud  quos  sane  conjugium  non  nisi  morte 
alterius  dirlniitur.  Ferunt  autem,  Aurelianensem  hoc  consilio  tantum 
facinns  AU-xandro  VI,  Romano  Pontifice  annuente  admisisse,  ne 
scilicet  a  Francorum  regno  Armoricae  civitates,  quas  gentes  nunc  Bri- 
tones  vocant,  ad  imperium  et  jus  Annae  uxoris  Caroli  spectantes, 
deficerent,  si  ilia  alium  virum  sibi  matrimonio  adjungeret.  Haecenim 
mulier,  nulla  in  dorao  paterna  virili  sobole  superstite,  Britonum  regio- 
nem  haereditario  jure  obtinebat.  Nee  mirum,  si  tales  nuptiae  ab 
Alexandro  VI.  Romano  Pontifice  permissae  sunt :  cum  et  ipse  Alex- 
ander filiam  suam,  ex  quadam  adultei'a  susceptam,  atque  cum  Principe 


GIL  I.— PAPAfY.  §  ini.  ALEXANDER  VI.  395 

raised  tlie  forinor  to  tlie  dukedom  of  Valentinois  (1498),  and 
tlien  supported  him  with  an  army  in  his  attempt  to  vanquish 
the  powerful  vassals  of  the  States  of  the  Church  one  by  one,  and 
create  a  principality  for  himself  out  of  their  dominions.^^  Naples 
on  the  other  side  with  the  consent  of  the  Pope  was  conquered 
by  France  and  Spain  together  (1501),^*  but  so  early  as  1503  it 

PisauHensium  matrinionio  conjunctain  see  not.  18),  e  viri  thalamo  adver- 
sns  leires  pontificias  abripuerit,  atque  alii  in  inatrimoiiium,  sola  fovtu- 
natioris  conjugii  spe,  dederit,  The^^e  reasons  for  the  divorce  turnisht 
Caesar  Oorgia  with  a  pretext,  for  keeping  baek  the  document  at  first, 
but  the  king-  so  soon  as  he  got  intelligence  of  its  existence,  consum- 
mated tlie  marriage  notwithstanding,  see  Machiavelli's  hist.  Fragmente 
iibers.  v.  Leo.  S.  154  f. 

'^  Haph.  Volaterrrani  eomni.  urb.  Anthropologia.  lib.  xxii.  :  Post 
ejus  (the  Duke  John  of  Borgia)  mortem  Caesar  Cardinalis  spreto 
sacerdotio  ejusque  online,  cupidus  dominandi  se  ad  Ludovicum  Galliae 
Ilegem  cum  magna  vi  auri  as  suppelle  tilis  contulit,  ejusque  propin- 
quam  de  Lebreto  (Charlotte  d'Albrd,  sister  of  the  King  of  Navarre) 
in  matriraoniuii  una  cum  oppido  Valeutia  accepit.  Regis  deinde 
auxilio  perpetuoque  faedere  multum  in  Italia  sibi  ditionis  paravit, 
Aemiliam  imprimis  omnem  pi*aeter  Bononiam  ejectis  partimque  nccafis 
antiquis  faniiliarum  possessoribus  (out  of  which  the  Pope  created  the 
dukedoni  of  Romagna  for  Caesar  in  1501),  in  Etruria  Populiuum,  in 
Piceno  (_'amerinum,  Senogalliara,  Urbinum,  quod  ex  omnibus  per  pro- 
ditionem  cepit.  Nam  cum  ut  hospes  et  amicus  a  Guidone  Duce  cum 
exercitu  apud  Callium  exciperetur,  extemplo  dato  signo  urbem  earn 
corripuit :  inde  propere  Urbinum  invadi  mandat.  Guldo  vero  cum 
non  satis  virium  improvisus  ad  resistenduin  baberet,  neinmanus  hostis 
perveniret,  statim  relictis  omnibus  nocte  sequenti  paucis  comitibus  ad 
sororium  suum  Mantuam  aufugit.  Pontifex  interim  Roma  supplc- 
menta  res  agenti  mittebat,  una  lantum  cogitations  occupatus,  quonam 
modo  euui  maximum  Piincipuni  constitueret  :  eapropter  in  aninium 
induxit  proeeres  urbi  finitimos  alia  atque  alia  de  causa  prorsus  omnes 
extinguere  :  cepitque  a  Cajetanis,  vetusta  familia,  qui  nonnuUa  apud 
Volscos  oppida  possidebant,  Jacobuni  Protonotarium  ex  ea  gente  Ho- 
norati  filium  carcei'e  inclusum  necavit,  adolescentemque  unicum  Colae 
filiiim  farailiae  superstitem  absentem  trucidari  jussit,  Columnensium 
deinde  Gallorum  auxilio  expulsorum  imperium  omne  invasit.  Quod 
reliquum  erat  cum  ad  Ursinos  anhelaret,  nee  satis  causae  haberet, 
occasionem  est  nactus,  quam  optanti  hominum  promittere  nemo  potuis- 
set,  ipsa  dies  jam  obtuHt  ultro.  Contigit  nempe,  ut  ipsimet  Ursini 
taat03  Caesaris  successus  tnntain'-jue  impcr.iaili  cupiditateui  adspici- 
entes  sibi  quamque  araicis  timerent,  ne  cunctis  jam  sublatis  qi.si 
quoque  deierentur.  Itaque  cum  his,  qui  pari  formidine  adficiebantur 
una  conspirant.  Erant  autem  hi  Joannes  Bentivolius,  Joannes  Paulus 
Balio  Perusiuus,  Vitellocius  Tifymas,  Li'j "ructus  Firmanus,  Pandulfus 
Petrucius  Senensis,  Baptista  Cardinalis  et  Paubis  Ursini.      Qui  omnes 

2  c2 


396  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.   1409—1517.  fZ       '1 

fell  under  the  sole  dominion  of  Spain.^^  Meanwhile  Alexander 
was  seeking  by  traffic  in  benefices,  sale  of  indulgences,  exercise 
of  the  right  of  spoils,  and  taxes  for  the  Turkish  war,  as  well  as 
by  the  mm'der  of  rich  or  troublesome  persons,  to  scrape  together 
as  much  money  as  possible,  to  support  the  wanton^luxury  ami 
shameful  licentiousness  of  his  Court,  and  provide  treasures  for 
his  chikb-en.'^     At  length  the  poison  wdiich  the  Pope  had  meant 


prope  Perusiam  eoncillo  facto  contra  Caesarem  conjurant,  e  vestigioqiie 
irruptione  facta  Uvbinum  recipiunt  et  Camerinum,  cohortesqiie  Caesa- 
rianas  quae  ad  succurrendum  mittebanturin  itinere  adorti  adfligunt,  alia- 
que,  Aeinilae  oppida  tentare  contitiuo  festiuant.  Pontifex  hoc  accepto 
nuntio  magnopere  conimotus  omni  studio  placare  sibi  Ursinos  imprimis 
conabatur,  quod  facile  cunctoH  ipsorum  sperabat  auctoritatem  seeuturos. 
Itaqueomni  pollicitationc,  humanitate,  conditioneque  delinitos  in  suaiu 
sententiiim  adduxit.  Illi  couciliati  jam  capta  restituunt,"  de^novoque 
Senogalliam  Caesari  acquirunt,  ubi  Paulus  et  Gravinae  dux  Ursini, 
Vitellocius  et  Liberoctus  una  conveneratit.  Caesar  igitur,  qui  Foi*o- 
cornelii  ae  continebat,  opporiunum  tempus  se  vindicandi  ratus,  eo  cum 
exercitu  Vasconum  de  improviso  proficiscitur ;  illi  obviam  inermes 
procedentes  veniani  petunt  praeteritorum  ;  humaniter  excepti  sunt, 
custodiaeque  interim  clam  adbibitae,  ne  fugere  possent.  Itaque  jam 
deducendi  officio  functi  cum  discedere  vellenl,  simulatione  simul  coHo- 
quendi  restarejussi  sunt.  Cum  in  conclave  venissent,  extemplo  claiisa 
janua,  et  a  mililibus  ad  boc  ordinatis  capti  Vitellocius  et  Liberoctu.? 
eodem  die  strangulati,  paucis  post  diebus  reliqui  (Dec.  1502  Jan.  1503). 
Nee  mora,  Perusia  Tifernumque  ejectis  Yitelliis  ac  Balionibus  Pontifioi 
sese  dediderunt.  Pontifex  interea  Romae  ubi  per  nuntium  celerem 
noctu  captos  bos  esse  accepit,  Cardinalem  Ursinum,  quem  nnilta  pvius 
bland itia  speque  secui'um  reddiderat,  mane  hortatur  ad  Palatimn  venire, 
fingitque  Columnenses  prope  urbem  adesse,  pontesque  cepisse.  I  lie 
credulus  ubi  obtemperavit,  capitur  et  in  molem  Hadriani  conjicitur  cum 
Abbate  Alviano  Ursin.irum  partiura,  Praesul  vero  Florentinus  et 
Jacobus  Sanctacrucius  eadem  hora  capti  in  Palatio  sunt  custoditi. 
Sanctacrucius  postera  die  dimis?us  vadibus  datis,  consentiente  Cardi- 
nale,  ad  oppida  Ursinorum  Pontifici  adsignanda  :  ipse  vero  Cardinalis 
paucis  post  diebus  est  elatus,  causa  mortis  omnibus  facile  judicata  (Bur- 
chardus  in  Eccard.  ii.  p.  2150  :  biberat,  utvulgo  aestimal)atuv,  calicem 
ordinatum,  et  jussu  Papae  sibi  paratum. — Papa  commisit  socio  meo,  ut 
haberet  curain  funeris  defuncti.  Ego  nolui  interesse  :  nolui  enim 
sapere  plusquam  oportet.)  Compare  Guicciardini  lib.  iv.  Ranke'.s 
Gesch.  der  roman,  und  gevraan.  Volker.  Bd.  1.  s.  173  ff.  201  lit'.  Leo's 
Gesch.  v.  Italien.  Th.  5.  s.  133  ff.  147  ff. 

'^^  Ranke  S.  179.     Leo  Th.  5.  s.  141  ff 

-9  Ranke  S.  195  ff.  207  ff.     Leo  Th.  5.  S.  157  ff. 

■'"  In  the  year  1502  a  letter,  directed   to   Sylvius  de   Sabelliti,  who 


ClI.  I.— PAPACY,  g  134.  ALEXANDER  VI.  3<)7 

for  a  rich   Cardinal,  in  order  to  make  himself  master  of  his 

had  been  despoiled  by  the  Pope,  but  printed,  was  brought  out  of  Ger- 
many into  Rome  ;  it  is  given  by  Burchardus  in  Eccard  ii.  p.  2144  ss. 
He  was  charged  in  this  letter  to  make  no  more  efforts  with  the  Pope 
(hoc  monstruoso  capite — hac  infami  bellua.)  Haec  tibi  in  publicis 
Principum  eonventibus  enarranda,  haec  committenda  pluribus  exem- 
plis  atque  per  omnium  manus  tradenda  sunt  et  disseminanda  ;  frustra 
queri  Christianam  religionem  de  Mahomelo  antique  ejus  bosle, — cum 
iste  novus  Mahometus  omni  criminum  foeditate  ilium  longe  supera- 
vei'it : — venisse  tcmpora,  quibus  jam  Antichristus — appareat,  neque 
enim  ullum  omnino  unquani  nasci  aut  excogitari  potuisse,  qui  apertior 
Dei  hostis,  Christi  oppugnator,  fidei  et  religionis  subversor  inveniretur. 
Jam  beueficia  et  dignitates  ecclesiasticas — publica  venditione  dissipari, 
et  illis  solummodo  cedere,  qui  aperta  emptione  plus  pecuniarum  quam 
caeteri  largiuntur. — Omnia  jam  apud  Pontificem  esse  venalia,  dignita- 
tes, honores,  matrimoniorum  copulas,  eorundem  solutiones,  divortia  et 
repudia  uxoi'um. — Nihil  esse  jam  scelerum  aut  flagitiorum,  quod  non 
Romae  publice  et  in  Pontificis  domo  committatur  :  superatos  esse 
Scythas  latrociniis,  Poenos  perfidia,  immanitate  et  saevitia  Nerones  et 
Cajos  :  nam  caedes,  i-apinas,  stupra,  et  incestus  referre,  innumeri  et 
infiniti  prope  operis  foret. — Longum  esset  prosequi — ,  qui  vel  interfecti, 
vel  vulnerati,  vel  vivi  in  Tiberim  dejecti,  aut  veneno  consumpti  sunt  : 
quorum  cum  sit  infinitus  numerus,  et  in  dies  crescat  pernicies  ; — nemo 
in  urbe  est  etiam  privatae  fortunae,  qui  sibi  et  suis  jam  non  tinieat. 
Quis  horrenda  libidinum  monstra  enarrare  non  formidet,  quae  aperte 
jam  in  illius  domo  et  spreta  Dei  atque  hominum  reverentia  commit- 
tuntur  ;  quot  stupra,  quot  incestus,  quot  filiorum  et  filiarum  sordes, 
quot  per  Petri  Palatium  meretricum,  quot  lenonum  greges  atque  con- 
cursus,  prostibula  atque  lupanaria.  Feria  Novembris  solemnibus  om- 
nium sanctorum  cerimoniis  dedicata  quinquaginta  meretrices  urbanae 
ad  convivium  in  Palatium  vocatae  foedissimura  et  detestabilissimum 
spectaculum  praebtiere :  et  ut  ad  irritandum  exempla  non  deessent, 
actitata  est  sequentibus  diebus  in  publicum  spectaculum  equa,  quae 
spectante  cum  filiis  Pontifice  introniissos  admissarlos  nimio  Veneris 
ardore  concitatos  in  furorem  et  rabiem  converteret  (see  these  shameful 
transactions  as  recorded  by  Bui'chardus  p.  2134).  Nihil  esse  jam  auri, 
quod  non  ex  omnibus  populis  Christianis  ad  filiorum  luxum  summa 
aviditate  conquiratur.  Propositum  est  in  Tureas  helium  publicai*e  :  ob 
earn  speciem  per  oivmes  urbis  basilicas  preces  indictae,  et  venditae 
exteris  civitatibus  erratorum  indulgentiae  :  ut  scilicet  ex  hac  conqnisi- 
tione  largos  sumptus  suppeditarent,  ut  esset,  unde  filia  Pontificis 
gemmis  atque  auroonerata,  pompametRomanae  Ecclesiae  tributa  secum 
trahens,  luxu  inaudito  ad  maritum  accederet  ;  unde  helium  antiquis 
civitatibus  et  voris  Dominis  inferretur.  Pulses  esse  sedibus  veteres 
incolas,  maximam  urbis  nobilitatem  proscriptione  atque  exilio  able- 
gatam,  antiques  Latii  dominos  suis  fortunis  et  possessionibus  privates, 
ut  ex  eorum  cladibus  Pontificis  iidem  filii  et  nepotes,  ex  incestuoso 
partu  adhuc  in  cunis  vagientes,  ad  regna  et  opes  promoverentur. 


398  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

wealth,  inflicted  upon   liim  a   well   deserved  death    (18.   Aug. 
1503).^^ 

^^  Guicciardiui  lib.  vi,  Ludov.  Tubero  lib.  viii.  §  15.  in  Schwandtner 
ii.  p.  283.     Petrus  Eeinbus  (Cardinal  f  1547)  hist.  Venet.  lib.  vi,  p. 
218.     Compare   Paulus  in  the   Sophronizon   Bd.  8.   Ilcft  5.  s.   8  ff. 
Witli  regard  to  Alexander's  ciiarac^er  seeRapb.  Volaterranus  Anthro- 
pol.  lib.  xxii. :  In  Alexandre,  ut  de  Annibale  Livius  scribit,  aequa- 
bant  vitia  virtutes.    Inerant  namqiie  ingenium,  ratio,  cogitatio,  nieraoria, 
diligentia,   eloquentia   vero   qnaedam  naturalis,    et   ad  j^ersuadendiun 
apta,   ut   nemo  rem    cautius  prnpcneret,   aiit   acrius  defensiiaret,   sen 
quoviscuperet  impelleret,  sese  unnni  onniiiirn  animis  adcojnmodando  : 
cmn  jucundis  de  remissione,  cnm   severis  de  disciplina,  cum  pafribus 
de  republica  loquebatur.      Suos  adversaries  placabilitatc  ac  patientia 
devinciebat :   nam  eorura,  qui  de  numero  Patrirai  exulabant,   quosve 
suspectos    iiabuerat,    nihil   de  pristiua   dignitate   de'.raxit  :    CTallorum 
anlmos  couturaacissimos  itasedavit,  ut  amicissinii  discederent ;  in  tanta 
procerum   Roraanoruni   vastatione,    quod  sane    incredibile,  nullum   in 
urbe  tumultum,  nulla  sensimus  arma  :  omnia  ipso  obire,  parum  in  rebus 
arduis  cuiquam  fidere.      Idem  in  otio  solutissimus,  in  metu  constantis- 
simus  :  nuuquam  negotia  sen  legationes  audiendas  voluptatc  praevertit, 
res  in  multam  noctem  protrahebat,  brevissimi  somni  cibique.      Artes 
liberales,  si  non  colebal,  admirabatur,  juris  praesertim   scientiara  uhi 
esse    contingeret.      Salaria   doctoribus,   stipendia  militibus,    mercedcm 
operariis  nunquam  est  differre,  nedura  auferre,  visus,  cujus  rei  gratia 
excrcitum,  quein  magnum   saepc  nutriebat  ductore  filio,  fidelissimum 
habait :  brevique  tempore  ac  negotio  totam  fere  Aemiliam,  quae  tributa 
non  exsolverat,  ei  subegit.      In  annonae  difficultate,  quae  bis  contigit, 
advecta  e  Sicilia  magna  vi  frumenti  ita  diligenter  urbi  providerat,  ut 
plebes    nullum    fere   sentiret    incommodum.      Has    igitur  animi   dotes 
magnis  obruerat  vitiis,  quae  narrare  non  attinet :  tantum  referam,  quae 
valgus   adsppxit.      Si  quando   rerum   fasce  non  premeretur,   omni   se 
remissionis  generisine  discrimine  dedidit  :  quapropt^r  comoedias  Plau- 
tinas,  cateraque  ludicra  libenter  spectavit,  frequenterque  in  Hadriani 
moleni  ventitabat,  ut  palain  personates  per  eorum.  fen'as,  ac  omnes  dies 
festos  si  quid  elegantius  in  hominum  genere  per  viara  praeteriret,  propiiis 
adspiceret.      In   nuptiis   filiae,   quae    ad    virum  Ferrariam   profecfura 
erat,    equestres    ludos    et    venationem    in    Vaticano    extra    ordineiti 
dedit.      In  urbe  gladiatoi'ura  nunquam  licentia  major,  nunquam  populo 
Romano  libertas    minor.       Delatorum    magna   frequentia,   brevissiu  o 
malediclo  poena  mortis  erat.      Grassatorum  insuper  omnia  plena;  n(  c 
noctu  tutum  per  urbem  iter,  nee  interdiu  extra  urbem.       Roma,  gen- 
tium refugiuti),  et  arx  populorum  omnibus  saeculis,  nobilis  jam   carni- 
ficina  facta  erat.     Quae  quidem  omnia   suorum    causa,   quibus  omnia 
indulserat,  permittebat.     Ipse  quoque  Caesar,  dum  haec  ci  licuere,  ca 
fuit  indole,   ut  si  ab  initio  in  bonos  incidisset  vitae  m.onstrafores,  per- 
petuam  sibi  reique  Romanae  gloriam  peperisset  :  nam  et  in  ea  adolcs- 
centia,  (|uantum  perspicere  potuinins,  nee  deliberauti   consilium,  nee 
ductanti  exercitum  majorum  discii)lina,  neque  sermoncm  habonti  facun- 
dia  defucre  ;  eaque  demum  a  natura  liberalitate,  ut.  patris  avaritiHrn 


Cli.  I.— PArAOY.  §  135.  JULIUS  If.  399 


§    135. 

PIUS  Iir.  (22.  SKPT.  as.   OCT.   15'';j).    .IULIU8  II,  CM.  OCT.   1503-21. 
FEBll.  1513).    LEO  X.  (11.  MAltCU   15:3    1.   DEC.  1521). 

Paris  de  Grassis  (from  1504  Magister  ceremoniarum,  from  1513  Bishop  of 
Pe.saro  f  1528)  Diarium  curiae  Romanae  from  1504 — 1522.  (There  are 
Excerpta  from  tliis  work  in  Eaynald.  and  Eoscoe  ;  for  the  year  1517  in 
Mahilloii  Museum  Ital.  ii.  p.  587  ;  for  I0I8— 1522  in  Hofmanni  nova 
(Scriptorum  ac  Monument,  collectio.  T.  i.  p.  395  ss.  There  is  a  descript'on 
of  the  whole  work  in  Notices  et  extraits  des  Mss.  de  la  Bibl.  du  Koi.  T.  ii. 
p.  546  ss.  There  are  complete  Mss.  at  Holfenhiittel  and  Munich,  see 
Sophronizon  vi.,  1.  S.  3  ff.) 

The  life  and  Pontificate  of  Leo  tlie  Tenth  by  Will.  Eoscoe.  4.  voU.  Liverpool 
1805  ss.  gr.  4.  translated  from  the  English  hy  Glaser  with  notes  by  Henke. 
3.  Bde.  Leipz.  1806—1808.  8. 

After  Alexander's  death  the  newly  created  state  of  Caesar 
Borgia  straightway  fell  to  pieces.  The  separate  portions  sub- 
mitted some  to  their  former  banisht  Lords,  some  to  the  Pope, 
but  in  the  midst  of  this  embarrassment  the  Venetians  began  to 
make  conquests  in  Komagna.^  The  warlike  Julius  II.  wisht  to 
reduce  the  whole  country  again  to  subjection  to  the  Papal  domi- 
nion. He  began  by  wresting  Perugia  and  Bologna  fi'om  their 
Lords  (1506).  As  the  powerful  state  of  Venice  refused  to  sur- 
render her  conquests,  he  resolved  at  length,  albeit  miwilliiigly,  to 
avail  himself  of  foreign  aid,  he  joined  the  League  of  Cambray^ 

sa'epe  palam  detestaretur  :  a  justitia  qiioque,  uti  videbatur,  iniriiiiie  ab- 
horrens  ;  quni  in  Aemiliajara  adepta  summa  aequitate  populos  regebat, 
acjudicem  gravissimum  Antoiuum  Montanum  juri  dicundo  preposuit, 
tanta  subditoruui  probatione,  ut  illi  vel  dcfuncto  Alexandi'o,  quod 
mitiime  putabatnr,  in  officio  persisterent.  Veruin  ut  sterile  solum  et 
intemperies  coeli  bona  frugum  seniina  praecipitant,  sic  et  hunc  prava 
institutio,  ac  proximoruuk  libido  a  recta  virtutis  semita  detorserunt,  ex- 
quo  seque  acornneni  Italiam  variis  calauiitatibus  involvit. 

^  Ranke's  Gesch.  der  romanischen  u.  germ.  Volker  v.  1494 — 1535 
Bd.  I.  b.  216.  221  ff.       Leo's  Gesch.  d.  ital.  Staaten.  Th.  5.  S.  168  ff" 

-  Ranke  Bd.  1.  S.  273  ff.  302  f.  The  Pope,  the  Emperor,  and  the 
kings  of  France  and  Aragon  bound  themselves  by  this  alliance  against 
Venice  (Raynald.  1509.  no.  4.)  pro  recuperatione  seu  reintegratione 
omnium  depei'ditorum. — Nee  prius  a  praedicta  invasione,  seu  guerra, 
aut  armis  per  aliquem  eorum  desistetur,  quam  onuilno  et  integre  Apos- 
tolica  sedes  recuperaverit  Ravennam,  Cevviam,  Faventiam,  et  Arimiuum, 


400  THIRD  rERIOD.— DIV.  V.— xV.D.  UO'J— 1517. 

concluded  betwixt  France  and  the  Emperor  on  the  10th  Decem- 
ber 1508,  and  assisted  with  spiritual  and  temporal  weapons  to 
subdue  the  Hepublic.^  Venice  now  hard  prest,  yielded  to  tlie 
Pope's  desires  with  a  view  to  divide  this  overwhelming  alliance. 

—  ac  omnia  alia,  quae  de  statu  et  juribus  Ecclesiae  Romance  dicti 
Veneti  occupant  et  detinent  ;  et — Iraperator  recuperaverit  Roveretuni, 
Veronam,  Paduam,  Vicentiara,  Tarvisium,  Forumjuliuni,  —  nccnon 
Pati'iarchatura  Aquilegiensem, — omniaque  alia  loca  et  dominia  per 
ipsos  Venetos  in  hoc  ultimo  bello  capta  et  occupata  ex  terris  et  domi- 
niis  domus  Austriae  :  et  pari  modo  ipse  Cbristianissiraus  Francorum 
Rex  recuperaverit  totaliter  Brixiam,  Bergomum, —  etgeneraliter  omnia 
ea,  quae  I'uerunt  antiquitus  de  ducatu  et  dominio  Mediolani  ;  —  et 
similiter  ipse  sereniasimus  Rex  Avagonum  recuperaverit  ea  omnia,  quae 
ipsi  Veneti  de  regno  Neapolitano — quovis  modo  abstulerunt, — videlicet 
Tranum,  Brundusium,  Otrantum  et  Gallipolim.  With  regard  to  the 
attempt  which  Julius  made  notwithstanding  the  League,  for  reconcilia- 
tion with  Venice,  see  Petrus  Bembus  (from  Venice,  Cardinal  j  1547) 
hist.  Venetae  lib.  vii.  in  the  Istorici  delle  cose  Veneziane,  i  quali 
hanno  scritto  per  publico  Decreto.  T.  ii.  p.  260  :  Confecto  foedere 
Julius  tametsi  cupiditate  ferebatur  Ariraino  Faventiaque  potiundi,  quia 
tamen  et  Gallorum  Regem  magnae  per  se  potentiae  niulto  majorem 
suo  permissu  fieri  nolebat,  et  cum  illam  nationem,  turn  Germaniae 
populos  in  possessionem  Italiae  venire,  optimeque  ejus  partis  atque 
populosissimae  dominos  fieri,  sibi  reliquisque  Italis  detrimentosum  ex- 
istimabat  futurum,  ut  ab  illis  Venetos  opprimi  sineret,  adduci  prope  non 
poterat. 

•'  Bembus  hist.  Venet.  lib.  vii.  p.  273  :  Julius — praeter  quod  exer- 
citum  in  fines  reipublicae  introduxisset,  ad  iilud  etiam  pertinaciter 
descendit,  ut  Lauredano  Principi,  Senatuique  omni  Veneto,  et  civibus 
singuHs  aqua  et  igni  interdiceret,  ej usque  rei  literas  omnibus  hominibus 
vulgandas  proponeret  maledictorura  et  execrationura  plenas,  nisi  die 
praestituta  non  Faventiam  modo  atqiie  Arirainum,  sed  Ravennam 
quoque  Cerviamque  sibi  tradiderint  :  quae  quidem  oppida  centum 
ferme  anuos  in  reipublicae  iraperio  fuerant,  neque  ullus  ea  Pontifex 
Maximus  in  dubium  revocaverat,  quin  jure  a  republica  possiderentur. 
(The  Bull  of  27.  April  1509  in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  6.  not  only 
threatens  it  with  Anathema  and  Interdict  after  the  expiration  of  a  re- 
spite of  2-1  days,  but  decrees  what  Raynald  has  omitted  but  Guicciar- 
dini  remarbt  in  lib  viii.  p.  737  s.  that  the  property  of  the  Venetians  in  all 
countries  should  be  confiscated,  and  themselves  reduced  to  slavery). 
Qua  intellecta  re  ne  plebs  ejusmodi  literis,  plus  quam  tempera  et 
reipublicae  difficultates  postularent,  permoveretur,  Senatus  cavit,  ne 
reciperentur,  neve,  qui  aflFerrent,  admitterentur  :  appellavit  etiam  de  eo 
futurum  Concilium,  missis  Romam  afiixisque  in  templorum  foribus 
publicae  expostulationis  literis,  missis  etiam  in  Pannoniam  ad  Thomam 
Cardinalem  Strigoniensem  :  nam  ei  propter  Patriarchatum  Constanti- 
nopolitanum,  cui  praeerat,  una  cum  tribus  Episcopis  Concilium  cogendi 
jus  potestasque  antiquitus  erat  attributa. 


Cil.  1.— i'Al'ACY.   I   V.',5.  JULii:^  il.  401 

Julius,  already  alarmed  at  the  advancing  steps  of  the  French  in 
Italy,  readily  granted  his  forgiveness  (20.  Febr.  1510)'*,  and  now 
commenced  hostihties  against  the  French  and  tlieir  ally  Alphonso, 
Duke  of  Ferrara.  On  the  third  of  July  1510  he  declared  that 
the  King  of  France  had  forfeited  his  claim  on  Naples,  and 
invested  Ferdinand,  the  Catholic,  with  the  sole  dominion  of  this 
reahn.^  On  the  ninth  of  August  he  issued  a  sentence  of  con- 
demnation arrainst  the  Duke  of  Ferrara.^  Lewis  XII.  strove  in 
vain  to  alarm  him  by  the  National  Council  at  Tours  (Sept. 
1510),^   Germany,  by  severe  gravamina,   and  the  tlu'eat  of  a 

*  Bembus  lib,  viii.  p.  285.  291.  294.  lib.  ix.  p.  350.  lib.  x.  p.  358. 
Ranke  Bd.  1.  S.  322  ff.     Leo  Th.  5.  S.  217  ff. 

^  The  documents  are  in  Raynald.  1510.  no.  25. 

"  In  Raynald.  1510.  no.  15. 

^  With  regard  to  this  Council  see  the  report  given  by  the  Imperial 
Ambassador  who  was  present  there,  to  Margaret  of  Austria,  in  the 
Lettres  du  Roy  Louis  XIL  et  du  Cardinal  George  d'Amboise  (a  Brus- 
selle.  1712.  4  T.  12.)  T.  2.  p.  29.  The  Chancellor,  by  the  King's 
command,  opened  the  Council  (p.  32),  narrant  tous  les  biens  et  grans 
plaisirs,  que  ledit  Seigneur  Roy  avoit  fait  au  Rape  avant  et  apres  sa 
Papalite  et  mesmement  pour  Ic  faire  esliie  Rape,  narrant  aussi  I'ingra- 
titude  et  la  meconguoissance  dudit  Rape  envers  ledit  Seigneur  Roy,  et 
comme  sans  cause  ny  raison  il  avait  ronipue  I'alliance  faicte  a  Cambray 
entre  si  nobles  Pi-iuces  de  Chrestiente,  aussy  I'emotion  qu'il  avoit  fait 
des  Suisses,  et  ce  qu'il  avoit  voulu  faire  .contre  Gennes,  et  la  ligue 
qu'il  avoit  faite  avec  les  Venitiens,  et  serablablement  ce  qu'il  faisoit 
eontrc  le  Due  de  Ferrare  son  alie  :  et  leur  a  fait  donner  aucuns  articles 
par  escript,  sur  lesquels  il  demandoit  leur  advis  et  conseil.  Of  these 
articles  or  questions,  and  the  answers  given  to  them  by  the  Council, 
-there  are  three  texts  extant.  The  first  in  the  Collections  of  Councils 
(e.g.  Harduin  ix.  p.  1555),  the  second  in  a  French  translation  in  Nic. 
Gilles  Croniques  et  Annales  de  France  (Paris  1566.  fol.)  vol.  ii.  fob 
133  b.,  the  third  in  J.  E.  Kappen's  Nachlese  einiger  zur  Erlau- 
terung  der  Reformationsgesch.  niitzlichen  Urkunden.  Th.  4,  S.  490,  all 
three  in  Kapp  S.  470  ff.  The  Council  here  decided  that  in  self-defence 
against  the  Pope,  as  notarium  hostem  suum,  the  King  might  even 
invade  the  states  of  the  Church,  and  renounce  obedience  to  such  a  Pon- 
tiff :  to  the  question  what  must  then  be  done,  the  answer  given  in 
the  first  text  is  :  servandum  esse  jus  commune  antiquum  et  prag- 
maticam  sanctionem  regni,  ex  decretis  sacrosancti  Concilii  Basi- 
leensis  desum.ptam  :  in  the  third,  appellare  in  omnibus  ad  futurum 
Concilium.  At  last  to  the  question  :  si  Pontifex  injuste,  ordine  juris 
non  servato,  procedens  de  facto,  et  manu  armata,  pronunclet — aliquas 
censuras  contra  principes  sibi  resistentes, — an  ei  parendum  sit,  et  quod 
remedium   adhibendum  ?     The  answer  given  in  the  first  text  is,  con- 


402  TillilD  PEKIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.   1409—1517. 

Pragmatic    Sanction    (1510).^       Not  eA^en  a  General  Council 

clusuui  est  unanimiter  per  Concilium,  talera  Bcntentiam  iiullam  esse, 
iiec  de  jure,  vel  alio  quocumque  raodo  ligare ;  in  tiie  third,  iion  esse 
parenduni,  sed  appellanduin  ad  futurum  Concilium.  In  fine,  some 
further  Coiielusiones  follow  in  the  third  text  (in  Kapp  S.  493),  the 
purport  of  which  is  also  stated  in  the  report  of  the  Imperial  Ambas- 
sador (Lcttres  du  Roy  Louis  XII.  T.  2.  p.  47).  In  these  there  is  first 
a  remonstrance  against  the  oppressiones  et  indebitas  exactiones  contra 
stilum  in  Romana  Curia  Ecclesiae  Gallicanae  impositas,  quibus  nulla 
provisio  adhibctur  per  8.  D.  N.  nee  per  ejus  officiales,  et  quod  deterius 
est,  nuUi  licet  libere  de  hujusmodi  gravaminibus  querelam  facere  in 
dicta  Curia  Romana  : — et  quasi  in  cuiictis  ita  oppressa  est  dicta  Eccle- 
sia  Gallicana,  ut  nvmquam  antea.  Tlien  the  Pope's  hatred  of  the 
King  was  proved,  and  it  was  accordingly  resolved,  Oratores  institu- 
endos  ad  ipsum  S.  D.  N.  Julium  secundum — et  Reverendissimos  Car- 
dinales,  qui  qua  decet  reverentia  supplicent, — ut  Sanctitas  sua  velit 
congregare  Concilium  Ecclesiae  in  loco  twto  et  convenicnti  ad  determi- 
nationem  ultimorum  Coneiliorum  generalium,  quatenus  fieri  poterit  ; 
idemque  procuret  Christianissimus  Rex  apud  Imperatorem  et  alios 
Principes  Christianos,  ut  sibi  adsint  et  opem  ac  auxilium  ferant  pro 
eodem  Concilio  generali  congregando  ad  reformationem  Ecclesiae  uni- 
versalis in  capite  et  in  membria:  et  supplicare  etiam  eidem  S.  D.  N., 
— ut  interim — durantibus  dissensionibus,  quae  nunc  sunt  inter  S.  D.  N. 
et  eundera  Regem  suosque  subditos,  det  Poenitentiarium  in  regno 
Franciae — cum  potestate  dispensandi  et  providendi  in  omnibus  casibus, 
votis  absolutionibus  ab  excomniunicationibus.  irreguiaritatibus,  et  aliis 
censuris  intervenientibus,  et  dispensationibus  in  gradibus  consanguini- 
tatis  et  affinitatis,  et  universaliter  cum  plenaria  potestate  providendi  in 
omnibus  casibus  concernentibus  fcrum  poenitcntiae  et  salutem  anima- 
rum  :  in  casu  quo-  S.  D.  N.  recusaret  Concilium  generale  vel  nimis 
differret, — vel  recusaret  Poenitentiarium  deputare,  cum  protestatione 
expressa  nominibus  Ghristianissimi  Regis  et  Ecclesiae  Gallicanae 
contra  praefatum  D.  N.  Papam  et  suos  Cardinales  ad  omnia  juris 
remedia. 

^  The  minutes  may  be  seen  in  Orthuini  Gratii  fascic.  rerum  expeten- 
darum  et  fugiendarum  fol.  167  ss.,  and  quoted  thence  in  Flacii  catal. 
test,  verit.no.  186.  (ed.  Francf.  1666.  p.  467  ss.)  Georgii  imperatorum 
totiusque  nationis  germ,  gravamina  adv.  sedem  Romanam.  Francof. 
et  Lips.  1725.  4,  p.  279  ss.  Mlinch's  Concordate  Th.  I.  S.  96  ff ,  and 
in  several  other  collections.  From  the  agreement  of  these  v>ith  Jac. 
Wimphelingii  Replica  contra  Acncae  Sylvii  tract,  de  Germania  (see  § 
133.  note  19),  Tentzel  (hist.  Bericht  vom  Anfang  u.  ersten  Fortgangder 
Reform.  Luthcri  S.  64.  Anm.)  concludes  with  justice,  that  they  were 
drawn  iqD  by  Wimpheling.  The  Gravamina  may  have  been  written 
by  him  under  the  direction  of  the  States,  but  hardly  so  the  articles 
which  follow,  one  sees  most  plainly  from  the  Avisanientis,  that 
they  were  the  advice  of  an  individual  man  given  to  the  Em- 
peror.     First  come  X.   Gravamina  nationis   Germanicae :     I.  Quod 


CH.  I.-I'ArACY.  §  135.  .lULIUtS  II.  4()3 

ad  scrvaudas  bullas,  p;icta,  privilegia  ct  literas,  ab  anteccHsori- 
buH  absque  onini  derogatione  coiicessas,  successores  Pontificcs  tciicri 
se  non  arbitrantur :  imo  per  crcbras  disjjcnsationes,  suspeiisioiics, 
revocationes  ad  cujuscunque  (etiain  vilis)  perrioiiae  instantiaui  cun- 
Iraveniunt.  II.  Ouod  elcotiones  Piaclatoruni  quaiidoque  rejiciuiitiir. 
III.  Quod  electionibus  Praepositurai-um,  qu.is  quarundam  Ecclesi- 
arum  Capitula  multo  aere  iiupelrarunt,  contravcnitur.  —  IV.  Qiiud 
beneficia  et  dignitates  majores  Cardinalibus  et  Frotouotainis  resoi- 
vantur.  V.  Quod  expcctativao  gratiae  absque  uuinevo  concedun- 
tnr,  et  uiultae  iuterduin  ad  unum  coUatorein.  IJnde  surgunt  quotidlanae 
lites,  et  pecuniae  dilapidantur. — VI.  Quod  armatae  absque  dilalione  et 
sine  niisericordia,  etiani  Episcopis  intra  paucos  annos  mortuis,  exigu;i- 
tur.  Interdum  plus,  quam  debeatur,  extorquetur  propter  nova  officia 
et  novos  familiarcs. — VII.  Ecclesiarum  regimina  minus  dignis  (Roin:ie 
videlicet)  conimittuntur,  qui  ad  muloa  magis,  quani  homines  pascendos 
et  regendos  esseiit  idonei.  VIII.  Indulgentiae  novae  cum  revocatione 
aut  suspensione  veterum,  laicis  contra  Clerum  murmurantibus,  ad 
corradendas  pecunias  conceduntur.  IX,  Decimae  sub  praetextu 
expugnandorum  Turcarum  exiguntur,  nulla  expeditione  subsecuta. 
X.  Causae,  quae  in  Germania,  in  qua  etiam  docti  et  justi  judices 
sunt,  ierminari  poterant,  ad  tribunalia  Eoniana  indistincte  trabuntur. 
Then  follows  the  Remedium  contra  gravamina  nationis  Cierm,  some 
repi-esentations,  which  might  be  made  to  the  Pope,  partly  drawn  from 
the  greatness  and  injustice  of  this  oppression,  pai'tly  from  the  state  of 
Germany.  For  instance  a  statement  was  made,  that  whereas  the  see 
of  Mayence  had  formerly  paid  but  10,000  florins  for  annates,  first 
2O,OO0,  and  afterw'ards  propter  nova  ofilicia  even  so  much  as  25,000  at 
one  time,  27,000  at  another,  24,000  at  another,  had  been  extorted  from 
it.  Non  sine  causa  Jacobus  Archiepiscopus  Moguntinus  jam  fere  morlens 
dixit,  se  de  mor(e  bua  non  adeo  dolere,  quam  ob  id,  quod  subditi  sui 
pauperes  iterum  pro  pallio  gravem  exactioaem  dare  cogerentur.  Mitins 
ergo  summus  Pontifex,  velut  pius  pater,  filiorum  suorum  amator,  et 
fidelis  ac  prudens  pastor,  cum  iiliis  suis  Germanicae  nationis  agat,  ne 
propediem  vel  in  universos  Christl  sacerdotes  persecutio  suboriatur^  vel 
instar  Bohemorum  plerique  ah  Ecclesla  dejiciant  Romana.  In  the 
Remedium  pro  civitatibus  Imperii  et  aniraarum  salute,  proposals  follow 
next  for  the  abolishment  of  Plurality  of  Benefices,  and  a  worthier 
occupation  of  canonries  and  parochial  churches.  Then  come  the  Avisa- 
menta  ad  Caesareaui  Majestatem  ;  in  which  a  pragmatic  sanction  was 
suggested  similar  to  the  French  one,  as  indeed  had  been  already  pro- 
posed in  vain  before  (see  §  133,  note  19).  Sicut  regnum  Franciae 
pragmaticam  habet  sanctionem,  cui  in  conferendis  beneficiis  innititur, 
sic  Imperium  Romanian  habet  concordata  Principum,  utque  ea  illaosa 
conserventur,  interest  Caesareae  Majestatis. — Posset  etiam  Caesarea 
Majestas  per  literas  aut  oratoi-es  facile  in  regno  Fi-anciae  experiri, 
qiiomodo  illic  beneficia  couferantur,  et  quam  auctoritatem  in  conferendis 
beneficiis  habeat  summus  Pontifex.  Secundum  hoc  posset  moderanien 
fieri  in  Imperio  Romano,  et  frenum  inexplebili  avaritiae  Curtisanornm 
adhiberi.  Si  praeclarae  universitates,  praecipue  facultas  theologica 
Parisiensis  approbaverit  modum  ilium,  qui  de  disponendis  et  conferen- 


404  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

summoned  at  Pisa  by  the  two  monarclis  for  the  first  Sept.  1511, 
with  the  dread  phantom  of  a  Reformation  in  the  Church,  could 
bend   the    obdurate   Pope.^      Julius   rather   convoked    on    the 

dis  beneficlis  in  Francia  servatur  :  nemo  dubitet,  Caesaveam  Majestatem 
et  Principes  Gcrmanos,  si  se  isto  modo  conformaverint,  apud  Deum  tutos 
fore  et  excusatos.  Praesuinendum  enim  est,  quod  tauti  Praelati,  tanti 
doctores,  tarn  probati  viri,  qui  in  regno  Franciae  ac  in  Studio  Parisi- 
ensi  vivunt,  nihil  approbent,  quod  contra  Deum  aut  justitiam  com- 
mitteretur.  Provideat  tamon  Caesai'ea  Majestas,  ne  Archiepiscopi 
Electores  in  hoc  sancto  institute  a  se  dissentiant — propter  censuras 
Apostolicas  quas  timeibunt :  et  popukis  interdictum  diu  non  sustinebit. 
Provideat  etiam  Caesarea  Majestas,  ne  fratres  mendicantes  contra 
ipsam  praedicent,  qui  sedi  Apostolicae  libenter  deferunt,  timentes  per- 
dere  pi'ivilegia  sua, — Tiraeat  Caesarea  Majestas,  ne  Papamandet  Elec- 
toribus,  ut  ad  eleetionem  novi  Regis  Rom.  procedant,  sicut  contra 
Fridericum  secundum  Lantgravius  Thuringiae  et  Guilelmus  Hollandiae 
comes  jubente  Papa  fuerunt  electi.  Timeat  Caes.  Majestas  omnes 
Praelatos  Ecclesiarum,  pvaecipue  Praepositcs  (the  Pope  appointed  to 
all  the  Deaneries,  see  §  133,  note  4),  qui  ex  juramento  tenentur  avisare 
Papam  etc.  The  Conclusio  et  pia  exhortatio  ad  Caes.  Majestatem 
concludes  the  whole  work.  The  imperial  edict  appended  dd.  Oeniponte 
1510,  against  Plurality  of  Benefices,  and  against  fraudulent  and  simo- 
niacal  acquisition  of  them,  which  were  forbidden  sub  poena  criminis 
laesae  Majestatis  et  gravissimae  nostrae  otfensae,  must  be  regarded  as 
the  result  of  this  work.  Afterwards,  in  accordance  with  the  advice 
suggested  in  the  Avisamentis,  the  Emperor  assigned  to  Jacob  Wim- 
pheling  a  commission,  to  adapt  the  sanctio  pragmatica  of  France  to 
Germany,  Maximilian's  letters  to  Wirapheling,  his  answer,  and  a 
proposal  by  which  the  Pragmatic  sanction  might  be  altered  for  Ger- 
many, may  be  seen  in  Flacii.  Catal.  ed.  Francof.  1666,  p.  474. 
Georgii,  p.  315  ss. 

^  Immediately  after  the  Council  of  Tours  Matthew  Lang,  Bishop  of 
Gurk,  made  his  appearance  as  the  Emperor's  ambassador,  first  in 
France,  with  a  view  to  renew  the  League  of  Cambray  (Lettres  du  Roy 
Louis  XII.  T,  ii.  p,  67  ss,),  and  afterwards  betook  himself  to  Italy  in 
order  to  restore  the  relations  of  both  parties  with  the  Pope,  However, 
after  all  the  efforts  of  the  Pope  to  corrupt  the  Bishop  (1,  c.  p,  107), 
and  of  the  Bishop  to  withdraw  the  Pope  from  his  stubbaj-n  resolution  (p. 
168  pour  mettre  le  Pape  hors  de  la  obstiaee  et  dyabolique  pertinaxite 
ou  il  est),  remained  fruitless  (compare  the  letters  of  the  Bishop  of  Gurk 
to  the  Bishop  of  Paris,  p.  160  ss.),  the  Bishop  of  Gurk  returned  at  the 
end  of  April  1511  without  effecting  his  purpose  (p,  205).  Paris  de 
Grassis  in  Raynald.  1511,  no.  57,  compare  Leo's  Gesch.  v.  Italien, 
Th.  5,  S.  229  ff.  Meanwhile  several  French  Prelates  assembled  at 
Lyons  in  April  to  make  preparations  for  the  Council  (Lettres  ii.  p, 
145):  But  in  Milan  three  Cardinals  who  had  deserted  from  Julius, 
negotiated  in  their  own  names,  and  the  names  of  six  other  Cardinals 
with  imperial  and  French  envoj-^s,  and  upon  their  requisition  issued  a 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  135.  JULlUf*.  II.  40.-, 

18th  July  an  CEcumenical  Lateran  Council  (Cone.  Latera- 
neuse  V.)^''  for  April  1512  and  then  concluded  a  close  alliance 

summons  for  a  general  council  at  Pisa  to  be  held  the  first  of  Sep- 
tember, on  the  16th  May  1511,  as  it  runs  in  the  Convocatio  Concilii 
in  Richerii  hist,  Concill.  lib.  iv.  p.  i.  cap.  3,  considcrantes  quantum 
reipublicae  Christianac  utilitntem  Concilia  genevalia  universalis  Eccle- 
siae  attulerint,  quantumque  detrinieuti  ex  eorum  interniissione  Chrib- 
tiana  respublica  sit  passa  ;  cumque  impraesentiarum  conspiciant  clare, 
niagnam  instare  necessitatem  universalis  Concilii  congregandi  pro  vera 
pace  Christianorum  fundanda,  et  sufficient!  hello  contra  infideles  stabi- 
liendo  :  necnon  poiissiine  pro  reformatione  moruin  universalis  Ecclesiae 
in  capite  et,  in  membris  plurinmin  collapsoruni,  ac  emendatione  criminum 
gravissimorura  notoriorum,  continuorum  ac  incorrigibilium  universalem 
Ecclesiam  scandalizantium  ; — quuinque  tempus  decennii  posl  ultimuni 
universale  Concilium  jamdudum  sit  etfluxuni,  et  saluberrima  decretali 
Constantionsi  constitutione  edita,  quae  incipit  Frcqiiens^  singulis 
decenniis  universale  Concilium  congregari  debeat,  et  S.  D.  N.  Dorainus 
Julius  P.  II.,  cui  prime  curae  esse  deberet  illud  convocandi,  tanto 
tempore  hoc  neglexerit,  maxiniecum  voverit  et  juraverit  post  bienniuni 
a  creatione  sua  illud  tenere,  et  nedum  negligens  in  praecepto  Ecclesiae 
et  Concilii,  sed  et  voti  et  juranienti  hujusmodi  transgressor,  illud  non 
tenuerit,  tempusque  interpellet  pro  homine,  cumque  nunquam  sua 
auctoritate  aut  voluntate  futurum  Concilium  credatur  celebrandum : 
et  cum  de  gravibus  Ecclesiae  scandalis  in  capite  agendum  sit,  quo  casu 
— ad  summum  Poiitilicem  congregatio  Concilii  non  attinet,  sed  secundo 
loco  ad  Revv.  DD.  Cardinales.  The  Pope  v;as  then  required  abstinere 
a  creatione  novorum  Cardinalium,  et  a  publicatione  creatorum, — et 
processu  contra  antiques  Cardinales,  aliosque  Praelatos  et  personas  ad 
Concilium  ipsum  accedere  volentes, — necnon  ab  impediendo  hujusmodi 
convocationem  Concilii  directe  vel  indirecte,  publice  vel  ccculte,  quovis 
quaesito  colore,  et  ab  alienatione  feudorum  seu  tcrrarum  S.  R.  E.  In 
quibus  omnibus  causis  cum  omni  humilitate  protestamur  de  nullitate 
actus,  &c.  Two  letters  from  the  Cardinals  to  Charles,  Prince  of  Spain  and 
Archduke  of  Austria,  and  to  Margaret,  Archduchess  of  Austria  and 
Governor  of  the  Netherlands  may  be  seen  in  the  Lettres  du  Roy  Louis 
xii.  T.  ii.  p.  235  ss. 

^•^  The  Pull  of  summons  is  in  Raynald.  1511.  no.  9  ss.  In  this 
Julius  refutes  the  charges  which  the  rebellious  Cardinals  brought 
against  him,  he  pronounces  the  convocationem  schismaticae  conventi- 
culae,  synagogae  Satanae  et  Ecclesiae  malignantiuni,  jDcr  Dathan  et 
Abiron,  auctores  schismatum  eorumque  socios  invalid  ;  he  forbids  its 
meeting  with  a  tin-eat  of  every  ecclesiastical  penalty,  even  with  infamy  ; 
and  lays  any  place  in  which  the  Council  should  assemble  under  interdict. 
Et  nihilominus  bonam  intentionem  nostram  exequi  volentes,  utantiquae 
haereses,  quae  in  diversis  Christianorum  partibus  nondum  extinctae 
sunt,  etpessimum  noviter  pullulans  schisma  extingiiantur,  reformationi- 
que  morum  tarn  ecclesiasticorum,  quam  saecularium  personarum,  quae 
de  jure  vel  consueludiQe  reformationi  vel  determination!  Concilii  subji- 


403  THIllD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1109—57. 

with  Venice  and  Spain  (Oct.  1511).^^  Tlie  Synod  of  Pisa  was 
quite  without  influence,  from  the  fact  that  it  was  composed 
almost  entirely  of  French  Prelates,  and  their  method  of  pro- 
cedure against  the  Pope,  adopted  from  that  of  the  Basle 
Fathers,  seemed  only  an  empty  show.^'^     When  the  French  were 

ciuntur,  bellonimqiie  iniininentlum  sodltioni  consulatur,  unicuique  quod 
suura  est  redda*^ur, — Chnstique  fideles — congregati  ad  faciendum  expe- 
ditioneui  contra  infideles,  jam  regnuni  Sieiliae  infestantes,  meliora  ac 
nobiiiora  loca  Christianorum  occupantes,  praesertim  Jerusalem  matrem 
nostram  antiqaam,  et  ex  antiqua  Ghri.stianorimi  negllgeniia  deperditam, 
faciliiis  v.t  prointi'is  intcndant  :  in  nomine  sanctae  et  individuae  Trini- 
tatis,  P.  et  P.et  S.  S. — oecumenicum,  universale  ac  .o-enerala  Concilium 
inalina  urbe  nostra,  comniuni  omnium  patria,  loco  aptissimo  et  tutis^simo 
apu  1  Lateranum,  ubi  plurima  Concilia  per  autiquos  pa'res  nostro.s 
habita  fuerunt,  et  Alrissimus  Petri  sedem  collocari  voluit, — inciio.induui 
a.  D.  MDXIL  die  luaae  XIX.  mensis  Apriiis — denuntiamus,  eonvo- 
eamus  etc. 

^^  The  articles  of  the  treaty  are  in  the  Lcttres  du  Roy  Louis  xii.  T. 
iii.  p.  65  ss, 

^-  The  minutes  are  in  Richerii  hist.  Concill.  gener.  lib.  iv.  P.  i.  cap. 
3.  In  the  Sessio  i.  5.  Nov.  1511,  all  Papal  decrees  issued  against  the 
Council  wei'e  prononnced  null  and  void.  Sessio  iii.  12  Nov.  the  Decrees 
of  Constance  with  regard  to  the  influence  of  General  Councils  (see  § 
131  note  8)  were  repeated,  and  then  the  Synod  resolved  absque  ulla 
sui  dissolutione-  to  adjourn  to  Milan,  Here  it  endeavoured  to  set  on 
foot  negotiations  with  the  Pope  for  a  Council  to  be  held  by  both  par- 
ties in  common.  But  when  its  envoys  were  even  refused  an  audience 
with  him,  it  pronounced  sentence  of  suspension  against  him  in  Sv^-ssion 
viii.  21.  April  1512,  with  the  declaration,  ipsam  papalem  adminis- 
trationem,  propter  gubernationis  defectum,  ne  Ecclesia  discrimen 
aliquod  patiatur,  ad  Ipsam  sacrosanctani  Synodum  fuisse,  esse  et  fore 
ipso  jure  devolutum.  But  this  was  also  the  last  session  :  soon  after 
most  of  the  Fathers  disperst  themselves  for  fear  of  the  Swiss  ;  an  insig- 
nificant I'emnant  of  the  Council  removed  to  Asti,  and  not  long  after  to 
Lyons.  In  Pisa  as  well  as  in  }Jilan  tlie  Council  was  considered  irregular, 
and  the  Interdict  was  observed,  Guicciardini  lib.  x.  The  writers  on 
the  side  of  the  Council  are  Philippus  Decius,  canon-lawyer  at  Pisa, 
afterwards  at  Pavia,  Consilium  pro  Ecclesiae  auctoritate  supra 
Papara  and  Apologia  sacri  Pisani  Concilii  ir.oderni  (both  in  Richer  lib. 
iv.  P.  i.  c.  2)  and  Zacharias  Ferrerius  Viceutinus  Abb.  Snbasteusis 
(see  Raynald.  1513.  no.  51)  :  against  it  Thomas  de  Vio  Cajetanus  de 
potestate  Papae  supra  Concilium,  Franciscus  Poggius  and  Angelus 
Anachoreta  Vallumbrosanus  (sed  Raynald  1511.  no.  31.  and  Mansi 
ad  h.  1.)  To  this  period  also  belongs  the  gold  medal  of  Lewis  with 
the  inscription,  Perdam  Babilonis  nomen  (see  Le  Blanc  traite  hist,  des 
monnoyes  de  Fi-ance  ad  p.  263.  N.  3.  Tab.  46.),  which  Ilarduin 
(Supple)nent  du  Journ.  des    Scavans  /anv.  1707.  p.  194)  labours  in 


CII.  I.— rAPACY.  g  135.  LEO  X.  407 

driven  from  Italy  by  the  Swiss,  and  the  Emperor  had  declared 
himself  on  the  side  of  the  Pope  and  the  Lateran  Council/^  this 
Synod  quickly  vanisht  from  Pisa,  while  the  Lateran  Council,  as 
the  instrument  of  Papal  vengeance  launcht  the  thunders  of 
excommimication  against  it,  against  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  and 
against  the  whole  realm  of  France.^*  Under  the  peaceful  rule  of 
Leo  X.  the  relations  with  France  were  soon  more  friendly,  and, 
Lewds  XII.  in  Dec.  1513  even  gave  in  his  adherence  to  the 

vain  (o  refer  to  Cairo :  see  CIi.  S.  Liebs  Roma  Babylon  ex  numis.  Lips. 
1714.  4.     Dc.yling-  observat.  sacr.  P.  iii.  p.  498  ss. 

^^  When  Julius  lay  on  his  death-bed  in  August  1511,  Maximilian 
conceived  tlieiJea  of  becoiuing  Pope  himself,  of.  ejus  epist.  ad  Baroncm 
Paulum  a  Liclitcnsttiin  dd,  16.  Sept.  1511  (in  the  Lettres  du  Roy  Louis 
xii.  T.  iii,  p.  324  ss.)  :  nihil  nobis  honorabilius,  niliil  gloriosius,  nihil 
melius  obtingere  posse,  quam  si  praefatum  Pontificatura,  ad  nos  pto- 
prie  pcrtincmtcm,  Imperio  nostro  recuperaremus.  He  intrusts  the 
Bishop  of  Gurk  with  the  negotiations  to  induce  the  Pope  to  adopt 
him  as  his  coadjuior,  he  gave  him  sums  to  bribe  the  Cardinals,  and 
declared  to  his  d;uigbter  Margaret  Stadtholder  of  the  Netherlands,  dd. 
18  Sept,  (probably  1511)  his  intention  (Lettres  T.  iv.  p.  1  ss.),  de 
avoir  le  Papat  et  devenir  Prester  et  apves  estre  Saint,  et  que  yl  vous 
sera  de  necessite,  que  apres  ma  mort  vous  seres  contraint  de  me 
adorer,  dont  je  me  trouvere  bien  gloryoes.  See  E.  S.  Cyprianus  de 
Maximiliano  I.  Imper.  Pontificatum  maximum  affectaute  in  his 
Dissertationes  varii  argumenti.  Coburg  1755.  Maximilian  let  himself 
be  drawn  into  the  league  with  Ferdinand  the  Catholic  in  April  1512 
(Ranke  Gesch.  der  roraan.  u.  german.  Volker.  Od.  1.  S.  371  f.)  Mat- 
thew Lang  Bishop  of  Gurk  made  his  appearance  at  the  third  Session 
of  the  Lateran-Council  3  Dec,  1512,  to  give  in  his  adherence  formally 
to  the  Council  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  (Paris  de  Grassis  in 
Raynald.  1512  no.  92.  The  deed  of  adherence  is  in  Labbei  et  Cos- 
sartii  Concil.  T.  xiv.  p.  80  ss.) 

'*  The  Council  was  opened  on  the  10th  of  May  1512.  In  the  Sess. 
II.  on  the  1 7th  Sept.  iollowed  a  condemnation  of  the  Conciliabnli 
Pisani  (Labbeus  et  Cossart  xiv.  p.  63).  Sess.  III.  3.  Dec.  (1.  c.  p. 
82  S.)  a  Papal  decree  of  the  13th  August  was  renewed,  in  which 
regnum  Frauciao,  et  praesertim  Lugdunum,  ducatu  Britanniae  excepto, 
— ecclesiasrico  subjecimus  interdicto,  nundinasque  Lugduni  fieri  solitas 
in  Lugduno  extunc  de  cetero  fieri  inhibuimus,  dictasque  nundinas  in 
civitate  Gebennt^.nsi  (Genf)  faciendas  transtulimus.  In  Sess.  IV.  10. 
Dec.  (1.  c.  p.  97  ss.)  the  attick  upon  the  pragmatic  sanction  began. 
The  letter  of  Lev/is  XI.  was  first  read  over,  in  wliich  he  had  promised 
irs  abrogation  (see  §  133  note  35),  then  a  Monitorium  contra  Pragma- 
ticura  et  ejus  assertores  was  Issued  :  Dudum  displicenter  per  nos  pluries 
accepto,  per  multa  temporum  spatia  per  nonnullos  Praelatos  Gallicae 
nationis,  et  nobiles  laicos, — praesertim  cujusdam  sanctionis  praetextu, 
quam  ipsi  pragmaticam  vocant,  Apostolicae  sedi,  sanctaeque  Romanae 


408  TITIIID  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.]).  1409— l."i17. 

Lateran  Council.^^  Nevertheless  peace  was  not  fully  restored 
until  the  yoxmg  King  Francis  I.  entered  Italy  with  irresistible 
force  in  1515.^''  Leo  thus  contrived  to  change  the  defeat  with 
which  he  was  threatened  into  a  victoiy ;  he  concluded  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  him  without  delay,^^  and  persuaded  him,  at  a  personal 
interview  in  Bologna  (Dec.  1515)  with  the  help  of  Du  Prat  the 
chancellor  of  France  whom  he  had  won  over  to  his  interests, 
entirely  to  annul  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  for  this  purpose  he 
drew  up  a  concordat  with  him,  in  wliich  the  Pope  and  the  King 
shared  between  themselves  the  antient  privileges  of  the  Gailican 
Church.^^     The  Lateran  Council  was  afterwards  compelled  to 

universalis  Ecclesiae  capiti,  libertati  et  auctoritatx  enormiter  detractuiu, 
canonibusqne  praefatis  derogatum  fuisse  ;  rem  adeo  perniciosam,  in 
Dei  offensam,  et  Ecclesiae  praefatae  vilipendiuin  et  evidens  detvimentiini, 
amplius  ferre  neqneuntes,  cum  sanctio  ipsa  ab  omni  ad  id  potcstate 
carentibus — facta,  sed  quodam  abusu  tantum  in  illis  partibus  introducta 
et  observata  fuerit, — quam  etiam  clai-ae  memoriae  Ladovicus  undec- 
imus  Francorum  Rex  abrogavit :  —  Gallicos  Praelatos,  Capitula 
Ecclesiarum  et  IMonasteriorum,  Parlamenta,  et  laicos  illis  faventes, 
cujusciinque  dignitatis,  etiamsi  vegalis  existerent,  s<inctione  praefata 
abntentes,  sen  illam  approbantes, — per  edictum  publicum, — moneri  et 
citari — ad  compavendura  coram  nobis  et  Concilio  praefato,  causasque 
diccndas,  quare  sanctio  praefata  illiusque  corruptela  et  abnsio  ~ nulla 
et  invalida  declarari,  decerni  et  abrogari  non  deberet, — statuimus. 

15  Sess.  VIII.  17.  Dec.  1513  see  Labb.  et  Coss.  Cone.  xiv.  p.  177 
ss. 

'«  Leo's  Gesch.  v.  Italien  Th.  5.  S.  274  if. 

1^  At  Viterbo  1.3.  Oct.  1515.     Leo  S.  286. 

'^  Paris  de  Grassis  in  Raynald.  1515.  no.  29^  ss.  relates  very 
minutely  the  outward  cii'cum stances  of  this  interview,  but  saj's  nothing 
about  the  negotiations.  The  result  was  first  disclosed  by  Leo  X.  in 
the  eleventh  Session  of  the  Lateran- Council  19.  Dec.  1516  by  the 
Bull  Primitiva  ilia  ecclesia  (Labbei  et  Cossartii  Concill  xiv.  p.  292  ss.)  ; 
sane  inter  arcana  nostrae  mentis  revolventes,  quot  traetatus  inter  piae 
memoriae — Romanos  Pontifices,  praedecessores  nostros,  et  clarae  me- 
moriae Reges  Franeiae  Christianissimos  super  abrrgatione  certae  con- 
stitutionis  in  dicto  regno  Franeiae  vigentis,  quae  Pragmatica  vocatur, 
habiti  fuerunt ;  et  licet  Pius  II.  praefatus,  nuntiis  ad  cl.  m.  Ludovi- 
cum  XI.  Franeiae  Regein  Christianissimum  destinatis,  tantis  eidem 
persuaserit  rationibus,  ut  Rex  ipse  pragraaticam  sanctionem  hujusmodi, 
tanquam  in  seditione  et  schismatis  tempore  natam,  suis  patentibus 
Uteris  abrogaverit ;  tamen  hiijusinodi  abrogatio,  nee  etiam  literae 
apostolicae  praefali  SIxti  super  concordata,  cum  oratorlbus  praefr^ti 
Regis  Ludovici  ad  praefatum  Sixtum  praedecessorem  destinatis  habita, 
expeditae  per  Praelatos  et  personas  ecclesiasticas  dicti  regni  receptae 
fuerunt,  nee  ipsi  Praelati  et  personae  ecclesiasticae   illis  parere,   nee 


CH.  1.— rAl'ACY.  §  135.  LEO.  X.  409 

monitis  Imocentii  et  Julii  praedictorum  aures  praebere,  sed  eidem 
pragmaticae  constitutioni  iiihaerere  vohierunt.  Uiidc — Juli'iis — ia 
praesenti  Concilio  Lateranensi — abrogationis  pragmaticae  saiictionis 
bujusmodi  negotiuni — cungregationibus — coniinisit,  Gallicosque  Prae- 
latos  etc. — chari — ad  coinparenduni  coram  eo — jussit. — Et  cum  supez* 
his  iti  forma  juris — procederetur, — -nosque — ad  sumiui  Apostobitus 
apicem  assuinpti  fuisseinus,  et  contra  Praclatoa,  Capitula,  coiivcntus,  et 
personas  bujusinodi  ad  noniuillos  actus  processissemus  :  tandem  cousi- 
derantes,  p;icem  esse  vincuhim  caritatis,  —  matura  deUberatione 
cognovinius,  non  per  nuntio.s  aut  legates  uostros,  sed  in  praestatione 
obedientiae  filialis,  qiiam  carissimus  in  Christo  filiiis  noster  Franciscus, 
Francorum  Rex  Christianissimus,  personaliter  nobis  praestitit,  haec 
cum  Majestate  sua  coram  discutere,  eamque  pateriiis  bortari  nionitis, 
ut  ad  biudein  Dei  et  sui  honorem  prompto  animo  libeus  ac  volens 
,dictae  pragmaticae  sanction!  abrenuntiare,  et  secundum  canones  et 
constitutioncs  s,  Romanae  Eeclcsiae,  quemadmodum  caeteri  Cliristiani, 
vivere,  mandatis  apostolicis  et  provisionibus,  quae  a  sede  apostolica 
pro  tempore  enianarent,  parere  et  obedire  vellet :  et  cum  ex  election- 
ibus,  quae  in  Ecclesiis  catbedralibus  et  metropolitanis  ac  Monasterii.s 
dicti  regni  a  multis  annis  citra  fiebant,  grandia  aniniaruni  pericula 
provenirent,  cum  pleraeque  per  abusum  saecularis  potestatis,  nonnulLie 
vero  praecedentibus  illicitis  et  simoniacis  pactionibus,  aliae  particular! 
amore  et  sanguinis  affectione  et  non  sine  perjurii  reatu  fierent,  cum 
electores  ipsi,  etiamsi  ante  electionem  per  eosfaciendam  magis  idoueuin, 
et  non  euin,  quem  promissione  aut  datione  alicujus  rei  temporalis,  seu 
prece  vel  prccibus  per  se  vel  alium  interpositis  electionem  procur;ire 
didicissent,  eligere  sponte  jurarent,  juramentum  hujusmodi  non  scr- 
varent,  sed  contra  proprium  bujusmodi  juramentum  in  aniaiae  suae 
praejudic'inra  venirent,  ut  nobis  notjrie  constat  ex  crebis  absolutionibus 
et  rebabilitationibus  a  nobis  et  pi'aedecessoribus  nostris  petitis  et 
obtentis :  idem  Franciscus  Rex  nostris  paternis  monitis,  tanquam 
verus  obedientiae  fiiins  pai-ere  volens — in  locum  dictae  pragmaticae 
sanctionis — constituiiones  infrascriptas — cum  praefato  Kegcconcordatas 
— acceptavit. —  (1.  De  electione)  :  quod  catbedralibus  et  uietropolitanis 
Ecclesiis  in  regno,  Delpbinatu,  et  coniitatu  Diensi  ac  Valent'nensi, — 
etiamsi  per  ce^ssionem  in  manibus  nostris  et  successoruin  nostrorum — 
Bponte  factain  vacantibus,  illarum  Capitula  et  Canonici  ad  electionem 
seu  posUilationem  inibi  futuri  Praelati  procedere  non  possint  ;  sed 
illarum  occurrente  hujusmodi  vacatione  Rex  Franciae — unum  graveni 
Magistrum  seu  Lice.ntiatum  in  tbeologia,  aut  in  uiroque  seu  in  altero 
juriuni  Doctorem  aut  Licentiatum  in  Universitate  faniosa,  et  rigore 
examinis,  et  in  vigesimoseptimo  suae  aetatis  anno  ad  minus  cunstitutum, 
et  alias  idoiieum,  infra  sex  menses  a  die  vacationis — nobis  et  succes- 
soribus  nostris  —  nominare,  et  de  persona  per  Regem  hujusmodi 
nominata  per  nos  et  successores  nostros — provideri  ;  et  si  contingeret, 
praefatum  Regem  personam  taliter  non  qualifieatum  ad  dictas  Ecclesias 
sic  vacantes  nominare,  per  nos — de  persona  sic  nominata  eisdem 
Ecclesiis  minime  provideri  debeat,  sed  teneatur  idem  Rex  infra  tres 
alios  menses — alium — qualifieatum  nominare  :  alioquin — Ecclesiae  tunc 
sic  vacanti  per  nos  et  successores  nostros — de  persona,  ut  praefertur, 
VOL.  TV.  2  D 


410  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409-1517. 

qualificata,  necnon  Ecclesiis  per  obitum  apud  sedem  praedictam 
(apostolicam)  vacantibus  semper,  nulla  dicti  Regis  praecedente  nomi- 
natione,  libere  provider!  possit ;  decernentes  electiones  contra  praemissa 
attentatas,  ac  provisioaes  per  nos  et  successores  nostros — factas  nullas 
et  invalidas  existere.  Consanguineis  tameii  praefati  Regis  ac  personis 
subliinibus  ex  causa  rationabili  et  legitima, — necnon  religiosis  niendi- 
cantibus  reformatis,  eminentis  scientiae  ct  excellentis  doctrinae,  qui 
juxta  sui  Ordinis  regularia  instituta  ad  gradus  bujusmodi  assumi  non 
possint,  sub  prohibitione  praemissa  minime  comprehensis.  The  same 
method  was  to  be  pursued  with  the  Monasteriis  et  Prioratibus  conven- 
tualibus  et  vere  electivis  vacantibus.  Per  praemissa  tamen  non 
intendimus  in  aliquo  praejudicare  Capitulis  Ecclesiarum,  et  Conventibus 
Monasteriorum,  et  Prioratuum,  hujusmodi  privilegia  a  sede  apostolica 
proprium  eligendi  Praelatura  obtinentiura,  quo  minus  ad  electionem — 
juxta  privilegia  eis  concessa  libere  procedere  possint : — dummodo  de 
privileges  sibi  concessis  hujusmodi  per  literas  apostolicas  seu  alias 
authenticas  scripturas  docuerint,  omni  alia  specie  probationis  eis  in  hoc 
adempta.  (2.  De  reservationibus)  Volumus  quoque  et  ordinamus,  quod 
in  Regno,  Delphinatu  et  Comitatu  praedictis  de  caetero  non  dentur 
aliquae  gratiae  expectativae,  ac  speciales  vel  generales  reservationes 
ad  vacatura  beneficia  per  nos  et  sedem  praedictam  non  fiant  :  et  si  de 
facto  per  importunitatem,  aut  alias,  a  nobis  et  successoribus  nostris  et 
sede  praedicta  emanaverinl,  illas  irritas  et  inanes  esse  decernimus.  In 
cathedralibus  tamen — et  collegiatis  Ecclesiis,  in  quarum  statutis  cave- 
retur  expresse,  quod  nullus  ibidem  dignitatem — obtinere  possit,  nisi  in 
illis  actu  Canonicus  existat,  Canonicos  ad  effectum  dumtaxat  inibi  ob- 
tinendi  dignitatem — creare  posse  intendimus.  (3.  De  coUationibus) 
In  every  Cathedral  Church  one  Canonicatus  et  praebenda  theologalis 
was  to  be  conferred  upon  a  Magistro,  seu  Licentiato,  aut  Baccalaueo 
formato  in  theologia,  qui  per  decennium  in  Universitate  studii  gene- 
ralis  privilegiata  studuerit,  ac  onus  residentiae,  lecturae  et  praedica- 
tionis  actu  subire  volucrit.  Besides  all  Collators  were  to  confer  the 
tliird  part  of  their  Benefices  upon  viris  literatis,  graduatis  et  per  Uni- 
versitatis  nominatis,  and  indeed  in  such  a  manner  that  the  Benefices 
falling  vacant  in  the  first,  fourth,  seventh,  and  tenth  months  should  be 
given  to  them.  At  the  same  time  a  pei-iod  to  be  afterwards  defined  by 
them,  was  prescribed  for  the  University  studies,  which  was  abridged  in 
the  case  of  noblemen.  (4.  De  mandads  apostolicis.)  Sfatuimus 
quoque  et  ordinamus,  quod  quilibet  Roinanus  Pontifex  semel  dumtaxat 
tempore  sui  Pontificatus  literas  in  forma  mandati,  juxta  formam  inferius 
annotatam,  et  non  ultra  dare  possit  hoc  modo  ;  videlicet  unum  colla- 
torem  habentem  collationera  decern  beneficiorum  in  uno,  habentem 
autem  coUationem  quinquaginta  beneficiorum  et  ultra  in  duobus  bene- 
fices gravare  possit. — (5.  De  appellationibiis.)  Statuimus  quoque  et  ordi- 
namus, quod  in  Regno,  Delphinatu  et  Comitatu  praedictis  omnes  et 
singulae  causae,  exceptis  majoribus,  in  jure  expresse  denominatis, 
apud  illos  judices  in  partibus,  qui — illarum  cognitionem  habent,  termi- 
nari  et  finiri  debeant.  Et  ne  sub  umbra  appellationum,  quae  nimium 
et  nonnunquam  frivole  interponi  consueverunt  atque  etiam  in  eadem 
instantia  ad  prorogationcm  litium  saepe  multiplicari,  injustis  vexationi- 


CH.  I— PArACy.  g  135.  LEU  X.  411 

bus  materia  praebeatur  :  volumus,  quod  si   quis  oft'ensus  coram   sue 
judice  justitiae  complementum  habere  non  possit,  ad  immediatum  su- 
periorein  per  appellationem  recuraum  babeat,  nee  ad  aliquem  super!- 
orem,   etiam   ad  nos  et   successores   nostros  —  omisso   medio.     Ncc  a 
gravaraine  in  quacunque  instantia  ante  diffinitivam  sententiam  quomo- 
dolibet  appelletur,  nisiforsitan  tale  gravamen  extiterit,  quod  in  diffini- 
tiva  reparari  nequiret,  et  eo  casu  non  nisi  ad  immediatum  superiorem 
liceat  appellari.     Si  quis  vero  immediate  subjectus  sedi  Apostolicae  ad 
eandem  sedem  duxerit  appelkndum,  causa  committatur  in  partibus  per 
rescriptum  usque  ad  finem  litis,  videlicet  usque  ad  tertiam   sententiam 
conformem  inclusive,  si  ab  illis  appellari  contigerit  ;  nisi  propter  defec- 
tum denegatae  justitiae,  aut  justum  metum  :  et  tunc  committi  debeat 
in  partibus  convicinis. — Processus  autem  contra  praemissa  attentat os 
nuUos  et  irritos  esse  voluraus.  —  Statuimus  etiam  et  ordinamus,  quod 
judices  causas,  quae  in  partibus  terminari  debent, — infra  bienniumter- 
minare    debeant.       (6.  De  pacificis  possessor ibus)  against   disturbing 
the  incumbents  of  benefices  without    good   reason.      (7.  De  puhlicis 
Concuhinarlis).       Such  clergymen  after  three  months  were  to  be  sus- 
pended a  perceptione  fructuum   omnium  beneficiorum,  then  to  be  de- 
prived of  their   benefices.     Quia  vero  in  quibusdam   regionibus  non- 
nulli,  jurisdictionem  ecclesiasticam   habentes,   pecuniarios   quaestus  a 
Concubinariis  percipere  non   erubescunt,  patientes  eos  in  tali  foeditate 
sordescere  ;  sub  poena  maledietionis  aeternae  praecipimus,  ne  deinceps 
sub  pacto,   compositione,  avit  spe  alterius   quaestus  talia  quovis  modo 
tolerent  aut  dissimulent.     (8.  De  excomnwnicatis  non  vitandis).     Ad 
vitandum  scandala  et  multapericula,  subveniendum  quoque  conscientiis 
timoratis    it  was  decreed  tliat  no  one  should  be  avoided  praetextu — 
censurae  ecclesiasticae — ab  homine  vel  a  jure  generaliter  promulgatae, 
but  only  when  the  sentence   was   pronounced   specialiter  et  expresse 
against  a  person  or  community.     (9.  De  interdictis  non  leviter  ponen- 
dis).     Interdict  was  only  to  be  suspended  over  disti-icts  culpa  ipsorum 
locorum,  aut   Domini  seu  Rectoris,  vel  ofticialium  ;  for  the  guilt  of  a 
private  individual,   only  in  case  the  authorities  of  the   district,  when 
required  by  the  ecclesiastical  judge,  would  neither  dismiss  the  excom- 
municated person,  nor  hold  him  bound  to  make  compensation.     (10. 
De  siiblafione  Clementinae  literae).      Resignations  of  benefices  were 
only  to  be  regarded  as  regular,   when  they  were  attested  per  publica 
instrumenta  vel  documenta  authentica,      (11.  Definna  et  irrevocabili 
Concordatornm  stabditate).       After  this   was    establisht,   it  was  de- 
creed that  this  Concordat,  vinless  it  were  ratified  within  six  months, 
and    accepted  by    the   French   Prelates   and  Parliament,    should   be 
null    and   void.        Et  nihilominus     praefato    Francisco  —  in    virtutc 
sanctae  obedientiae  mandamus,  quatenus  —  praesentes  literas  —  pub- 
licari,    et    ea    inviolabiliter   observari    faciat,    contradictores,   cujus- 
cunqvxe  dignitatis  et  praeeminentiae  fuerint,  per  censuras  ccclesiasticas 
at  pecuniarias  poenas,  aliaque  juris  et  facti  quaevis  opportuna  remedia 
(appellatione  qualibet  omnino  postposita)  conipescendo.     Besides  this 
Concoi'dat  another  was  concerted   at  Bologna.       Compare  ce  que  le 
Pape  octroya  au  Roy  and  Capita  tractatus  circa  Concordata  in  Leibnitii 
Mantissa  Cod.  jur.  Gentium  I.  p.  158   ss.,   and  Miinch's  Concordate 

2  D  2 


412  TIIIKU  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— xV.D.  1409—1517. 

pronounce  in  form  the  death  Avarrant  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanc- 
tion, and  its  princij)les,  and  on  tlie  otlier  hand  to  sanction  the 
nnhmited  power  of  the  Pope.^^     Great  as   was  the   indignation 

Th,  1.  S.  219  ff.  The  Pope  granted  remission  of  a  debt  incurred  by 
Lewis  XII.,  several  privileges  and  indulgences,  une  deciine  and  la 
croisade  (Cap.  tractatus  §  10.  De  Decima  Papa  concedit,  ut,  si  quae 
pars  debeat  dai'i  Papae  pro  fabrica  basilicae  Principis  Apostoloruni  de 
urbe,  \^caetera  s//J  relicta  libertati  ipsiiis  Kegis.  De  Cruciata  Papa  est 
paratus  concedere,  dunimodo  pecuniae  deponantur  penes  idoneos  merca- 
lores,  convertendae  pro  saticta  expeditione  contra  Turcas).  On  the 
other  hand  the  king  had  to  concede  the  renewal  of  the  Annates,  al- 
though in  tlie  Concordat  they  were  past  over  in  silence  (Cap.  tractatu3 
§  6.  quod  Papa  mittat  ununi  Legatum  in  Regnuni  Franciae,  qui  una 
cum  aliquibus  Praelatis,  deputandis  per  Regem  Franciae,  taxas  Eccle- 
siarum  et  Monasleriorum  omnium  moderetur  augendo  vel  minuendo, 
etiam  apud  Monasteria,  quae  in  libris  Canierae  apostolicae  taxata  ncn 
reperiuntur  :  et  interim  servetur  taxa  libri  dictae  Camerae  hactenus 
servata). 

'^  In  its  11th  session  in  the  Bull  Pastor  Aetornus  confirmed  by  the 
Council  (Labbeus  et  Cossart  xiv.  p.  309)  :  Pastor  aeternus — migra- 
turus  ex  mundo  ad  Patrein,  in  soliditate  petrae  Petrum  ejusque  succes- 
sores  vicarios  suos  instituit,  quibus  ex  libri  regum  testimonio  ita 
obedire  necesse  est,  ut  qui  non  obedierit,  morte  moriatur.  Et  ut  alibi 
legitur,  in  Ecclesia  esse  non  potest,  qui  Romani  Pontificis  cathedram 
deserit.  —  Sane  felicis  recordationis  Julius  Papa  secundus  —  provide 
considerans  cum  eodem  sacro  Lateranensi  Concilio  Bituricensem  regni 
Franciae  corruptelam,  quam  illi  pragmaticam  sanctionem  vocant,  cum 
maximo  animarum  periculo  et  scandalo  ac  dignitatis  sedis  Apos- 
tolicae detrimento  et  vilipendio  retroactis  temporibus  viguisse  et  ad- 
huc  vigere, — quaniquan)  sanctio  praefata  ex  multis  nuUitati  notorie 
subjaceret,— ex  abundanti  taraen  cautela — Gallicos  Praelatos  etc. — 
monuit  et  citavit,  ut — coram  eo  et  Concilio  coraparerent,  causasque 
dicerent,  quare  sanctio  praefata — nulla  et  invalida  declarari  non 
deberet. — Nos — ad  suinmi  Apostolatus  apicem  assumpti — -terminum 
citationis — ad  alium  tunc  expressum  terminum  jam  diu  effluxum  in 
diversis  scssiunibus  pluries  prorogavimus.  Cum  autem  moniti  et  cita,ti 
praedicti — coram  nobis  et  dicto  CJoncilio  non  comparuerint,  nee  com- 
parere  curaverint, — jjossintque  merito  contumaces  reputai'i : — nos  ma- 
ture attendentcs,  pragmaticam  sanctionem,  vel  potius,  ut  dictum  est, 
corruptelam,  scbismatis  tempore  a  non  habentibuspotestatem  editam, — 
et  a  clarae  memoriae  Ludovico  XI,  Francorum  Rege  Cbristianissimo 
revoeatam,  cassatam,  atqueabolitam,  auctoritatem,  libertatem  ac  digni- 
tatem dictae  Sc^dis  violare  ac  diminuere, — ipsamque  notorie  nullitati 
subjacere,  nuUoque  nisi  alicujus  teniporis  sou  potius  tolerantiae  cujus- 
dam  adminiculo  fulciri  ; — ab  ejusdem  in)probae  sanctionis  extirpatione 
et  totali  annullatione,  sine  nostra  et  tantorum  patrum  in  praesenti 
Concilio  congregatornm  nota,  ac  nostrae  et  dictorum  ilia  utentium 
animarum  periculo,  abstinere  seu  desistere  non  posse,  Augustino  teste, 
judica.mus  atque  censemus. — Nee  illud  nos  movere  debet,  quod  sanctio 


Cir.  I.— PAPACY.  §  135.  LEO  X.  413 

roused  in  France  by  this  measure,  all  resistance  was  vain  against 
the  alliance  of  the  highest  spiritual  with  the  highest  teni})oral 
power.^^     Now  at  last  the  Papacy   seemed  once  more  to  have 

ipsa  et  in  ea  contenta  in  Basilceiisi  Cone  Ho  cclita,  at  ij)so  Concilio 
instante  a  Bituricensi  congrcgatione  receptata  et  aeceptata  fuerunt, 
cum  ea  omnia  post  translationein  ejusdi-m  Basileensis  Concilii,  p<;r  fel. 
mem.  Eugenium  P.  iv. — faetani,  a  Basileensi  conciliabulo — facta  exti- 
terint,  ac  propterea  nullum  robur  habere  potuerint  :  cum  etiam  solum 
liomanum  Pontifici'm  pro  tempore  existentem,  tanquam  auctoritatem 
supra  omnia  Concilia  liabentem,  tarn  Conciliorum  indicendoium,  trans- 
ferendorum,  ac  dissolvendoruin  plenum  juset  potestatem  habere,  nedum 
ex  sacrae  Scripturae  t'stimonio,  dictis  ss.  Patrum  ac  aliorum  Roraa- 
norum  Pontificum, — sed  propria  etiam  eorundem  Conciliorum  confes- 
sione  manifeste  constet. — Cupientes  quoque  hujusmodi  negotium  ad 
debitum  finem  perduci, — de  apostolicae  potestatis  pleniludiue,  eodem 
sacro  approbante  Concilio  tenore  praet-entium  pracfatam  pragmaticam 
sanctionem  scu  corrupfelam  — nuUius  roboris  vel  momonti  fuisse  et  esse 
decernimus  et  declaramus.  Necnon  ad  abundantiorem  cautelam 
eandem  Bituricensem  sanctionem  sive  corrupte.lam — revocanius,  cassa- 
mus, — annuUamus  ac  danmanuis, — Et  cum  de  necessitate  salutis  existat, 
omnes  Christi  fideles  Romano  Ponlitici  subesse,  prout  divinaf.  Scrip- 
turae  et  ss.  Patrum  testinionio  edocemur,  ac  constitutione  fel.  mem. 
]Jonifacii  P.  viii. — quae  incipit  Unam  sanctam  declaratur  :  pro  eorun- 
dem fidelium  animarum  salute,  ac  Romani  Pontificis  et  hujus  sanctae 
sedis  suprema  auctoritate,  et  Eccleslae  sponsae  suae  unitate  et  potes- 
tate  constitutionem  ipsam  sacro  praesente  Concilio  approbante  innova- 
mus  et  approbamus,  sine  tamen  praejudicio  sanctae  memoriae  Cle- 
m'.Miti  P.  v.,  quae  incipit  Meruit  (see  Part  3,  §  98,  note  2)  : 
inhibentes  in  virtute  sanctae  obedientiae,  ac  sub  poenis  et  censuris 
infra  dicendis  omnibus  et  singulis  Christi  fidelibus — in  praefato  regno 
Franciae,  Delphinatu,  et  ubicunque  praedicta  pragmatica — vigeret, 
quomodolibet  existentibus, — ne  de  caetero  praefata  pragmatica  sanc- 
tione,  seu  potius,  corruptela,  quomodolibet  —  uti — praesumant, — nee 
praefatam  pragmaticam  sanctionem,  aut  in  ea  contenta  capitula  seu 
decreta  ulterius  in  domibus  suis,  aut  aliis  locis  publicis  vel  pri- 
vatis  teneant :  quinimo  illam  ex  quibusvis  archivis,  etiam  regiis,  seu 
capitularibus,  et  locis  praedictis  infra  sex  menses  a  data  praesentium 
co)nputandos  deleant  seu  deieri  faciant,  sub  majoris  excommunicationis 
latae  sententiae,  necnon  quoad  ecclesiasticas — personas — omnium — 
dignitatum  aut  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum  saccularium,  et  quorumvis 
ordinem  regularium  j)rivationis,  et  inhabilitatis  ad  ilia  in  posterum 
obtinenda;  quo  vero  ad  saeculares  praefatae  excommunicationis,  necnon 
amissionis  quorumcunque  feudorum,  tarn  a  Romana  quam  alia  Ecclesia 
— obtentorum, — inhabilitatisque  ad  oranes  et  singulos  actus  legitimos 
quomodolibet  faciendos,  infamesque  ac  criminis  laesae  majestatis  in 
jure  cxpressis  poenis  eo  ipso—  incui-rendis  :  a  quibus — nisi  a  Romano 
pontifice, — praeterquam  in  mortis  articulo  constituti,  absolvi  neqweant. 
^"  Compare  Relation  de  ce  qui  se  passa  sur  la  publication  et  I'enre- 
gistrement  du  Concordat   au  Parlement   de  Paris  (in  Miincbs  Samm- 


414  THIRD  PEKIOD.— DIV.  V,-A.D.  1409—1517. 

entirely  quelled  the  hostile  spirit,  which  had  grown  u[)  at  Con- 
lung  aller  Konkordate.  Th.  1.  S.  255,  in  a  Latin  translation  in 
Richerii  hist.  Concill.  lib.  iv.  P.  ii.  cap,  4.  §.  13).  In  Febr.  1517  the 
King  first  suniuioned  a  great  assemblage  of  Prelates,  members  of  Par- 
liament, and  learned  men  from  the  University,  and  had  a  represen- 
tation made  to  them  by  his  Chancellor  with  regard  to  the  concordat 
■n  liich  had  been  concluded.  He  first  discourst  upon  the  hostility  of  the 
Popes  to  the  King  and  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  and  upon  the  citation 
of  the  King  and  the  Gallican  Church  before  the  Lateran  Council.  It 
was  universally  foreseen  that  a  defence  of  the  sanction  at  Rome  would 
end  in  its  condemnation,  parceque  I'assemblee  de  Lalran  n'etait  com- 
posee  que  de  courtisans  de  la  cour  de  Rome,  qui  a  cause  de  leur  ex- 
treme avarice,  et  de  leur  ambition  avaient  la  pragmatique  en  horreur, 
et  etaient  resolus  de  I'aneantir  a  droit  ou  a  tort.  II  paraissait  done 
plus  avantageux  de  se  laisser  condamner  par  defaut  et  sans  que  la  partie 
fiitentendue.  Maiscomme  le  Roi  savait  que,  s'il  voulait  s'opposer  a  I'abo- 
litionde  la  pragmatique,  Leon  X.  avec  son  assemble  e  de  Latran  pi'oce- 
derait  contre  lui  et  contre  son  Royaume  par  des  censures  et  par  des 
interdits,  et  que  si  ces  interdits  et  ces  censures  subsistaient  une  annee 
entiere,  il  s'en  suivrait  contre  I'eglise  gallicane  vme  condemnation  de 
schisme  et  d'heresie,  et  que  le  Pontife  Romain,  ayant  recours  a  la 
ruse  et  aux  ligues,  a  I'exemple  de  Jules  II.,  livrerait  en  proie  le 
Royaume  de  France.  II  voyait  aussi,  qu'il  n'avait  aucun  moyen 
d'empecher  I'abrogation  de  la  pragmatique,  et  il  n'ignorait  pas,  que, 
s'il  n'y  consentait,  la  France  serait  bientot  livreeau  trouble  et  a  la  con- 
fusion, qui  J  regnaieut  avantle  Concile  de  Constance  et  de  Basle  a  cause 
des  abus  insupportables  des  reserves  et  des  graces  expectatives.  Enfin, 
pour  remedier  a  tous  ces  inconveniens,  pour  s'assurer  ainsi  qu'aux  prin- 
ces du  Royaume  et  a  toute  son  armee  un  retour  facile  et  tranqviille  en 
France,  ])0ur  dissiper  les  ligues  faites  contre  lui,  le  Royaume  de  France, 
et  ses  principautes  d'ltalie,  Francois  ler  fut  force  de  traiter  avec  le 
Pape  Leon  X. ;  et  malgre  tous  ses  efforts  il  ne  put  le  faire,  qu'en 
consentant  a  rabolition  de  la  pragmatique  et  a  I'institution  des  Con- 
cordats. Then  by  an  edict  of  12.  May  1517  (in  Leibnitii  Mantissa 
cod.  jur.  gent.  P.  I.  p.  161  ss.,  and  "in  Miinch  Th.  1,  S.  224)  the 
king  publisht  the  Concordat.  Here  he  repeats,  that  now,  since  the 
Pragmatic  Sanction  could  no  longer  be  maintained,  he  was  bound  to 
consider  how  he  might  provide  by  law  against  the  recurrence  of  the 
former  disorder,  which  prevailed  before  the  Sanction  was  given.  The 
Concordat  furnisht  him  with  the  means,  and  in  such  a  manner,  ut 
pleraque  pragmaticae  sanctionis  capita  firma  nobis  posthac  rataque 
futura  sint. — Quod  vero  ad  electiones  pertinet,  minime  quod  optabamus 
obtinere  potuimus,  causis  in  dictis  conventis  latissime  insertis.  The 
Parliament,  however,  refused  to  register  and  publish  the  Concordat, 
and  presented  to  the  king  two  successive  remonstrances  against  it  (in 
Leibnitii  Mantissa,  P.  ii.  p.  335  ss.,  and  in  Miinch  Th.  1.  S.  268  ff.). 
The  restoration  of  the  Annates  was  here  chiefly  objected  to,  which  was 
in  the  highest  degree  perilous,  pour  evacuer  en  peu  de  temps  ce  Roy- 
aume d'or,  d'argent  et  de  finances,  and  which  ne  se  pourroit  practiquer 


CH.  T.— PAPACY.  §  135.   LEO  X.  415 

sans  commettre  le  peclie  de  Siinoiiie.  The  Parliament  likewise  de- 
clared itself  against  the  appointment,  que  Ics  grandcs  causes,  les  causes 
des  Cardinaux  et  officiers  de  Cour  de  Rome  nc  seront  traictees  en  ce 
Kojaumc,  mais  en  la  dicte  Cour,  and  shows  the  dangerous  results  that 
would  follow ;  moreover,  against  the  Pope  having  power  to  appoint  to 
benefices  qui  vacqueront  par  mort  en  Cour  de  Rome  ;  also,  he  had  only 
renounced  the  reservation  of  the  beneficia  vacatura,  and  so  he  might 
reserve  them  post  illorum  vacationem.  Then  there  were  express 
remonstrances  made  against  the  resignation  of  the  right  to  elect  bishops 
and  abbots,  which  right  was  moult  ancien,  et  fond  en  droict  divin. 
Lastly,  the  danger  of  the  Bull  by  which  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  would 
be  abolisht,  was  shown.  The  two  remonstrances  closed  Avith  ihe 
declaration,  que  les  diets  Concordats  sont  contre  I'honneur  de  Dieu,  les 
libertes  de  I'Eglise,  I'honneur  du  Roy  et  le  bien  public  de  son  Royaunie. 
However,  the  king  remained  firm  in  his  desire,  and  became  continually 
more  violent  and  menacing.  The  Parliament  appealed  on  the  19th 
March  1518  (see  Relation  in  IMiinch  Th.  1.  S,  267)  au  Pape  mieux 
conseille,  et  au  premier  concile  general  legitiment  assemble  :  and  when 
the  king  nevertheless  had  the  Concordat  publisht  in  Parliament  on  the 
22d  of  March,  it  repeated  this  appeal  on  the  24th  March  (see  the 
Appendix  to  the  Relation  of  this  day,  which  is  wanting  in  Miinch,  in 
a  Latin  translation  given  by  Richer).  The  University  of  Paris  fol- 
lowed this  example  on  the  27th  March  1518  (stylo  gall.  1517),  and 
appealed  likewise  a  Domino  nostro  Papa  non  recte  consulto,  et  jam  dicti 
sacri  Basileensis  Concilii  et  ei  adbaerentis  pragmaticae  sanctionis  statu- 
torum  abrogatione,  novorum  statutorum  editione,  consensus  praestatione, 
et  attentata  illorum  quadam  publicatione,  et  omnibus  inde  sequutis  et 
sequuturis — ad  futurum  Concilium  legitime  ac  in  loco  tuto  [congre- 
gatum],  et  quod  libere  et  cum  securitate — adire  poterimus,  et  ad  ilium 
vel  ad  illcs^  ad  queni  seu  ad  quos  de  jure — vel  alias  nobis  provocare  et 
appellare  licet  (The  text  of  this  appeal  in  Leibnitii  Mantissa  T.  ii.  p. 
358  ss,,  and  quoted  thence  in  Miinch.  Th.  1.  S.  307,  is  full  of  errors, 
and  in  many  places  unintelligible  :  a  purer  text  may  be  seen  in 
Richerii  hist.  Coucill.  lib.  iv.  P.  ii.  c.  4.  §  14,  and  in  the  Pi-euves  des 
Libertez  de  I'eglise  Gallicane,  cbap.  xiii.  no.  18).  Botli  appeals  were 
forced  to  yield  to  the  king's  power ;  still  a  strong  feeling  against  tbe 
Concordat  lasted  a  long  time.  Thus  Gilbcrtus  Genebrardus  (Professor 
of  the  Hebrew  language  at  Paris,  from  1593  Archbishop  of  Aix 
f  1597),  Chronographia,  Paris  1580,  fol.  ad  ann.  1515,  says  of  Leo 
X. :  Pragmaticam  sanctionem  sustulit,  Concordata  qxiae  vocantur  cum 
Rege  Francisco  agitans  de  nominatione  Episcoporum  et  Abbatum, 
specioso  praetextu,  ut  Rex  propter  electionum  abusus — nominare  tene- 
retur  :  revera  autem  ageretur  mysterium  illud  iniquitatis,  quo  perditam 
Ecclesiam  Gallicanam  cernimus,  and  fui'ther  also  below:  Anno  1516 
abrogata  est  in  Galliis  pragmatica  sanctio,  et  Concordata,  ut  vocant, 
substituuntur,  fremente  universe  clero,  scholasticis,  populo,  bonis  deni- 
que  et  doctls  omnibus.  He  also  wrote  De  sacrarum  electionum  jure  et 
necessitate  ad  Ecclesiae  Gallicanae  redintegrationem ;  but  this  book 
was  condemned  to  the  flames. 


416  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV,  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

Constance  and  Basle,  and  found  its  stronghold  in  France  :  and 
now  at  this  very  time  it  was  approaching  its  most  grievous 
downfall. 


§  136. 

ON  THE  GENERAL  POSITION  OF  THE   PAPACY. 

By  means  of  the  reforming  councils  at  Constance  and  Basle, 
in  opposition  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Pope's  universal  monarchy 
"which  had  been  hitherto  maintained,  the  other  theory  of  the 
limitation  of  the  Papacy  by  the  ecclesiastical  aristocracy,  which 
had  already  reacht  its  full  growth  in  France,  obtained  full 
recognition  in  the  Church.^     The  controversy  betwixt  these  two 

^  With  regard  to  the  different  Theories  of  this  time,  see  Gerson  de 
potest,  ecclesiastica  (written  at  Constance  during  the  Council)  consid. 
xii.  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  p.  246)  :  Potestas  ecclesiastica  papalis  non 
ita  habct  dominia  et  jura  terreni  siraul  et  coelestis  imperii,  quod  possit 
ad  libitum  suum  de  bonis  Clericorum  et  raulto  minus  laicorum  dispo- 
nere  ;  quamvis  concedi  debeat,  quod  habet  in  eis  dominium  quoddam 
regitivum,  directivum,  regulativum,  et  ordinativuni.  Declarationem 
hujus  considerationis,  quam  discretio  nioderatrix  atque  mediatrix  ponit 
inter  errores  oppositos,  dum  facere  meditarer,  occurrere  visa  est  protinus 
in  ipso  meditationis  meae  secreto  duplex  improba  pestis.  Nomen  unius 
Detractio  livida,  nomen  alterius  Adulafio  subdola  :  prima  potestatem 
ecclesiasficam  deprimens  subjiciebat  temporali ;  altera  sustoUebat  in 
immensum,  velut  ad  similitudinem  Altissimi,  confundens  jura  cujus- 
libet  alterius  potestatis.  Telle,  telle,  clamat  Detractio,  temporalitatem 
omnem,  jus  vel  dominium  ab  Ecclesiasticis.  Quare  ?  quia  sic  instituit 
Christus,  cujus  ista  vox  est :  Nisi  quis  renuntiaverit  omnibus^  quae 
possiJet,  non  potest  mens  esse  discipulus  (Luc.  xiv.  33.). — Addit  Detrac- 
tio, quod  Ecclesiastici  nequaquara  capaces  sunt  jurisdictionis  temporalis, 
etiamsi  Principes  illis  conferre  voluerint.  Inducit  Apostolum,  quia 
Nemo  mililans  Deo  implicat  se  negotiis  saecularibus  (2  Tim.  ii,  2). 
Addit  Detractio,  nihil  habere  Ecclesiasticos,  neque  decimas  ntque  obla- 
tiones,  quantominus  alias  dotatioiies  vel  posses^iones,  nisi  ex  pura 
eleemosyna  donantium  :  et  quod  ab  Ecclesiasticis  peccantibus,  saltern 
habitualiter,  possent  per  saecularem  potestatem  optimo  jure  toUi  ;  quia 
data  est  potestas  haec  saecularis  in  vindictam  malefactorum,  neque  sine 
causa  gJadium  portat  (Rom,  xiii.  4.)  Addit  quarto  innitens  Apostoli 
verbis  :  habentes  alimenta  et  quibus  tegamur^  his  contend  simus  (1  Tim. 
vi.  8),  qnia  quicquid  habent  Ecclesiastici  ultra  simpliceni  victum  et 
vestitum,  totum  illud  est  pauperum,  cujus  retentio  nedum  furtum  vel 
rapina  simplex  est,  sed  sacrilegium, — Vult  tandem  Detractio  Ecclesi- 
asticos omnes  ad  illam  Apostolorum  et  discipulorura  primam  pauperta- 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  ?  136.  GENERAL  POSITION.  41 7 

tern  sine  equis,  sine  thesauris,  sine  calceatnentis,  sine  possessionibus  de 
necessitate  salutis  redigyre,  execrans  in  Ecclesiasticis  pompam  oiruiem, 
— Consurgit  ex  adverse  blandiens  et  subdobi  Adulatio,  et  ad  aures 
Ecclesiasticorum,  praecipue  summi  Pontificis,  insusurrans :  o  quanta 
est,  quanta  sublimitas  ecclesiasticae  potestatis  tuae  !  0  sacer  Clere, 
quam  nihil  est  saecularis  auctoritas  tuae  cornparata  !  Quoniain,  sicut 
Christo  collata  est  omnis  potestas  in  coclo  et  in  terra,  sic  earn  Christus 
omnem  Petro  suisque  successoribus  dereliquit.  Unde  et  nee  Constan- 
tinus  quidquam  Sylvestro  Papae  contulit,  quod  non  esset  prius  suum, 
sed  reddidit  injuste  detentuin.  Porro  sicut  non  est  potestas  nisi  a  Deo 
(Rom.  xiii.  1),  sic  nee  aliqua  temporalis  vel  ecclesiastica,  imperialis 
vel  regalis,  nisi  a  Papa,  in  cujusfemore  scripsit  Christus  :  Rex  Regum, 
D;>minus  Dominantium  (1  Tim.  vi.  15.)  De  cujus  potestate  disputare 
instar  sacrilegii  est :  cui  neque  quisquara  dicere  potest  :  cur  ita  facis  I 
si  etiam  temporalia  omnia,  si  ecclesiastica  bona  atque  dominia  mutave- 
rit,  diripuerit,  distraxerit.  Mentior,  si  non  inveniuntur  haec  scripta, 
ab  illis  etiam,  qui  sapientes  sunt  in  oculis  suis  ;  si  praeterea  non  inve- 
niuntur fuisse  per  aliquos  summos  Pontifices  haec  credita,  Notum  est 
illud  Satyrici :  Nihil  est  quod  credere  de  se  non  possit  cum  laudatur  diis 
aequa  lintestas ;  et  illud  Comici  de  adulatore  :  hie  profecto  ex  stultis 
insanos  facit.  Sentiens  auteni  ^\dulatio  quandoque  nimis  se  cognosci 
studet  quasi  modestiori  sermone  depressius  uti,  ut  credibilior  appareat, 
Concedit  saeculari  potestati  possessiones  et  jurisdictiones  proprias, 
quas  tollere  nequit  pro  libito  Papa ;  recognoscit,  Constantinum,  vel 
alios  Principes  aliquid  Ecclesiae  noviter  contuHsse :  nihilomiuus  tradit 
quod  summus  Pontifex  supremus  est  Monarcha,  nedum  in  spirituali- 
bus,  sed  temporalibus,  habens  potestatem  banc  immediate  a  Christo,  sed 
alii  Reges  omnes  et  Principes  suam  recipiunt  dominationem  ab  eo  et 
solum  mediate  a  Deo.  Alioquin,  ait,  monstruosus  esset  hie  mundus  si 
haberet  tot  capita,  quae  non  sub  unico  regerentur,  rediretque  Manichaei 
deliramentum,  ponentis  duo  principia,  unura  bonorum  et  spiritualium 
aliud  malorum  et  temporalium.  Unde  et  sicut  corpus  est  propter  ani- 
mam,  et  ab  anima  vivit  et  regitur ;  sic  potestas  saecularis  propter 
spiritualein,  a  qua  recipit  suum  esse  legitimum.  Quam  aiictoritatem 
spiritualem  qui  negant  vel  impugnant,  sint  intus,  sint  foris  Ecclesiam 
possunt  gladio,  vel  spiritual!  excommunicationis,  sicut  Catholici  vel 
debellationis,  sicut  infideles,  feriri,  et  eorum  dominia  vel  bona  in  alios 
ti'ansferri. — Rursus  animadvertens  Adulatio,  durum  esse  multis  hunc 
sermonem,  et  ideo  minus  credibilem,  studet  loqui  restrictius,  concedens 
quod,  sicut  ante  Petrum  fuerunt  apud  infideles  vera  dominia,  quemad- 
modum  irrefragabilis  auctoritas  sacrae  Scripturae  et  evangelicae  narra- 
tionis  testis  est,  sic  non  oportet  nunc  post  Petrum,  ut  omnis  potestas 
imperialis,  regalis,  vel  altera  saecularis  sit  immediate  robur  habens  a 
Rummo  Pontifice,  sicut  Rex  Francorum  Christianissimus  superiorem 
hoc  modo  non  habet,  nee  recognoscit  in  terris.  Idcirco  transfert  ver- 
bum  suum  Adulatio  loqui  de  dignitatibus,  ofificiis,  et  bonis  Ecclesiasti- 
corum, quae  omnia  sic  subjicit  summo  Pontifici,  ut  quidquid  circa  ea 
placuerit  disponere  mutando,  transferendo,  appropriando,  hoc  possit 
hoc  teneat,  et  ratum  sit,  licet  hoc  sine  causa,  licet  cum  peccato 
sue  peregerit  :  quamvis  peccatum  circa  hoc  vult  Adulatio  longe  a  Papa 


418  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

systems  was  waged  incessantly  from  this  time  onward.  General 
council  was  raised  up  against  general  council,  author  against 
author.  As  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle  maintained 
the  principles  of  the  liberal  theory,  so  the  Council  of  Florence^ 
and  the  fifth  Lateran  vindicated  the  Papal-system.  Amongst 
the  quarrels  of  authors  upon  this  subject,  the  most  remarkable 
is  that  betwixt  the  Dominican  Thomas  de  vio  Cajetan,  and 
Jacobus  Almainus  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne  at  the  end  of  this 
period.^    The  chief  principles  of  the  newly  risen  monarchical-aris- 

sic  facers,  ut  euin  simoniam  posse  neget  committere,  quoniam  sua  sunt 
omnia  ecclesiastica  bona,  concedit  insuper  quod  super  jus  est,  potens  ab 
altero  jus  suum  tollere  ;  et  quod  nee  ab  eo  appellari,  neque  cum  judi- 
cialiter  evocari,  nee  obedientiam  ab  eo  subtrahi,  praesertim  extra 
casum  baeresis,  sit  aliquatenus  possibile.  Hie  solus  symbokim  fidei 
condere,  hie  solus  causas  ejusdeni  fidei,  et  raajores  caeteras  tractare 
potest ;  solus,  ut  jam  tactum  est,  definitiones,  regulas,  leges  et  canones 
condit  :  alioquin  quidquid  per  alios  definitur,  decernitur,  conditur,  sta- 
tuitur,  irritura  est  et  inane  ;  nee  aliquid  eX  eis  quae  statuerit  potest, 
nisi  per  ipsuni,  quomodolibet  cassari  vel  infringi :  ipsum  vero  aliena 
qualiscuraque  constitutio  ligat  nulla.  Fallor,  si  non  ante  celebrationem 
hujus  sacrosanctae  Constantiensis  Synodi  sic  occupaverat  mentes  pluri- 
morum,  literalium  magis  quam  literatorum,  ista  traditio,  ut  oppositorum 
dogmatizator  fuisset  de  baeretica  pravitate  vel  notatus,  vel  damnatus, 
Hujus  rei  signum  accipe,  quia  post  declarationem  ex  tbeologiae  princi- 
piis  luce  clariorem,  et  quod  urgentius  est,  post  determinationem  et 
practicationem  ejusdem  sanetae  Synodi  inveniuntvir,  qui  talia  palam 
asserere  non  paveant :  tarn  radicatum,  et  ut  cancer  serpens  tarn  medul- 
litus  imbibitum  fuit  boc  priscae  adulationis  virus  letiferum. 

"  In  the  Definitio  s.  oecumenicae  Synodi  Florentiae  (Labbei  et  Cos- 
sartii  Concilia.  T.  xiii.  p.  515)  it  states  :  Item  diffinimus, — ipsum 
Pontificem  Roraanum  successorem  esse  b.  Petri,  principis  Apostolorum, 
et  verum  Cbristi  vicariura,  totiusque  Ecclesiae  caput,  et  omnium  Clii'is- 
tianorum  patrem  ae  doctorem  existere ;  et  ipsi  in  b.  Petro  pascendi, 
regcndi,  ac  gubernandi  universalem  Ecclesiam  a  domino  nostro  Jesu 
Christo  plenam  potestatem  traditam  esse. 

"*  Cajetan  wrote  in  1511  against  the  Synod  of  Pisa  bis  tract,  de 
comparatione  auctoritatis  Papae  et  Concilii  (in  Rocaberti  biblioth.  max. 
Pontificia.  T.  xix.  p.  443,  and  elsewhere),  in  w  hich  he  defends  the  Papal 
system  in  the  most  unmitigated  manner.  The  Synod  of  Pisa  sent  this 
book  with  a  letter  dd.  10.  Jan.  1512  (see  in  Richerii  hist,  concill.  lib.  iv. 
P.  i.  c.  2.  §  9.)  to  the  University  of  Paris  with  a  requisition  to  refute  it. 
Jac.  Almainus  thus  encouraged  wrote  his  tract,  de  auctoritate  Ecclesiae 
et  Conciliorum  generalium  (in  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  p.  976)  in 
June  1512.  Cajetan  wrote  in  answer  de  comparata  auctoritate  Papae 
et  Concilii  Apologiae  Partes  ii.  (in  Rocaberti  xix.  p.  493),  and  after- 
wards A.D.  1521  de  Romani   Pontificis  institutione  et  auctoritate  fl.  c. 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  §  13t5.  GENERAL  POSITION.  419 

tocratic  system  are  these,  that  the  secular  power  is  not  dependent 
upon  the  ecclesiastical  ;■*  that  the  supreme  and  legislatijig  sove- 
reignty in  the  Church  belongs  to  general  councils  alone,^  to  which 
the  greater  number  of  the  Theologians  of  this  party  assigned  at 

p.  520.)  Almainus  was  hindered  from  answering  by  his  death  -j- 1513. 
At  the  same  time  the  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne  Johannes  Major,  a  Scot, 
controverted  Cajetan  in  several  woi'ks  pvxblisht  in  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du 
Pin  ii.  p.  1121  ss. 

*  See  Nicolai  Cusani  de  concord,  cathol.  (see  §  132.  note  12)  lib  iii. 
in  Schardii  Syntagma  tractatunm  p.  356  ss.  Joannes  Major  comm. 
in  Sentent.  lib.  iv.  dist.  24.  (printed  in  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  p. 
1121)  and  Scholia  in  Evang.  Mattbaei  cap.  16.  written  a.d.  1518 
(with  the  title  disp.  de  potestate  Papae  in  rebus  temporalibus. 
ibid.  p.  1145.)  Jac.  Almaini  Expositio  circa  decisiones  M.  Guil. 
Occam  super  potestate  sunimi  Pontificis  (Gersonii  0pp.  ii.  p.  1013.) 

5  Gersou  de  potest,  eccl.  consid.  xi.  (0pp.  ii.  p.  243)  :  Potestas 
ecclesiastica  in  sua  plenitudnie  est  in  Ecclesia,  sicut  in  fine,  et  sicut  in 
regulante  applicationeni  et  usum  bujusraodi  plenitudinis  ecclesiasticae 
potestatis  per  se  ipsam,  vel  per  generale  Concilium,  ipsam  sufiicienter 
et  legitime  repraesentans.  Constat  itaque,  datam  fuisse  Petro  pleni- 
tudinem  ecclesiasticae  potestatis  a  Christo  ad  aedificationem  Ecclesiae 
suae,  sicut  conformiter  ad  Apostolum  ponit  descriptio.  Propterea 
loquitur  Augustinus  cum  aliis  quibusdam,  quod  claves  Ecclesiae  datae 
sunt  non  uni,  sed  unitati,  et  quod,  datae  sunt  Ecclesiae. — Potest  etiam 
dici  in  Ecclesia  vel  in  Concilio  baec  plenitudo  ecclesiasticae  potestatis 
nedum  in  se  formaliter,  sed  aliis  duobus  modis,  videlicet  quoad  appli- 
cationem  ad  banc  vel  illam  personam,  et  quoad  usum  regulandum,  si 
fortassis  in  abusum  verti  quereretur.  —  Cum  igitur  summus  Pontifex 
babens  earn  subjective  sit  peccabilis,  et  possit  banc  potestatem  in 
destructionem  Ecclesiae  velle  convertere  ;  similiter  sacrum  Collegium, 
quod  ei  datum  est  et  coassistit  quasi  commimitas  aristocratica,  non  est 
in  gratia  vel  fide  confirmatum  :  superest,  ut  aliqua  sit  relicta  inobli- 
quabilis  et  indeviabilis  regula  ab  optimo  legislatore  Christo,  secundum 
quam  possit  abusushujusmodi  potestatis  reprimi.  dirigi  atque  moderari. 
Haec  autem  regula  est  vel  Ecclesia,  vel  generale  Concilium. — Hie 
fundantur  ea  multa,  quae  per  hoc  Sacrum  Concilium  (Constantiense) 
et  constituta  et  practicata  sunt :  ut  quod  Papa  judicari  potest  et 
deponi  per  Concilium  etc.  Nicolaus  Cusanus  de  concord,  cathol.  lib. 
ii.  c.  34.  in  Schardius  p,  34'9  :  Si  universalis  catholica  Ecclesia  infalli- 
biliter  per  Christi  assistentiam  dirigitur ;  tunc  concurrente  omnium 
Christianorum  consensu  ad  quamcumque  conclusionera  necessitatem 
salutis  includentera,  necessario  sequitur,  illam  cbristianam,  fidelem  et 
veram.  Universale  vero  Concilium  dictans  talem  conclusionem  consensu 
et  legatione  omnium  fidelium,  necessario  ex  Christi  assistentia  et  Spiritu 
Sancto  inspirante  vere  et  infallibiliter  dictat  eandem. — Omnes  autem 
proviuciales  Synodos,  ac  etiam  lloraanos  Pontifices  hoc  privilegium  non 
attingit.  p.  351  :  Nee  fuit  Petrus  ex  illo  pi'imatu  Ecclesia  major  :  quo- 
niam  ipse  ab  Ecclesia  et  pi'opter  earn  nominatur  secundum  Augustinum. — 


420  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517, 

Quare  ilia  Petri  majoritas  non  fuit  majoritas  supra,  sed  infra  Ecelesiara. 
Unde  licet  os  sive  caput  esset  Apostolorum  ac  Ecclesiae, — tauien  nihilo- 
minus  tanquaiii  meuibrum  subt'uit. — Unitas  fideliuni  est  ilia,  ad  cujus 
servitium  et  observantiam  praesidentia  est  super  singuloa.  Hinc  unitas 
fideliuu),  quam  nos  Ecclt;siain  dicimus,  sive  universale  Concilium  catbo- 
licae  Ecclesiae  ipsam  repraesentans  est  supra  suura  Ministrum  ac  sin- 
gulorum  praesidem.  Andreas  Episc.  Megarensis  Gubernac.  Concill.  (see 
§  132  note  19)  in  v.d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  VI.,  iv.  p,  147  :  haec  plenitude 
potestatis  papalis  non  fuit  data  Petro,  ut  Petro  sed  fuit  data  universal! 
Ecclesiae.  p.  162:  quando  Petrus  claves  accepit,  has  potius  tota 
Ecclesia  suppositaliter  accepit  in  ipso  Petro,  sive  per  ipsum  Petruni,  et 
ipse  Petrus  claves  accepit  in  typo,  mystice ;  et  ministerialiter  ab  ipsa 
Ecclesia  universali.  Claves  enim,  quas  Ecclesia  non  poterat  per  ouuies 
exercere  universaliter,  voluit  quod  exequerentur  per  Petrum  et  ejus 
successores  particulariter.  p.  158  :  potestas  universalis  Ecclesiae  seu 
Synodi  generalis  convocatae  canonice  est  major,  quam  potesias  Papae : 
— quia  potestas  Concilii  est  a  Deo,  Cbristo  Jesu  immediate,  duntaxat; 
et  potestas  Papae  est  a  Cbristo  et  Conciliis.  Alphonsus  Tostatus 
(Lecturer  at  Salamanca,  afterwards  Episc.  Abulensis,  and  the  King's 
Councillor  -|-  1454)  comm.  in  Numer.  c.  15,  quaest.  48  :  Claves  Ec- 
clesiae datae  sunt  a  Cbristo  toti  Ecclesiae  :  quia  tamen  non  poterat  tota 
Ecclesia  dispensare  illas,  cum  non  esset  aliqua  persona,  tradidit  eas 
Petro  nomine  Ecclesiae.  Si  tamen  intelligeretur,  claves  traditas  esse 
Petro  specialiter,  non  solum  sequeretur  inconveniens  commune,  quod 
alii  Apostoli  non  habuissent  aliquam  actoritatem  clavium,  quod 
falsum  est,  quia  illis  data  est  potestas  remittendi  peccata,  ut 
patet  Joannis  20.  cap.  scil.  accipite  Spiritum  Sanctum,  et  quorum 
remtseritis peccata,  remissa  erunt,  et  quorum  retinueritis,  retenta  erunt : 
ista  tamen  est  sola  potestas  clavis :  ergo  alii  Apostoli  susceperuut 
claves.  Sed  aliud  inconveniens  majus  erat,  scil.  quod  defuncto  Petro 
non  mansissent  claves,  quod  necesse  erat,  si  soli  Petro  datae  fuissent, 
et  non  solum  si  ipsi  soli,  sed  etiam  si  omnibus  Apostolis  datae  fuissent 
claves  specialiter  tanquam  determinatis  personis,  defunctis  illis  non 
mansissent  claves  in  Ecclesia,  quia  isti  non  habebant  potestatem  dandi 
aliis  claves,  faciendo  eos  successores  suos,  cum  nemo  posset  Praelatum 
successorem  sibi  facere.  Et  tamen  onines  successores  b.  Petri  et 
aliorum  Episcoporum  habent  claves,  sicut  habuit  Petrus  et  alii  Apos- 
toli :  ergo  non  fuerunt  datae  claves  illis  tanquam  determinatis  per- 
sonis, sed  tanquam  ministris  Ecclesiae,  et  tunc  magis  dabantur  claves 
Ecclesiae,  cum  Ecclesia,  quae  habet  ipsas  radicaliter,  nunquam 
moriatur.  Quaest.  49  :  Ecclesia  suscepit  claves  a  Cbristo,  et  Apostoli 
tanquam  ministri  Ecclesiae ;  et  nunc  Ecclesia  illas  habet,  et  Praelati 
etiam;  sed  aliter  Ecclesia  quam  Praelati  :  nam  Ecclesia  habet  secun- 
dum originem  et  'virtutem,  Praelati  autem  habent  secundum  usura 
earura.  Dicitur  Ecclesia  habere  secundum  virtutem  claves,  qui  potest 
illas  conferre  Praelato  per  electionem  : — Ecclesia  autem  a  nullo  susci- 
pit,  postquam  semel  a  Christo  suscepit,  ideo  illos  per  originem  et  virtutem 
habet.  Praef.  ad  Evang.  b.  Matthaei  with  reference  to  the  Council  of 
the  Apostles  :  Hoc  factum  est  Spiritu  S.  dictante,  ut  recognoscerctur 
per  hoc  auctoritas  et  potestas  Coneilii  generalis,  qua  nulla  est  major 


CH.  I.-rAl'ACY.  §  13(5.  GENERAL  POSITION.  421 

the  same  time  infallibility  ;"  that  the  Pope  being  subordinate  to 
them,  was  no  more  than  a  caput  ministeriale  Ecclesiae,  and  not 

super  torrani,  et  non  potest  errare  in  pertinentibua  ad  fidum,  ncc  errat 
in  pertineutibus  ad  mores.  Quilibet  autoni  homo,  qujintmucuncpie 
sanctus  et  quantaecunque  polestatis  potest  errare  in  fide  et  etitici  haere- 
ticus.  Sicut  de  multis  siinimis  Pontiticibus  legimus,  ut  de  Libcrio,  de 
Joanne  xxii.,  et  aliis  quibusdam.  Dionysius  Cartliusianus  (proj)erly 
de  Leewis  of  R\'ckel,  a  Carthusian  at  Ruremonde  -|-  147  I )  de  auctoritate 
Papae  et  Concibi  Hb.  i.  art.  31  :  Concilium  generalu  nonnisi  propter 
causas  singulariter  magnas  et  arduas,  utputa  quae  alitor  congrue  expediri 
non  queunt  cougregandum  celebrandumque  esse  onmes  f'atentur.  Porro 
hae  causae  sunt  exiirpatio  baereticae  pravitatisac  sebismatis,  declaratio 
fidei  atque  tditio  symboli  ejus,  universalis  reformatio  Ecclesiae  in 
capite  et  in  membris.  Itaque  in  expeditione  istorum  major  dicitur 
potestas  Concilii  generalis  quam  Papae,  quoniam  Cbristus  proniisit 
Ecclesiae  seu  Conciiio  ipsam  repraesentanti  infallibilem  dircctionem  et 
gloriosam  assistentiani  incessantem  ;  ita  quod  errare  iion  potest  in  fide, 
neque  in  his,  quae  ad  bonos  perlinent  mores,  eo  quod  in  talium  deter- 
minatione  regatnr  immediate  a  Spiritu  Sancto.  Unde  et  Papa  in 
talibus  tenetur  stare  deterusinationi  Ecclesiae,  seu  statute  Concilii,  tan- 
quam  ordinationi  et  sententiae  Spiritus  Sancti.  Cumque  Papa  possit 
errare  in  fide  et  moribus  et  caeteris,  quae  sunt  de  necessitate  salutis ; 
ejus  judicio  non  videtur  ultimate  et  certitudiualiter  standum  in  istis, 
cum  non  sit  infallibilis  regiila,  neqi:e  indeviabile  fundamentum.  Jac. 
Almainus  de  auct.  Eccl.  et  Concill.  generall.  c.  7.  ss.  (Of)p.  Gersonii 
ii.  p.  989  ss.) 

•'The  infallibility  of  General  Councils  came  before  the  Council  of 
Basle  ordy  as  a  controverted  doctrine  in  the  Schools,  and  as  such  was 
denied  even  at  the  Council  itself  without  causing  any  offence,  by  Petrus 
de  Alliaco,  see  above  §  131,  note  4.  This  doctrine  gathered  shape 
after  the  Council  of  Constance,  see  (Blau's)  krit.  Gesch.  der  kirchl. 
Unfeblbarkeit,  Frankf  a.  M.  1791.  S.  240  ff.  and  was  maintained 
decidedly  by  John  Gerson,  Alphonsus  Tostatus,  Dionysius  Carthusia- 
nas,  Nioolaus  Cusanus.  There  were  others  indeed  v\bo  held  as  an 
article  of  faith  the  infallibility  of  the  universal  Church,  but  not  of 
General  Councils:  thus  Joannes  Brevisco^a  (Doctor  Paris,  from  1420 
Bishop  of  Paris,  from  1422  Bishop  of  Genf)  tract  de  fide,  Ecclesia, 
Romano  Pontifice  et  Conciiio.  Art.  3.  in  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin.  i. 
p.  898  ;  Thomas  Netterus  Waldensis  (Provincial  of  the  Carmelites  in 
England  -j-  1430)  dnctrinale  antiquitatum  fidei  catliol.  adv.  Wiclevitas 
et  Hussitas.  T.  i.  lib.  ii.  c.  19,  27  ;  Nicolaus  de  Tudesco,  Archiep. 
Panormitanus  (famous  as  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Basle,  and  as  a 
Canon-lawyer,  under  the  names  Abbas  or  Panormitanus)  comm.  in 
Decretal,  lib.  i.  Tit  6  c.  4  ;  Antoninus  Archiep.  Florentinus  Summa 
theol.  P.  iii.  Tit.  23.  c.  2,  §  6,  see  Blau  ibid.  S.  241  ff.  However,  the 
doctrine  of  the  infallibility^  of  General  Councils  gradually  obtained 
universal  ascendancy  among  the  liberal  theologians  as  the  counter- 
point to  the  curialist  theory  of  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope.  Hee  Jac. 
Almainus  de  auct.  Eccl.  et  Cone.  gen.  c.  10.  (Gersonii  o)  p.  ii.  p. 
1001)  :   Papa  potest  errare  errore  judiciali,  deerrore  perscnali  omnibus 


422  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

authorized  to  give  laws  to  tlie  Church ;"  and  that  appeals  might 
be  made  to  a  general  comicil  f  that  the  Episcopal  power  did  not 

notura  est.  Probatur  ista  pi'opositio  :  duo  surami  Pontifices  determina- 
verunt  contraria,  etiam  in  his,  quae  fidera  tangunt,  ergo  alter  eorum 
erravit  errore  judiciali.  Antecedens  patet  de  Joanne  xxii.  et  Nicolao, 
quorum  unus  determinavit  judicialiter,  Christum  et  Apostolos  nihil 
habuisse  in  communi,  nee  in  proprio ;  alter  oppositum,  ut  videre  est  in 
eorum  extravagantibus.  Secundo  Innocentius  III.  et  Caelestinus 
determinaverunt  contraria  super  ista  propositione :  uno  conjugura  ad 
baeresim  transeunte,  alter  qui  remanet  in  fide  potest  ad  secunda  vota 
transire.  Determinatio  Innocentii  III.,  quod  non  potest,  ponitur  in 
cap.  Quanto,  de  divortiis.  Determinatio  Caelestini,  ut  dicit  Glossa  in 
eodem  Cap.  olim  ponebatur  in  Decretalibus  de  conversione  conjugato- 
rum  in  fine.  Tertio,  aliqui  statuerunt  contra  Evangelium,  ut  Pelagius, 
qui  fecit  constitutionem,  quod  onmes  Subdiaconi  Siciliae  a  suis  uxoribua 
abstlnerent,  quas  in  minoribus  Ordinibus  duxerant,  aut  ab  officio  cessa- 
rent  :  quam  (quia  erat  iniqua  et  contra  Evangelium)  retractavit 
Gregorius  I.,  ejus  successor,  ut  patet  31.  Di.st.  Can.  Ante  trienn'nim, 
in  textu  et  in  glossa. — Ex  his  satis  patet,  quod  summus  Pontifex  potest 
errare,  sententiando  in  materia  fidei. — Sequitur  secundo,  quod  ultima 
resolutio  in  his  quae  fidei  stmt,  non  spectat  ad  summum  Pontificem. — 
Concilium  universale  in  his  quae  fidei  sunt  errare  non  potest,  et  sic  ad 
ipsum  ultima  fidei  decisio  spectat. 

7  See  note  5.  Gerson  de  modis  uniendi  ac  reformandi  Ecclesiam  in 
Cone.  Univ.  c.  2.  see  §  131,  note  1.  Responsio  synodalis  Cone.  Basil, 
ann.  1432  (see  §  132  note  14)  in  INIansi  xxix.  p.  249  :  Etsi  sit  caput 
ministerlale  Ecclesiae,  non  tamen  est  major  tota  Ecclesia.  AVith  regard 
to  the  binding  force  of  Papal  decrees  see  Gerson  de  potest,  eccl.  consid, 
iv.  (0pp.  ii.  p.  232)  :  Ecclesia  potest  condere  leges  obligantes,  et  regu- 
lantes  etiam  ipsum  Papam,  tam  quoad  personam,  quam  respectu  usus 
potestatis.  Non  sic  e  contra  potest  Papa  judicare  totam  Ecclesiam,  vel 
usum  suae  potestatis  limitare  :  immo  si  Papa  condat  leges  et  canones, 
videtur  observaudum  illud  quod  dicit  Augustinus  :  leges  instituuntur 
cum  promulgantu)\  firmantur  auteni  cum  moribus  utentium  approbantur. 
Hoc  enim  dicitur  ad  reprimendam  praesumptionera  quorundam  summo- 
rum  Pontificum  vel  eis  adidantium  etc.  Nicolaus  Cusanus  de  concord, 
cath.  lib.  ii.  c.  9  ;  Ecclesiastici  canones  non  possunt  nisi  per  ecclesias- 
ticam  congregationem,  quae  Synodus  vel  coetus  dicitur,  statui.  Et 
ideo  nisi,  quicunque  ille  fuerit,  aut  Papa,  aut  Patriarcha,  decreta 
secundum  canones  ecclesiasticos  promulgaverit,  non  possunt  ilia  statuta, 
canones,  sive  ecclesiastica  statuta  vocari  ;  et  nihil  habent  firmitatis, 
cujuscunque  particularis  statuta,  nisi  in  quantum  per  acceptationem  et 
usum  sen  consensum  confirmentur,  sen  canonibus  consentiant.  Al- 
mainus  de  auct.  Eccl.  et  Cone.  gen.  c.  12.  (Gersonii  opp.  ii.  p.  1008)  : 
Summus  Pontifex  non  solum  deponi  potest  ab  Ecclesia  sen  Concilio 
pi"o  haeresi,  verum  etiam  et  pro  alio  crimine  notorio  Ecclesiam  scan- 
dalizante. 

^  This  was  one  of  the  points  which  was  most  loudly  and  most  frequently 


CH.  I.— PAPACY.  ?  i;5G.  GENERAL  POSITION.  423 

finally  rest  upon  the  Papal  power,  but  shared  with  it  the  same 
foundation.^     Although   the  reasons  in  defence  of  this  theory 

controverted  betwixt  the  two  parties.  Martin  V.  had  ah-eady  condemned 
such  appeals  at  Constance,  and  thei'cby  roused  Gerson  to  their  defence 
see  §  131,  note  23.  Pius  II.  condemned  them  afresh,  see  §  133,  note 
26,  but  he  likewise  met  with  a  stout  resistance  from  Gi*egory  of  Ileira- 
burg,  see  ibid.,  note  29, 

^  Gerson  de  potest,  eccl.  Epilogi  Conclus.  2  (0pp.  ii.  p.  256)  :  Nee 
tamen  plenitudo  potestatis  papalis  sic  intelligenda  est  immediate  super 
.onincs  Christianos,  quod  pro  libito  possit  immediate  jurisdictionem  in 
omnes  per  se  vel  alios  extraordinarios  passim  exercere  :  sic  enim  prae- 
judicaret  Ordinariis,  qui  jus  babent  immediatius,  immo  immediatis- 
simum  super  plebes  eis  commissas,  actus  hierarchicos  exercendi. 
Extenditur  igitur  plenitudo  potestatis  Papae  super  omnes  inferiores 
solum  dum  subest  necessitas  ex  defectu  Ordinariorum  inferiorum  :  vel 
dum  apparet  evidens  utilitas  Ecclesiae.  Nicol.  Cusanus  de  concord, 
cath.  lib.  ii.  c.  13  :  Pro  investigando  veritatem  illius,  an  scilicet  de 
jure  positivo  omnes  Praelati  infei'iores  Papa  derivative,  scil.  ab  ipso 
Papa,  jurisdictionem  habeaut  ; — oportet  primo,  si  hoc  vcrum  foret, 
Petrum  aliquid  a  Christo  singularitatis  recepisse,  et  Papam  in  hoc 
successorem  esse.  Sed  scimus,  quod  Petrus  nihil  plus  potestatis  a 
Christo  recepit  aliis  Apostolis. — Nihil  enim  dictum  est  ad  Petrum,  quod 
etiam  aliis  dictum  non  sit. — Ideo  recte  dicimus,  omnes  Apostolos  in 
potestate  cum  Petro  aequales.  —  Unde  cum  potestas  ligandi  et  solvendi. 
in  qua  fundatur  omnis  ecclesiastica  jurisdictio,  sit  immediate  a  Christo  ; 
— et  quia  ab  ilia  postestate  ligandi  et  solvendi  est  divinae  jurisdictionis 
potestas ;  patet,  omnes  Episcopos,  et  forte  etiam  Presbyteros  aequalis 
potestatis  esse  quoad  jurisdictionem,  licet  non  excquutionis.  Quod 
quidcm  exercitium  exequutivum  sub  certis  positivis  terminis  clauditur 
et  restringitur  propter  melius  et  causam  cum  majori  parte  perducendi 
omnes  homines  ad  finem  f'Uum,  scil.  Deum  :  ob  quern  finem  finaliter 
omnis  potestas,  et  jurisdictio,  et  statuta  humana  per  media  proportionata 
tempori  et  loco  tendere  debent.  Unde  cessante  causa  statui  illius, — 
puta  vel  ob  ncgligentiam  inferiorum,  vel  necessitatem,  tunc  cessant  ilia 
positiva  jura. — Quare  dicimus,  —  quod  omnes  Episcopi  unius  sunt 
potestatis  et  dignitatis  :  quae  supra  sunt,  scil.  Archiepiscopalis,  Patri- 
archalis,  et  Papalis  sunt  administrationes. — Quare  hoc  solum  singulari- 
tatis in  Petro  inveniemus,  quod  ipse  fuit  major  in  administratione,  ad 
quam  volentibus  Apostolis  a  Christo  est  electus,  quia  senior. — Sicut 
pi-incipatus  Petri  a  legatione  Christi  dependebat,  ita  et  omnium  Epis- 
coporum  :  —  quare  qui  eos  audit,  Christum  audit.  —  Apostolicum 
praeceptum  habent  omnes  Episcopi  regendi  se  et  gregem. —  Si  dicis, 
Papam  subditos  Episcoporum  absolvai'e  et  ligare,  dico  idem  in  aliis, 
quaudo  consensus  propriorum  intervenit.  Actus  enim,  aliter  nullus, 
per  consensum  aut  gratificationem  proprii  sacerdotis  in  hac  materia 
validus  efficitur,  —  Cum  ergo  usu  communi  sit  hoc  introductum, 
et  ex  usu  consensus  elicitur,  patet  quod  efficacia  hujus  vigorem  ex 
consensu  recipit. — Igitur  non  legitur,  antiquos  Romanos  Pontifices  se 
de  his  intromisisse,  et  talia  confessionalia  et  alia  consimilia  concessisse, 


424  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409— 1517. 

were  principally  drawn  from  the  eai'lier  ecclesiastical  laws,  which 
were  still  preserved  in  the  collections  of  statutes  in  force  ;  still, 
as  the  consideration  of  these  might  easily  have  led  men  on  to  too 
widely  extended  historical  researches,  its  champions  took  their 
ground  ahnost  exclusively  upon  the  dogmatical-scholastic  plat- 
form. Undoubtedly  individuals  had  attained  by  the  help  of  the 
newly  awakened  knowledge  of  antiquity  to  deeper  insight  into 
history.  The  fraud  of  the  Pseudo-isidore,  and  the  spuriousness 
of  the  grant  of  Constantine  were  known  to  many,  and  the  latter 
publicly  announced  by  Laurentius  Valla. ^"^  However,  these 
discoveries  were  neither  as  yet  made  public  property,  nor  used  by 
the  liberal  canonists  for  their  own  advantage,  and  so  the  weapons 
of  history  most  fatal  to  the  Papacy  were  not  yet  directed  against 
it  with  any  effect. 

Against  this  new  monarchic-aristocratical  system,  which  had 
grown  up  especially  in  France,  and  was  regarded  and  defended 
as  the  groundwork  of  all  Church-freedom,  the  antient  Papal 
system  under  the  protection  of  the  Popes,  found  no  less  decided 
champions  principally  in  Italy,  among  the  throng  of  men,  who 
were  bound  to  the  Curia  partly  by  favours  received,  partly  by 
their  hopes  ;^^  roused  by  opposition  they  maintained  this  system 

et  forte  non  fuisset  permissiun.  Unde  si  Concilium  Africanuin,  cui  se 
subscripsit  s.  Augustinus,  non  adniisit  appellationeni  a  Synodo  ad  Pa- 
pam  (see  vol.  1.  §  92,  note  52), — quouiodo  tunc  admisissent  ista,  et  ea 
quae  hodie  exorbltanter  fiunt  ?  Sed  quia  consensus  ex  usu  longaevo 
hoc  nunc  introduxit,  valida  ilia  sunt  quoad  aniinarum  salutein,  quam 
dlu  patiuntur :  tolli  autom  possent  per  Concilium,  et  hoc  I'eformatio 
deposcit. — Et  duin  hanc  partem  defendimus,  quod  Papa  non  est  univer- 
salis Episcopus,  sed  super  alios  primus,  et  sacrorusn  Coiiciliorum  non 
in  Papa,  sed  in  consensu  omnium  vigorem  fundamus :  tunc  quia  veri- 
tatem  defendimus,  et  unicuique  suum  lionorem  reser\'amus,  recte  Papam 
honoramus. 

1"  See  Part  1,  §  20,  note  17  and  21. 

^^  Thomas  de  Corsellis  says  in  his  speech  before  the  Council  of  Basle 
(Aen.  Sylvius  de  Cone.  Basil,  lib.  i,  ed.  Cattopoli  1667,  p.  19)  :  Sunt 
aliqui,  sive  avidi  gloriae,  sive  quod  adu'.ando  praemia  expectant,  qui 
peregrinas  quasdam  et  omnino  novas  praedicare  doctrinas  coeperunt, 
ipsumque  summum  Pontifieem  e\  jurisdictione  sacri  Concilii  demere 
non  verentur.  Excoecavit  namqua  illos  arabitio,  a  qua  non  solum  hoc 
modernum,  sed  omnia  usque  in  hanc  diem  schismata  suborta  reperiun- 
tur. — Alius  clamat,  subditorum  facta  judicari  a  Papa,  Romanum  vero 
Pontificem  solius  Dei  reservari  arbitrio.  Alius  dicit,  quia  pnm:im 
sedem  nemo  judicabit. — Alius  vero  asserere  non  veretur,   Romanum 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  13(5.  GENERAL  POSITION.  425 

in  its  most  unmitigated  form,  and  without  any  fear  for  its  most 
obnoxious  results.^"-^  According  to  them  the  Pope's  authority 
was  exalted  immeasurably  high  over  every  other  dignity  on 
earth  ;^^  the  Pope  Avas  supreme  above  all  princes,^*  as  well  as  the 

Pontificem,  quamvis  animas  catervatim  secum  ad  inferos  trahat,  nullius 
reprehensioui  fore  subjectum.  Nee  considerant  miseri,  quia  quae  prae- 
dicant  tantopere  verba  aut  ipsorura  summorum  Pontificum  sunt,  suas 
fimbrias  extendentium,  aut  illorum,  qui  eis  adulabantur.  Jacobi  de 
aradiso  (Carthusian  and  Doctor  of  divinity  at  Erfurt)  collectum  de 
septem  statibus  Ecclesiae  in  Apocalypsi  mystice  descriptis  (written 
1449)  in  Walchii  monim.  medii  aevi  vol.  ii.  fasc.  2.  p.  43  s.  below  note 
31.  Joannes  Maior  (see  note  2)  comm.  in  Matth.  c.  18.  in  Gersonii 
0pp.  ii.  p.  1144  :  Quod  vero  plures  Pontificem  extollant  quam  Conci- 
lium, non  miraberis.  Concilium  raro  congregatur,  nee  dat  dignitates 
ecclesiastlcas.  Papa  dat  eas  :  bine  homines  ei  blandiuntur,  dicentes, 
quod  solus  potest  omnia  quadrare  rotunda,  et  rotundai'e  quadrata,  tam 
in  spiritualibus  quam  in  temporalibus. 

^-  In  the  fifteenth  century  one  Joannes  de  Turrecremata,  a  Domini- 
can, Magister  s.  Palatii,  sent  as  papal  envoy  to  the  Council  at  Basle, 
fx'om  1439  Cai'dinal  -j-  1468,  takes  the  first  place  among  them.  Against 
the  Council  of  Basle  he  wrote  his  summa  de  Ecclesia  et  ejus  auctoi'itate 
lib.  iv.  (Lugd.  1496.  Venet.  1561),  from  which  lib.  ii.  de  postestate 
Papali  and  libb.  iii.  de  Conciliis  in  Rocaberti  biblioth.  max.  pontificia 
T.  xiii.  p.  281  have  been  taken,  where  also  p.  575  ejusd.  de  summi 
Pontifieis  et  generalis  Concilii  potestate,  ad  Basileensium  Oratorem 
in  Florentina  Synodo  responsio,  viva  voce  exhibita  is  to  be  found. 
"With  regard  to  Cajetan  see  above  note  3. 

1^  Jo.  de  Turrecremata  lib.  ii.  c.  52.  states  wherein  the  plenitude 
potestatis  Romani  Pontifieis  is  shown.  To  wit  prime  ostenditur  ex  his, 
ex  quibus  excellentia  papalis  dignitatis  sive  principatus  nobis  figuraliter 
describitur.  —  Secundo  ostenditur — in  extensione  principatus  sui ; 
extenditur  enim  in  totum  orbera  terrarum,  nuUus  enim  fidelis  in 
toto  orbe  christiano  eximitur  ab  ejus  principatu. — Tertio — ostendi- 
tur in  potestate  clavium  in  foro  conscientiae.  Extenditur  enim  potestag 
clavium  in  eo  ad  omnia  loca,  ad  omnes  personas,  ad  omnes  casus. — 
Quarto — ostenditur  in  clavibus  judiciariae  potestat"s  in  foro  exteriori 
Valet  enim  de  omnibus  personis  orbis  chrlstiani,  cujuscumque  status 
aut  conditionis  existant,  judicare  :  est  enim  judex  totius  Ecclesiae. — 
Cum  enim  Roraanus  Pontifex  caput  totius  Christianae  communitatis 
princeps  existat;  ejus  non  tantum  est  pi'omovere  ea  et  ordinare,  quae 
ad  bonum  reipublicae,  et  consecutionem  supernae  beatitudinis,  quae 
finis  ultitnus  Christianorum  est,  conferunt,  sed  ea  tollere  et  submovere 
prohibendo  et  corrigendo,  quae  ad  motionem  ad  talem  finem  fideles 
impediunt. — Quinto  plenitude  potestatis  Romani  Pontifieis  ostenditur  in 
depositione  Episcoporum. — Sexto — in  hoc,  quod  ejus  potestas  a  nulla 
potestate  humana  exceditur,  vel  superatur ;  sed  ipsa  omnem  aliam 
excedit  et  superat. — 7.  in  hoc,  quod  non  arctatur  ejus  potestas  ad  hoc, 
ut  semper  servato  ordine  inferiorum  potestatum  operetur,  sed  potest 
VOL.  IV.  2  E 


426  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1109—1517. 

mediantibus  ills,  vel  illis  intermissis,  immediate  in  quemcunque 
Christianum  operavi,  ut  iramediatus  ordinarius  Pastoi*  et  Praelatus, 
quando  viderit  expedire.  —  8.  in  exemptione  inferiorum  Praela- 
torum  a  sujieriori. — 9.  in  hoc,  quod  non  ligatur  legibus  a  se  factis, 
aut  etiara  sacrorum  Conciliorum  canonibus,  ped  potest  ex  plenitudine 
potestatis  super  jus  et  leges  positas  faceve,  et  in  canonibus  Conciliorum 
juxta  temporum  opportunitatom  aut  locorum,  et  personarum  conditiones 
dispensare. — 10,  in  dispensatione  actionum  huraanarum,  puta  votorum 
et  juramentorum. — 11.  in  adniinistratione  et  dispensatione  rerum  eccle- 
siasticarum.  Alii  autem  Praelati  et  Collegia  habent  potestatera  coarc- 
tatam  in  adrainistrando  et  dispensando  res  suas,  et  transferendo  dominium 
ipsarum,  obligando,  et  alienando,  quia  nonnisi  ex  certis  causis  et  cum 
certis  solemnitatibus  jure  possunt  res  Ecclesiae  alienare : — Papa  vero 
in  istis  solus  sine  consensu  etiara  cujuscuraque,  et  sine  solemnitatibus 
potest  res  quascumque  cujuslibet  Ecclesiae  alienare,  et  alienando  domi- 
nium transferre,  dum  tamen  hoc  faciat  ex  justa  causa. — 12.  in  hoc, — 
qiiod  quaedam  sunt  superioruin  Ordinum,  quae  potest  Papa  committere 
iuferioribus  quibusdam  :  sicut  Presbyteris  concedit  conferre  minores 
Ordiues,  quod  pertinet  ad  Potestatem  Episcopalem  : — 13,  in  dispensa- 
tione thesauri  Ecclesiae,  quoniam  ipse  solus,  utpote  Christi  principalis 
vicarius  et  dispensator,  dat  plenariam  indulgentiam,  et  omni  homini 
fideli  de  toto  mundo. — 14.  in  hoc,  quod  dispositio  totius  ecclesiastici 
ordinis  quoad  dignitates  ecclesiasticas, — et  dispensatio  beneficioruni, 
tanquam  ad  servum,  quem  constituit  Dominus  super  familiani,  ut  det 
illis  tritici  mensuram,  pertinent  ad  Roraanura  Pontificem. — 15.  in 
canonizatione  Sanctorum,  Kodericus  Sancius  Episc.  Zamorensis  et 
Referendarius  P.  Pauli  II,,  Speculum  vitae  humanae  (Pomae  1468, 
frequently  publisht,  e.g.  Argent,  1507,  fol.)  lib.  ii.  c.  1  :  Summi  Pon- 
tificatus  excellentiam,  dignitatem  et  auctoritatem, — illiusque  necessi- 
tatem  et  utilitatem  ostendere,  hodie  munus  suscepi,  grande  quidem 
negotium,  sed  parvum  ingenium.  Cujus  tanta  est  sublimitas  et  emi- 
nentia,  tanta  immensitas,  ut  nullus  mortalium  nedum  comprehendere, 
aut  satis  exprimere,  sed  nee  cogitare  posset,  Obtundit  euim  omnem 
humanum  intellectum  illius  sacratissimi  et  omnium  erainentissimi  status 
majestas  et  excellentia,  quia  scriptura  est :  scrutator  majestatis  oppri- 
metur  a  gloria.  Si — nihil  in  hoc  saeculo  excellentius — inveniri  potest 
statu  et  dignitate  siraplicium  sacerdotum, — quid  cogitandum  est  de 
eo  summo  Pontifice,  qui  vices  veri  Dei  gerit  in  terris  ?  qui  ad  pleni- 
tudinem  status,  qui  ad  apostolicum  thronum,  qui  ad  culmen  omnium 
dignitatum  assumitur,  ex  qua  certe,  ut  rivuli  a  fonte,  rami  ab  arbore 
procedunt.  Qui  non  ad  humanum  tantum  principatum,  sed  ad  divi- 
num  ;  non  ad  principandum  solum  mortalibus,  nee  modo  hominibus, 
sed  angelis ;  non  ad  judicandum  vivos,  sed  mortuos  ;  non  in  terra 
solum,  sed  in  caelo  ;  nonad  praesidendum  solis  fidelibus,  sed  infidelibus  : 
et  (ut  paucis  agam)  qui  ad  earn  ipsam  dignitatem,  ad  eandem  jm'isdic- 
tionem  et  coactionem,  ac  universalem  toto  orbe  supremum  pi-incipatum 
a  summo  Deo  et  ejus  loco  super  cunctos  mortales  institutus  et  evectus 
est.  De  quo  per  Job  scriptum  est,  quod  coram  eo  curvantur,  qui  por- 
tant  orbem,  et  Eeges  seculi  atque  tyranni  ridiculum  sunt,  qui  solus 
omnem  potestatem  ambit,     Et,  sicut  Scriptura  commemorat,  unus  est, 


CH.  T.— PAPACY.  §  136.  GENERAL  POSITION.  427 

et  secundum  non  habet. — Cujus,  teste  propheta,  suae  sunt  justitiae, 
potestas  et  imperium.  Quern  itcrum  David  signat  inquiens  :  dedit  ei 
potestatem  et  regnum,  et  oranes  populi  et  linguae  servient  ei  etc. 

^*  On  this  head  Jo.  do  Turrecremata  is  somewhat  more  minute.  lie 
designates  ii.  c.  103  as  two  extremes  the  opinions,  quod  Romanus 
Pontifex  rationc  sui  principatus  in  solis  spiritualibus  consistat,  ita  quod 
nullo  modo  jure  Papatus  ad  temporalia  se  extcudat,  and  quod  R.  P. 
jure  sui  Principatus,  sivc  Yicariatus  Christi  habcat  in  toto  orbe  terra- 
rum  plenam  jurisdictionem,  non  solum  in  spiritualibus  sed  etiam  in 
temporalibus,  quod  omnium  Principura  saecularium  jurisdictionalis 
potestas  a  Papa  in  eos  dei'ivata  sit.  He  asserts  on  the  contrary,  quod 
spirituali  potestati  potestas  saecularis  in  Papa  conjungitur,  qui  utrius- 
que  potestatis  apicem  tenet,  but  that  he  only  held  jurisdictionem  in 
temporalibus  in  toto  orbe  christiano  in  so  far  quantum  necesse  est  pro 
bono  spirituali  conservando  ipsius  et  aliorum,  sive  quantum  Ecclesiae 
necessitas  exigit,  aut  debitum  pastoralis  officii  in  correctione  peccatorum 
exposcit.  Accordingly  the  Pope  was  not  orbis  Dominus  or  Rex  aut 
Imperator  orbis  ;  it  did  not  follow,  vit  quemadmodum  omnes  dignitates 
ecclesiasticae  a  sede  Apostolica  pendere  dicuntur  ab  ea  jurisdictionem 
suraentes, — ita  principatus  et  jurisdictiones  Regum  et  Principum 
saecularium  dependent  ab  ea.  Neither  any  more,  quod  de  feudis 
Principum  saecularium,  aut  de  possessionibus  directe  se  intromittere 
aut  judicare  valeat  regulariter  ;  and  quod  a  quocunque  judice  saeculari 
passim  et  regulariter  ad  eum  possit  appellari.  Moreover  Papa  non 
habet  potestatem,  sive  jurisdictionem  in  temporalibus,  ut  Reges  in 
bonis  temporalibus  habent  dominium,  nee  ita  ut  sit  regulariter  eorum 
dispensator : — non  habet  ita  plenam  jurisdictionem  in  temporalibus, 
sicut  in  spiritualibus,  ita  quod  sieut  deponere  potest  Praelatum  ecclesi- 
asticura,  etiam  sine  culpa  sua,  ita  possit  deponere  Principem  saeculai'em, 
sive  laicum.  On  the  other  hand,  cap.  114:  potestatis  spiritualis,  et 
maxime  Papae,  qui  est  universalis  dux  et  rector  populi  Christiani,  est 
dirigere  et  regulare,  praecipere  atque  leges  dare  potestati  saeculari, 
quibus  in  administratione  sui  officii  dirigatur  in  finem  ultimmn  felici- 
tatis  aeternae.  Et  secundum  hoc  Romanus  Pontifex  se  habet  ad  Reges 
et  Principes,  tanquam  architcctonicus  ad  artifices :  ille  enim  propter 
quid  et  regvdas  judicandi  scit :  isti  autem,  scil.  artifices  mechanlci, 
tanquam  experti  in  multls  ipsum  quia  sciunt,  propter  quid  autem 
ignorant :  propter  quod  debet  illis  Papa  leges  dare,  secundum  quas 
debent  jurisdictionem  suam  exequi,  et  populum  regere  in  ordine  ad 
beatitudinem  supernaturalem. — Ex  cura  ergo  pastorali,  quam  Romanus 
Pontifex  habet  super  omnes  fideles,  cujuscumque  status,  dignitatis  vel 
conditionis  existant,  statim  datur  intelligi,  quod  apicem  non  tantum 
spiritualis  potestatis,  sed  etiam  temporalis  aliquo  modo  habere  dicendus 
sit. — Sine  ulla  dubitatione  ad  Praelatos  Ecclesiae,  et  maxime  ad  Prae- 
latum Praelatorum  pertinet  jure  sibi  a '  deo  coUato  recognoscere  et 
judicare  de  peccato  quocumque. — Non  solum  Principes  saeculares  circa 
usum  suae  jurisdictionis  delinquentes  potest  per  censuram  ecclesiasticam 
coercere,  verum  etiam  eos  notabiliter  negligentes  a  dignitate  deponere. 
This  moderation  of  Torquemada,  by  means  of  which,  however,  not  one 
of  the  Papal  pretensions  was  rescinded,  w^as  probably  the  fruit  of  cir- 

2  E  2 


428  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1400—1517. 

source  and  perpetual  dispenser  of  all  episcopal  powers  :^'^  lie 
stood  above  all  councils  which  derived  their  authority  from  him 
alone  ;^*'  he  Avas  the  lawgiver  on  points  of  faith  and  infallible.^' 

cumstances  during  the  Council  of  Basle.  Afterwards  the  Ultramon- 
tanes  spoke  with  less  disguise.  Thus  Domlnicus  Venetus  (Episc. 
Torcellanus,  afterwards  Brixiensis  about  1465)  in  Marci  Autonii  de 
Dominis  de  republ.  eccles.  lib.  vi.  c.  10.  §  3.)  :  Papa  est  verus  Dorai- 
nus  mundi,  et  verus  Monarcha,  et  apud  ipsum  est  utraque  inonarcbia. 
Papa  potest  toUere  Imperium,  praesertim  si  videatur  sibi,  quod  aliter 
mundus  melius  gubernaretur  :  et  quod  iivdlus  asset  Monarcha  praeter 
ipsum,  et  quod  Reges  immediate  ipsum  recognosccrent,  et  nullum  alium 
superiorem.  Papa  temporalem  jurisdictionem  habet  miiversaliter  in 
omui  loco,  et  potest  earn  exeqiii.  Papa  non  solum  potest  deponere 
Imperatores  et  Reges,  verum  etiam  Imperium  et  Regnum  extinguere 
in  laicis,  etiam  sine  causa,  et  Principatus  supprimere,  et  uova  rcgna  aut 
Principatus  erigere.  Rodericus  Sancius  Bp.  of  Zamorra  (see  note  11) 
in  his  work  de  origins  et  differentia  Principatuum  (in  Le  Bret's 
Magazin  f.  Staaten-  u.  Kirobengesch.  Tb,  4.  S.  520)  :  Est  vero  natu- 
raliter,  moraliter  et  divino  jure  cimi  I'ecta  fide  tenendum,  Principatum 
Romani  Pontiticis  esse  verum,  tmicum,  immedintum  Principatum  totius 
orbis,  nedum  quoad  spiritualia,  sed  quoad  temporalia  ;  et  principatum 
imperialem  esse  ab  ipso  dependentem  et  mediatum,  ministerialem  et 
instrumentalem,  eidem  subministrantem  et  deservienteu),  foreque  ab  eo 
ordinatum  et  institutura,  et  ad  jussum  Principatus  papalis  mobilem, 
revocabilem,  corrigibilem  et  punibilem.  Especially  remarkable  in  this 
point  of  view  is  the  reprimand  received  by  an  imperial  ambassador 
in  the  Papal  consistory  a.d.,  1473,  see  Jac.  Volaterrani  diarium  Roma- 
num  in  Muratorii  Scriptt.  rer.  Ital.  xxiii.  p.  94  :  Thomas  quidam, 
vir  acris  ingenii,  quum  Imperatoris  Federici  nomine  assumi  ad  digni- 
tatem Cardinalatus  Dominicura  Episcopnm  Bi-ixiensem  contenderet, 
eamque  ob  causam  postulato  Senatu  ac  dato  fervidius  loqueretur,  saepe 
inter  agendum  Monarcham  orbis  Impei'atorem  appellabat.  Tum 
Cardinalis  Rotomagensis,  qui  etiam  causae  Dominici  minus  favebat, 
paulo  commotior  factus  :  male^  inqiiit,  agis^  Thoma  ;  non  tuns  Impera- 
tor,  sed  hie  nosier  Pontifex  Monarcha  est  orMs  :  pat'i  non  VQusum^  Ro- 
manae amplitiidini  detrahi.  Tum  ille  '.non  omnium,  inquit,  Monarcham 
Imjyeratorem  ajo  ;  temporalium  tantum  inteUigo.  Et  Rotomagensis  : 
nee  temporalium  quoque  illi  est  Monarchia  :  jure  divino  et  pontifcio 
iota  Romani  est  Praesidis.  Idem  qui  ex  Patribus  jus  didicere,  uno 
judicio  confirmarunt. 

^^  Jo.  de  Turrecremata  summa  de  Ecclesia  ii.  c.  32  :  solus  Petrus, 
inter  Apostolos  immediate  a  Christo  factus  et  ordinatus  fuit  Episcopus  : 
— alii  vero  Apostoli  a  Petro  mediate,  vel  immediate,  solo,  vel  cum 
alio,  vel  cum  aliis  sunt  Episcopi  facti  vel  ordinati.  c.  54.  :  dicimus  cimi 
s.  Thoma, — quod  tota  jurisdictionis  potestas  aliorum  Praelatorum  de 
lege  communi  derivatur  a  Papa. — Apostoli  alii — non  susceperunt  po- 
testatem  jurisdictionis  immediate  a  Christo,  sedmediante  Petro.  Ergo 
sequitur,  quod  etiam  nunc  Praelati,  qui  sunt  in  Ecclesia,  jurisdictionis 
potestatem    suscipiant   iiimiediate  a    Papa,    et   non  a  Christo.  c.  65.  : 


CH.  I.— PArACY.  g  136.  GENEllAL  I'UrilTlOxN.  429 

Romanus  Pontifex  imraediatus  Praelatus  et  judex  est  omnium  Chris- 
tianorum,  potestque  facere  in  toto  orbe  terrarum,  quicquid  inferiores 
Praelati  agere  possunt. — In  quocumque  ordine  quando  tota  potcstas 
inferioruui  dependet  et  origiuatur  a  potestate  superioris,  ad  quaecunque 
se  potest  extendere  potcstas  iuferiorum,  ad  omnia  ilia  se  potest  ex- 
tendere  immediate  potestas  superioris  :  sed  potestas  jurisdictiouis,  de 
qua  est  sermo,  omnium  aliorum  Praelatorum  in  Ecclesia  a  potestate 
Papae  derivatur  ;  ei-go  sequitur,  quod  summus  Pontifex  potest  in  toto 
orbe  omnia  facere  immediate,  quaecumque  possunt  alii  Praelati. 
Thorn.  Cajetanus  de  auct.  Papae  et  Cone.  c.  3.  (Rocaberti  XIX.  p. 
449)  :  In  Petro  et  a  Petro  inchoat  omnis  Ecclesiae  potestas,  et  derivatur 
in  totam  Ecclesiam  via  ordinaria. 

^^  Jo.  de  Turrccremata  ii.  c.  80.  :  Romanus  Pontifex  superior,  ac 
major  jurisdictionis  auctoritate  est  tota  ipsa  i-esidua  universali  Ecclesia. 
— Omnis  pastor — superior  est  grege,  cujus  est  pastor,  sed  Rom.  Pont, 
est  pastor  Ecclesiae  universalis,  ergo  ipse  est  —  superior  universali 
Ecclesia.  Lib.  iii.  c.  28.  :  universaliter  Conciliorum  auctoritas  a 
Rom.  Pont,  pendet  et  emanat.  c.  32.  :  ea,  quae  in  imiversalibus  Coa- 
ciliis  statuuntur,  sententiantur,  aut  definiuntur,  aut  interpretantur, 
auctoritate  Romani  Pontificis  principallter  regulariter  fiunt.  c.  44.  : 
Rom.  Pontifex  superior  est  jurisdictionis  auctoritate  universali  Concilio. 
c.  47.  :  appellai-e  non  licet  a  Romano  Pontifice  ad  Concilium  univer- 
sale, sed  magis  e  converse,  puta  a  sententia  Concilii,  quam  Apostolica 
sedes  nondum  approbavit,  ad  Papam  licet  appellare.  c.  51.  :  Rom. 
Pontifex  nee  ligatur,  nee  subjicitur  necessitate  quorumcunque  Concili- 
orum,— nee  universalium  statutis,  legibus,  aut  eanonibus,  quae  .sub 
juris  positivi  geuere  comprelienduntur.  c.  55.  :  Rom.  Pontifex  non 
solum  auctoritatem  in  eanonibus  sacrorum  Conciliorum,  etiam  univer- 
salium, et  decretis  suorum  praedecessoi-um  dispensandi  habet,  verum 
etiam  tollendi,  aut  revocandi,  aut  mutandi,  prout  temporum  aut  cau- 
sarum  necessitas  exposcit.  c.  62.  :  Quemadmodum  ad  Romanum  Pon- 
tificem,  ut  ad  Ecclesiae  Principem,  pertinet.  Concilia  vmiversalia,  si  bene 
processerint,  approbatione  et  auctoritate  sua  confinnando  honorare  ;  ita 
ipsius  est,  ea  Concilia  quae  in  perniciem  fidei,  aut  totius  Ecclesiae  per- 
turbationem  celebrata  reperta  fuarint,  corrigere,  reprobare,  accassai'e, 
ea,  quae  minus  juste,  minusque  bene  acta  sunt,  retractando  et  condem- 
nando.  Thorn.  Cajetanus  de  auctor.  Papae  et  Concilii  c.  7  ss.  (Roca- 
berti xix.  p.  455)  c,  20  p.  474  it  was  allowed  quod  Papa  factus 
haereticus  subest  potestati  ministeriali  Ecclesiae,  et  non  auctoritativae 
super  Papam  ;  on  the  other  hand  c.  24.  p.  482  ss.  it  was  resolutely 
denied,  quod  Papa  propter  incorrigibilitatem  in  quocumque  notorio 
criraine  scandalizante  Ecclesiam  subjiciatur  Concilii  potestati,  ita  quod 
possit  deponi :  because  forsooth  c.  26.  p.  487  it  was  written  in  Mattb. 
xviii.,  quod  pes,  manus,  vel  oculus,  non  tamen  caputs  caudalizans  ampu- 
taretur.  Apologiae  P.  I.  c.  1,  (1.  c.  p.  494)  :  Natura  ecclesiastici  re- 
giminis  ab  ipsa  sua  nativitate  est,  non  ut  in  communitate  ad  unum  vel 
plures  derivetur,  quemadmodum  accidit  in  rcgimine  civili  humano  ; 
sed  ut  in  uno  certo  Principe  suapte  natura  sit.  Et  cum  Princeps  iste 
unus  atque  idem  Dominus  Jesus  heri,  hodie,  et  in  saecula  vivat  et 
regnet ;  secundum  naturalis  juris  conscquentiam  oportet,  ut  ad  ipsum 
Principem,   non  ad  communitatem  Ecclesiae  spectet  in  sua  absentia 


430  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

The  excitement  of  controversy,  and  mean  flattery  advanced  so 
far,  that  many  persons  elevated  the  donatio  Constantini  proved 

ordinare  de  Yicario,  non  communitatis  Ecclesiae,  quae  ufpote  serva 
nata  principandi  jure  caret,  sed  ipsius  Principis,  uaturalis  Domini 
comniunitatis  Ecclesiae.  Et  hoc  ipsuni  Salvator  uoster  per  semetipsum 
exequi  dignatus  est,  dum  Petrum  Apostolum  solum  instituit  suum 
Vicarium  post  resurrectionem,  antequam  coelos  ascenderet,  ut  patet 
Joan.  ult. 

^^  Jo.  de  Turrecremata  ii.  c.  107. :  Ad  Eomani  Pontificis  auctori- 
tatem  spectat,  tanquam  ad  generalem  totius  orbis  principalem  magis- 
trum  ct  doctorem,  determinare  ea,  quae  fidei  sunt,  et  per  consequens 
edere  syrabolum  fidei,  sacrae  Scripturac  iuterpretari  sensus,  et  doctorum 
singulorum  dicta  ad  fidem  spectantia  approbare  vel  reprobare.  c. 
109  :  tanta  soliditate  veritatis  apostolicum  thronum  dementia  Divini- 
tatis  firmaverat,  quod  judicium  ejus  in  his,  quae  fidei  sunt,  erraro  a 
veritati  non  possit.  Decebat  sane  ut  sedes  ilia,  quae  superni  disposi- 
tione  Concilii  magistra  fide,  et  cardo  omnium  instituebatur  Eccle- 
siarum,  in  his,  quae  fidei  sunt,  hominumque  necessaria  saluti,  ab 
ipso  ominum  auctore  Deo, — hoc  singulari  infallibilitatis  munere  dona- 
retur.  In  cujus  rei  sacramentum  primo  illius  sedis  Pontifici — 
nomen  firmitatis  imponitur,  scil.  Petrus,  quod  Syra  lingua  rupes 
interpretatur.  c.  112.  :  Ubi — bene  advertendum,  quod  non  dicitur, 
quoad  Papa  errare  non  possit,  aut  male  sentire  aut  judicare  in  his,  quae 
fidei  sunt; — sed  dicitur,  quod  sententia,  quam  injudicio  Rom.  Pontifex 
profert  in  his,  quae  fidei  sunt,  errare  non  possit,  aut  quod  sedis  Apos- 
tolicae  judicium,  quod  idem  est,  errare  non  possit. — Sedis  autem  Apos- 
tolicae — sententia  in  judicio  prolata  a  Rom.  Pontifice  intelligitur,  non 
quae  occulte,  malitiose,  aut  inconsulte  per  solum  Rom.  Pontiticem,  aut 
etiara  quae  per  ipsum  cum  paucis  sibi  faventibus,  aliis  in  fraudem 
contemptis  sive  non  vocatis,  ad  partem  profertur ;  sed  quae  a  Rom. 
Pontifice  cum  maturo  et  gravi  virorum  sapientum,  et  maxime  domi- 
norum  Cardinalium  primo  Concilio  digesta  et  maturata  sancitur  et 
profertur.  Lib.  iii.  c.  58.  On  the  question  utrum  universale  Conci- 
lium in  his,  quae  fidei  sunt,  errare  possit  ?  Ad  quam  questionem  nobis 
videtur  sub  distinctione  respondendum.  De  Concilio  universali  loqui 
possumus  dupliciter  :  uno  modo  de  Concilio  universali  plenario,  plena- 
rium  autem  Concilium  dicimus,  in  quo  cum  Ecclesiae  patribus  Romanus 
Pontifex  eorum  caput — concurrit. — Secundo  modo  loqui  possumus  de 
Concilio,  prout  dicitur  corpus  tantum  patrura,  distinctum  a  capite  suo 
Romano  Pontifice.  Si  primo  modo  loquamur  de  Concilio,  fit  ista  con- 
clusio  :  Concilium  universale  in  his,  quae  ad  fidem  pertinent,  errare  non 
potest,  quae  tarn  patrum  Ecclesiae,  quam  Romani  Pontificis  unanirai  con- 
sensu definita  sunt. — Apostolicae  sedis  judicium  in  his,  quae  fidei  sunt, 
errare  non  potest ;  ergo  nee  Concilium  universale,  in  quo  Apostolicae 
sedis  intervenit,  sive  concurrit  auctoritas  et  consensus.— But,  on  the  other 
hand.  Concilium  universale  non  interveniente  consensu  et  approbatione 
Apostolicae  sedis  errare  potest  in  his,  quae  fidei  sunt. — Phantasia  stulta 
eorum,  qui  omni  Concilio  non  errandi  gratiam  quasi  essentialiter  inesse 
affirmant  cum  tarn  ex  Evangelio,  quam  ex  actibus  Apostolorum,  et  gestis 
antiquorum  Conciliorum  manifeste  oppositum  habeatur.     Dominicus  Ve- 


CH.  1.— PAPACY,     g.  136.  GENERAL  I'O.siTlON.  43I 

by  Laureutius  Valla  to  be  a  falsehood,  to  a  restitutio/^  and  the 
Pope  to  be  a  God  upon  earth. ^^ 

netus  (see  note  12)  de  Cardlnalium  legitaina  creatione  (publislit  at  the 
end  of  Marci  Ant.  de  Doininis  dc  Eepubl.  eccl.  F.  i.)  Propos.  vii. : 
Universale  Concilium  legitime  congregatum,  et  auctoritate  Romani 
Pontificis  confirmatum,  in  sc  et  decretis  suis  univcrsalem  Ecclesiam 
rcpraesentat :  ct  id,  quod  facit  aut  determinat  cum  tali  approbatione  et 
consensu  Maxirai  Pontificis,  tenendum  est  ratuni  et  firmum,  ac  si  uni- 
versalis Ecclesia  determinai'et,  quae  non  perraittitur  a  Deo  errare  in 
fide,  nee  in  detcrminando  ca,  quae  ad  bene  vivendum  pertinent. — Ilaec 
autem  infallibilis  regula  non  est  Concilium,  ctiani  legitime  congre- 
gatum.— Nam  multa  Concilia  errasse  leguntur  ; — Ephesina  secunda 
universalis  fuit,  et  legitime  congregata,  utpote  auctoritate  Leonis  Max. 
Pont,  et  pro  justa  causa,  utpote  pro  damnatione  haeresis  :  quae  tamen 
errasse  legitur. — In  cujus  correctioneni  Synodus  Chalced.  convocata 
est  ejusdem  Leonis  auctoritate  ;  et  hoc  quia  non  requiritur  solum 
auctoritas  Rom.  Pontificis  in  congregando,  sed  etiam  in  dcfinita  et 
sancita  approbando, —  Similiter  etiam  nee  Papa  solus  est  ilia  regula 
infallibilis,  quia  aliqui  errasse  leguntur  in  fide,  ut  patet  de  Liberio,  et 
de  Anastasio  secundo,  qui  communicavit  Acacio  haerctico,  ideo  per- 
cussus  est  a  Deo  (evidently  a  mistake  for  the  Emperor  Anastasius)  : 
ergo  infallibilis  I'egula  erit  Papa,  adhibito  debito  consilio  peritorum  ;  a 
fortiori  ergo  si  cum  generali  Concilio,  quod  pro  arduis  causis  congre- 
gatur,  quia  difiicilius  errant  plures,  quam  pauci.  Thorn.  Cajetanus  de 
auctor.  Papae  et  Conciliis  c.  9  (Rocabei'ti  xix.  p.  460)  •.  Magis  potest 
errare  communitas  Ecclesiae  sine  auctoritate  Papae,  quam  Papa.  Et 
ratio  est,  quia  error  Papae  in  defiuitiva  sententia  fidei  est  error  totius 
Ecclesiae, — quia  ad  ipsum  spectat  determinare  finaliter  de  fide  quid 
tenendum,  et  quid  repellendum. — Impossibile  est  autem  universalem 
Ecclesiam  errare  in  fide,  ergo  impossibile  est,  Papam  in  judicio  defini- 
tive auctoritative  errare  in  fide. — Papa  in  hujusmodi  judicis  est  rectis- 
siraus  propter  assistentiam  Spiritus  Sancti. 

^^  Antonini  Summa  historialis  Pars  i.  Tit.  8.  c.  2.  §  8.  :  Quaestio 
adhuc  agitur  inter  Canonistas  et  Legistas,  utrum  ilia  tenuerit  donatio. 
Quod  Canonistae  omnino  firmant,  et  Theologi  magis  confirmant  eo 
quia  non  fuit  simplex  donatio,  sed  potius  restitutio  Ecclesiae  facta  juris 
sui,  cum  omnia  sint  de  Christi  dominio,  cujus  Papa  est  vicarius  in 
terris  :  eaetera  vero  dimisit  dominis  temporalibus.  Jo.  Major  (see  note 
2)  comm.  in  Matth.  c.  16.  in  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  ii.  p.  1158  : 
Quaeritur,  an  Constantinus  contulerit  justum  titulum  Pontifici  in  terris, 
quae  nunc  vocantur  Ecclesiae.  Est  hie  modus  dicendi :  aliqui  volunt, 
quod  nunquam  ei  dedit  terras  in  Italia,  nee  Romanam  urbera  |  aliqui- 
bus  placet,  quod  nee  dare  poterat  Italiam,  sive  isfas  terras  quae  dicuntur 
Ecclesiae ;  alii  tenentes,  Pontificem  habere  dominium  tam  in  spiri- 
tualibus,  quam  in  temporalibus,  dicunt,  quod  nihil  dedit,  sed  solum 
detentum  injuste  restituit.  He  maintained  on  the  other  hand  :  Ecclesia 
licite  cepit,  and  Constantinus  M.  licite  multa  contulit  Ecclesiis,  thus 
Rom.  Pont,  juste  possidet.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  Cardinal 
Bernardinus  Carvajal  Card.  S.  Crucis,  who  stood  at  the  head  of  the 


432  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

Each  of  these  systems  declared  the  opposite  view  to  be  a  per- 
nicious error  :  but  the  imminent  danger  of  an  irremediable 
schism,  hindered  these  condemnations  from  being  vindicated  to 
the  utmost.  A  pecuhar  embarrassment  was  prepared  for  the 
Popes  by  the  fact,  that  they  were  obhged  to  regard  the  Council 
of  Constance  as  oecumenical,  in  order  to  prove  the  validity  of 
their  own  succession ;  while  they  were  nevertheless  compelled  to 
reject  its  fandamental  principles,  which  were  the  groundwork  of 
the  Galilean  system.  For  this  reason  they  most  readily  past 
over  the  unpleasant  decrees  of  Constance  in  silence  ;-°  if  they 

Cardinals  that  forsook  Julius  II.  and  summoned  the  Council  of  Pisa 
in  1511,  had  formerly  written  in  defence  of  this  Kestitutio :  Jo. 
Boutzbachius  (Prior  in  the  Monaster}^  of  Laach  near  Andernach) 
writes  of  him  in  the  j'ear  1511  in  his  Auctarium  in  librum  Jo.  Tri- 
themii  de  scriptoribus  eeclesiasticis  (MS.  in  the  library  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Bonn  :  Scripsit  quidem  praeclai'a  opera,  e  quibus  nnum 
exstat,  quod  mihi  dudum  innotuit  contra  Laurentium  Vallam  et  alios, 
qui  vesana  sua  loquacitate  audent  latrare  in  summum  Christi  Vicarium 
et  s.  Romanam  Ecclesiam,  quasi  non  vera,  sed  falsa  et  conficta  sit 
donatio  Constantini  Imperatoris.  In  quo  quidem  praegrandi  volumine 
omnem  istorum  assertionem  ita  subnervavit,  ut  non  tan  turn  veram,  sed 
quod  magis  est,  legitimam  et  debitam  lestitutionem  potius  quam 
donationem  fuisse  probet.  Omnem  itaque  bestialem  Laurentii  invec- 
tionem  elidens  scripsit  contra  eundem :  De  restitutione  Constantini 
L  I. 

^^  Gersonii  circa  materiam  excommunicationum  resolutio,  Consideratio 
xi.  (0pp.  ii.  p.  424) :  Contemptus  clavium — non  incurritur,  dum  in 
praemissis  casibus  dicit  aliquis — ^juxta  conscientiam  suam,  quod  hujus- 
modi  sententiae  non  sunt  timendae,  et  hoc  pi-aesertim  si  observetur 
informatio  seu  cautela  debita,  ne  sequatur  scandalum  pusillorum,  qui 
aestimant  Papam  esse  unum  Deinn,  qui  habet  potestatem  omnem  in 
coelo  et  in  tei-ra.  Compare  the  passage  of  Rodericus  Sancius  above 
note  11.  Christophoi'us  Marcellus  thus  addresses  Julius  II.  in  a  speech 
delivered  before  the  Lateran  Council  in  the  fourth  Session  10.  Dec. 
1512  (Labbei  et  Cossartii  Concilia  xiv.  p.  109)  ;  Hinc  merito  conqueri 
potest  Ecclesia. — His  lamentationibus  et  querimoniis  ad  tuos  sanctis- 
eimos  devoluta  pedes  in  hunc  modum  opem  humiliter  implorare  videtur: 
— Tua  sub  ditione  defensa  sum. — Ad  te  igitur  supplex  tanquam  ad 
verum  principem,  protectorem,  Petrum  et  sponsum  accede. —  Cura, 
pater,  beatissime,  ut  sponsae  tuae  forma  decorque  redeat  et  pulcritudo. 
— Tu  enim  pastor,  tu  medicus,  tu  gubernator,  tu  cultor,  tu  denique 
alter  Deus  in  terris. 

2"  Paul  Sarpi  in  a  letter  to  Leschasser  (in  Le  Bret's  Magazin  fiir 
Staaten-  u.  Kirchengesch.  Th.  2.  S.  324)  speaks  emphatically  in  the 
name  of  the  Curia  Concilium  Constantiense  neque  probari,  neque  emen- 
dari  inter  arcana  habemus. 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  136.  GENERAL  POSITION.  433 

were  forced  to  speak  thej  helpt  themselves  out  with  a  version 
of  their  own  :  many  of  their  adherents  did  not  shrink  from  a 
downright  denial  of  their  validity.^^ 

Whilst  this  controversy  took  root  in  the  Hierarchy,  the  secular 
power  regained  its  ascendancy  in  the  different  countries,  from  the 
fact  that  it  principally  depended  upon  this  power,  which  system 
should  prevail.^^  But  the  temporal  governments  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  principally  swayed  by  political  inflviences  in  their 
demeanour  towards  the  Pope.  Whilst  in  France  the  principles 
of  the  Papal  system,  if  they  ever  preponderated,  were  immediately 
condemned  by  the  Parliament  and  the  University  of  Paris  :^^   in 

-^  Jo,  de  Turrecremata  Summa  ii.  c.  99.  (Rocaberti  xiii.  p.  426) 
reduces  the  conclusions  drawn  from  the  decrees  of  Constance  and  Basle 
into  the  statement  Concilium  generale  potestatem  a  Christo  habere 
immediate.  With  reference  to  the  decree  of  Constance  Sess.  V.  (see 
§  131,'note  8),  in  which  this  statement  was  expressly  maintained,  he 
first  remarks  :  Ecce  manifeste,  quod  decretum  illorum  Patrum  non 
loquitur  universaliter  de  qualibet  Synodo  universaliter,  sed  de  ilia 
singulariter,  pro  cujus  tempore  non  erat  in  Ecclesia  unus  pastor  totius 
Ecclesiae  indubitatus  :  But  also  he  states  that  abstractedly  that  decree 
was  not  binding  (non  habet  necessitatem) :  because  Decreta  ilia  si  ita 
sunt  appellanda,  facta  sunt  solum  a  Patribus  aliquibus  obedientiae 
Johannis  XXIII.  The  Council  of  Constance  did  not  become  univer- 
sal until  the  three  obediences  were  united.  Besides  praefatum  decretum 
Constantiense  non  militat,  quoniam  per  Apostolicam  sedem  non  fuit 
approbatum,  immo  videtur  per  Dominum  Martinum  reprobatum,  sive 
annullatum  in  condemnatione  erroris  Joannis  Vicleff  et  Joannis  Hus, 
inter  quos — unus  articulus  condemnatus  est  :  quod  Petrus  non  est  nee 
fuit  caput  Ecclesiae  sanctae  catholicae.  In  like  manner  cap.  100  he 
proves  the  important  decrees  of  Basle  to  be  invalid.  The  argument 
drawn  from  the  confirmation  of  them  by  Eugene  IV.  (see  §  132,  note 
17)  he  disposes  of  thus,  quod  praefatae  bullae  magis  extortae  fuerunt 
minis,  quam  de  mente  Domini  Eugenii  emanaverint.  But  independ- 
ently of  this,  nihil  eorum,  quae  in  praefatis  bulHs  continentur,  suffra- 
gatur  adversariis,  quoniam  Dominus  Eugenius  numquam  praebuit 
consensum  decretis  Concilii  Basileensis.  Compare  his  Responsio  de 
summi  Pont,  et  gen.  Concilii  potestate  1.  c.  p.  578.  In  like  manner 
Cajetanus  de  auct.  Papae  et  cone.  c.  8  (Rocaberti  xix.  p.  456)  denies 
the  validity  of  the  deci'ees  of  Constance,  and  seeks  to  prove  that  the 
confirmation  hj  Martin  V.  (see  §  131,  note  24)  did  not  extend  to 
the  decrees  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  Session.  Compare  Apologiae  P. 
ii.  c.  11.  (1.  c.  p.  508). 

-'^  See  Aeneae  Sylvii  Ep.  54.  above  §  132.  note  42. 

23  The  mendicant  monks  in  particular,  the  natural  adherents  of  the 
Papal  system  from  the  circumstances  of  their  order,  drew  upon  them- 
selves such  censures.     Thus  the  Dominican  Johannes  Sarrazin  in  the 


434  THIRD  PERIOD— DIV.  T.— A.D.  U09— 1517. 

other  countries  the  same  fate  befel  the  opposite  doctrines  of  the 
Gallican  system.^"*  And  if  from  the  side  of  France  and  Ger- 
many humiHating  demands  were  not  nnfreqnently  made  upon 
the  Popes,  Spain  and  Portugal  found  it  advantageous  to  their 
own  interests,  to  allow  themselves  to  receive  from  them,  as  their 
peculiar  property,  tlie  countries  which  had  been  conquered,  and 

year  1429  was  obHged  to  recant  the  following  statements  (d'Argentre 
collectio  judiciorum  de  novis  erroi'ibus  I.  ii.  p.  227)  :  Omnes  potestates 
iurisdictionis  Ecclesiae — sunt  ab  ipso  Papa  quantum  ad  institutionem 
et  collationem.  Hujusmodi  potestates  nou  sunt  de  jure  divino,  nee 
immediate  institutae  a  Deo. — Quandocuraque  in  aliquo  Concilio  aliqua 
instituuntur,  tota  auctoritas  dans  vigorem  statutis  in  solo  summo  re- 
sidet  Pontificio. — Sumraus  Poutifex  canonicam  simoniara  a  jure  posi- 
tive prohibitaui  non  potest  committere.  The  Augustin  Nicolaus 
Quadrigarius  1442  had  to  revoke  the  statement  (1.  c.  p.  240) :  sola 
Papae  potestas  in  tota  Ecclesia  immediate  est  a  Christo.  The  Fran- 
ciscan Joannes  Angeli  in  February  1483  the  assertions  (1,  c.  p.  305) : 
Papa  posset  totum  jus  canonicum  destruere  et  novum  conatruere. — 
Papa  posset  ab  uno  Ecclesiastico  toilere  medietatem  redituum  benefi- 
ciorum  suorum  et  vxni  alteri  dare,  non  exprimendo  aliquain  causam. 
Quicumque  contradicit  voluntati  Papae,  paganizat,  et  sententiam  ex- 
communicationis  incurrit  ipso  facto :  et  a  uullo  Papa  reprehendi  potest, 
nisi  in  materia  haeresis. 

^^  Thus  an  assembly  of  divines  and  canon-lawyers  convoked  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Toledo  at  Coraplutum  in  1479,  condemned  the  following- 
propositions  among  others  which  Petrus  de  Osma,  a  Doctor  from  Paris 
who  lectured  at  Salamanca,  had  pubKsht  in  a  libellus  confessionis 
(Barth.  Caranza  Surama  Conciliorura,  Duaci  1659.  8.  p.  660)  :  VII. 
quod  Ecclesia  urbis  Romae  errare  potest.  VIII.  quod  Papa  non  potest 
dispensare  in  statutis  universalis  Ecclesiae  (similarly  Gerson  de  modis 
uniendi  ac  I'eformandi  Ecclesiam  c.  9.  see  above  §  131  note  1.  Jac. 
Almaini  expositio  circa  doctrinam  M.  Occami  c.  12,  in  Gersonii  0pp. 
ed.  du  Pin  ii.  p.  1055.)  In  the  Bull  with  which  Sixtus  IV.  confirms 
this  decision  (in  Raynald.  1479.  no.  32,  complete  in  de  Aguirre  Con- 
cill.  Hispaniae  V.  p.  353  ss.)  Prop.  VII.  is  not  to  be  found:  it  is 
however  sufficient  that  in  Spain  it  was  considered  worthy  of  condem- 
nation. The  theological  faculty  at  Vienna  in  the  year  1492  accused 
one  of  its  members  Johannes  Kaltenmarkter  before  Pope  Innocent 
VIII.  for  having  taught  :  Concilium  esse  supra  Papam  ;  Papam  non 
posse  revocare  per  Concilium  genei'ale  conclusnm  ;  Komaniim  Pontifi- 
cem  non  posse  dare  licentiam  Parochianis  quibuseunque,  ut  alteri,  quam 
proprio  saccrdoti  Curato  libere  confiteantur ;  Papam  non  posse  dare 
generalem  potestatcm  audiendi  confessiones  :  Kaltenmarkter  had  to 
make  his  appearance  in  Rome,  undergo  a  penance  imposed  upon  him, 
and  afterwards  recant  his  assertions  at  Vienna  :  see  the  extracts  from 
the  proceedings  printed  in  1493  in  (Dietrich)  Auctarium  catalog!  tes- 
tium  veritatis  p.  260.     cf.  Mitterdorfferi  conspectus  hist.  Univ.  Vien- 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  136.  GENERAL  POSITION.  435 

for  the  most  part  newly  discovered  by  themselves  ;^^  and  thereby 
to  concede  to  the  Papal  See  its  loftiest  pretensions.  On  the 
whole  then  the  Pope,  both  on  account  of  his  spiiitual  sway  over 

nensis  Saec.  ii.  Viennae  1724,  8.  p.  54  ss.  Ilansizii.  Germ,  sacra  T. 
i.  p.  597. 

-^  See  the  letter  of  Nicholas  V.  to  Alphonso  King  of  Portugal  a.d. 
1452  (Raynald.  ad.  h.  a.  no.  11)  :  tibi  iSaracenos  et  Paganos,  aliosque 
infideles  et  Christi  inimicos  quoscumque,   et  ubicunique   constitutos, 
regna,  ducatus, — aliaqvic  doniinia,  terras, — et  quaecunique  alia — bona 
mobilia    et  imniobilia — per    eosdem — posscssa — invadcudi — et  subju- 
gandi,  illorum  personas  in  perpetuam  servitutem  redigendi,  regna  quo- 
quo, — aliaque  dominia — et  bona  hujusniodi  tibi  et  successoribus  tuis, 
Kegibus  Portugalliae,  perpetuo  applicandi — plenam   et  liberam  aucto- 
ritate  apostolica  tenore  praesentiuui  conccdiraus    facultatem.      Vv'ith 
reference  thereto  Nicholas  V.  in  1454  granted  to  the  King  the  new 
discoveries  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  as  his  own   domain  (Uaj'nald. 
ad  h.  a.  no,  9) :  de  apostolicae  potestatis  plenitudine  literas  facultatis 
praefatas — ad  Ceptenseni  et  praedicta  et  quaecunque  alia,  etiam  ante 
datam  dictarum  facultatem  litcrarum  acquisita,  et  ea  quae  in  posterum 
nomine — Alfonsi  Regis  suorumque  succcssorum  in   ipsis — et  ulteriori- 
bus — partibus  de  infidelium — manibus  acquiri  poterunt, — sub  ejusdem 
facultatis  Uteris  contineri  praelibatis, — iiDsamque   conquestam,  quam  a 
capitibus  de  Bonador  et   de  Nam  usque  per  totam  Ghineam — extendi 
harum  serie  declararaus,  etiam   ad  ipsos  Alfonsum  Regem,  praedeces- 
Bores  sues  ac  infantem — spectasse — et  in  perpetuum  spectare, — decer- 
nimus  et  declaramus :  ac  pro  potioris  juris  et  cautelae  sufi'ragio  jam 
acquisita  et  quae  in  posterum  acquiri  contigerit  provincias — praedictis 
Alfonso   Regi    ac   successoribus — perpetuo    do;iamus,   concedimus,    et 
appropriamus  per  praesentes,     Alexander  VI.  dd.  v,  non.  Maji  1493 
(in  Raynald.    h,   a,  no.  18)   granted  the  newly  discovered  regions  of 
America  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  sovereigns   of  Spain,  quite  in  the 
same  foi'm,  and  defined  this  grant  more  accurately  in  a  letter  to  them 
on  the  same  day  (1,  c.  no.  19)  :  de  nostra  niera  liberalitate,  et  ex  certa 
Bcientia  ac  de  apostolicae  potestatis  plenitudine  omnes  insulas  et  terras 
firnias    inventas    et   inveniendas,  —  fabricando    et  construendo   unam 
lineam  a  polo  arctico — ad  polura  autarcticum, — quae  linea  distet  a  qua- 
libet  insularum,   quae  vulgariter  nuncupantur  de  los  Azores  y  cabo 
Verde,  centum  leucis  versus  occidentem  et  meridiem,  ita  quod  omnes 
insulae  et  terrae  firmae  repertae  et  reperiendae — a  praefata  linea  versus 
occidentem  et  meridiem,  quae  per  alium  Regem  aut  Principem  Chris- 
tianum  non  fuerint  actualiter  possessae, — auctoritate  omnipotentis  Dei 
nobis  in  b.  Petro  concessa,  ac  vicariatus  Jesu  Cliristi,  qua  fungimur  in 
terris,  cura  omnibus  illarum  dominiis,  civitatibus, — ^juribusque  et  juris- 
dictionibus,  ac  pertiueutiis  universis  vobis  haeredibusque — vestris — in 
perpetuum  tenore  praesentium  donamus,  concedimus,  assignamus.     So 
early   as   1494   Ferdinand    conceded   to   the    King  of   I'ortugal  that 
this  line  should  be  drawn  360  leagues  westward  of  the  Azores  instead 
of  100, 


436  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V— A.D.  1 109— 1517. 

men's  minds,  and  his  temporal  dominions  in  Italy,  at  that  time 
the  apple  of  discord  betmxt  the  most  powerful  monarchs,  was  of 
so  great  importance,  that  all  princes  necessarily  attaclit  great 
value  to  his  friendship,  and  that  even  a  King  of  France  was 
ready  to  sacrifice  for  it  the  welfare  of  his  National  Church."^*" 
These  political  connexions  now  constituted  the  strongest  hold  of 
the  Papal  See  -p  and  so  it  became  the  aim  of  Papal  policy  to  win 
over  the  support  of  the  princes  of  the  world  against  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  ecclesiastical  aristocracy. 

2"  See  §  135,  note  18  and  20. 

^^  Compare   especially    the   disquisition   of  the    Florentine   Franc. 

Guicciardini  (f  1540)  on  the  origin  of  the  secular  power  of  the  Popes 

in  the  four  books  of  his  Italian  history,  which  has  been  omitted  in  the 

editions  of  this  work,  but  printed  in  Goldasti  Monarchia  iii.  p   17  ss. 

and  in  Conringii  0pp.  i.  p.  113.     At  the  end  of  this  disquisition  is  the 

following  passage  :  His  igitur  fnndamentis  et  modis  ad  terrenam  poten- 

tiam  elati,  ac  sensim   animarum  salutis,   divinorumque  praeceptorum 

obliti,  atque  ad  mundana  imperia  omni  cogitatione  conversi,  nee  divina 

auctoritate  alio  quam  quasi  telo  et  instrument©  rerum  fragilium  abu- 

tentes,   Principes  potius  gentium,   quam   rerum   sacrarum    Pontifices 

videri  coeperunt.      Horum  curae  et  negotia  non  jam  vitae  sanctimonia, 

non   religionis  ineremeuta,   non  erga  Deum  et  homines  caritas,  sed 

exercitus,   sed  bella  in  Christianos,  cogitatione  et   manibus  sanguine 

respersis  sacra  tractantes  :  sed  pecuniae  immensa  cupido,  novae  leges, 

novae  artes,  novae  insidiae  ad  pecuniam  undique  congendam.     In  huuc 

finem  audacissime  arma   coelestia  vibrare,   profanarum   sacrarumque 

rerum  nundinationem  impudentissime  exercere  :  hinc  opes  in  immensum 

aductae,  et  in  totam  ipsorura  aulam  effusae,  ex  quibus  fastus,  luxus, 

mores  turpissimi,  libidines,  voluptatesque  nefandae :  nulla  de  succesori- 

bus  cura,  nulla  majestatis  perpetuae  Pontificatus  sollicitudo  ;  sed  horum 

loco  cupido  auxia  et  pestifera,  filios,  nepotes,  item  alios  sibi  conjunctos 

et  necessarios  non  modo  ad  opes  immoderatas,  verumetiam  ad  regna  et 

imperia  evehendi :  non  jam  honores  et  emolumenta  in  merentes  et  bonos 

conferendo,   sed   plerumque    auctionando,    aut  in  homines   ambitione, 

avaritia,  et  pudendis  voluptatibus  peruitos  eifuudendo.     His  moribus 

effoctum  est,  ut  excussa  penitus  ex  animis  hominum   ilia  vetere  erga 

Pontifices  reverentia,  tamen  ex  parte  eorum  auctoritas  religionis,  qua 

nihil  in  terris  ad  homines  vel  impellendos  vel  retinendos  potentius  inve- 

nitur,  nomine  et  majestate,  facultate  qua  poUent  Principibus  atque  iis, 

qui  apud  illosmaximepossunt,  sacris  beneficiis  et  honoribus  conf'erendis 

gratificandi  adjuta  sustentetur.      Qui  cum  sciant  magna  se  in  admira- 

tione   mortalium  esse,   et  qui  adversus  eos  arma  sumunt,  eos  gravis 

infamiae  notam,   et   saepenumero   aliorum   Principum  odia  subire,  ac 

quomodocunque,  res  cadat,  perexiguum  emolumentum  ad  eos,  a  quibus 

oppugnantur,   redundare,   et  victores  ex  suo  arbitrio  victoria  usuros, 

victos  quibus  velint  conditionibus  pacem  habituros ;  ad  haec  sues  pro- 

1 


CIl.  I.-PAPACY.  g  136.  GENERAL  TOSITION.  437 

True,  the  devotion  of  the  nations  to  the  Papal  See  now  rested 
no  longer,  as  of  old  in  the  period  of  the  crusades,  upon  religious 
enthusiasm,  but  only,  for  some  time  past,  upon  habit.  However, 
even  this  would  hardly  have  been  destroyed  by  any  theories,  had 
not  the  immorality  of  the  Curia,  their  avarice,  their  venality  and 
injustice,  so  greatly  injured  the  common  weal,  and  outraged  pub- 
lic morality.^^  The  more  closely  any  nation  was  brought  into 
connexion  with  the  customs  of  the  Popes  and  their  court,  the 
lower  sank  their  feeling  of  reverence  towards  the  Pope  ;  and  in 

pinquos  ex  privata  condltione  ad  Principatus  attollendi  cupidine 
inflainmati,  jam  per  multos  annos  bellorum  aiictores,  novoi-umque  incen- 
diorum  faces  in  Italia  extitcrunt. 

28  Among  the  numerous  testimonies  of  this  age,  compare  the  ex- 
pressions of  the  Ambassador  of  the  German  order  at  Rome,  §  131,  note 
30:  Martini  Meyeri  epist.  ad.  Aen.  Sylv.  §  133,  note  17;  Aeneae 
Sylvii  epist.  G6,  ad  Jo.  Peregallum,  §  133,  note  18.  Also  Gravamina 
nationis  Germanicae  adv.  Curiam  Eomanam  Joanni  Card.  S.  Angeli 
Nicolai  V.  P.  R.  Legato  Exhibita  (about  1451)  in  Walchii  monimen- 
tis  medii  aevi  fasc.  i.  p.  101  ss.  : — dictus  Dominus  Cardinalis  Legatus 
venit  ad  reformandum  nationem  Almanicam,  tam  saeculares,  quam 
spirltuales  personas. —  Si  reformatio  debeat  esse  regularls  et  ordinaria, 
oportct  ante  omnia,  quod  noster  Papa  et  sua  Romana  Curia  prima  et 
principaliter  reformetur,  propter  multos  excessus  multasque  exorbitan- 
tias,  quae  per'eum  et  suos  Cardinales  per  illam  execrabilem  et  male- 
dictam  simoniam  quotidie  committuntur  in  vendendo  ecclesiastica 
beneficia. — In  taxationibus  etiam  litei*aram  apostolicarum  expedienda- 
rum  esset  Dominis  Papa  reformandus.  Item  Dominus  Apostolicus 
omni  die  insatiabili  desiderio  cogitat  cum  suis,  quomodo  totam  substan- 
tiam  nationis  Germanicae  sibi  valeat  acquirere. — Item  Curia  Romana 
in  multis  est  reformanda.  Nam  Cardinales  superbe,  pompose,  centum, 
sexaginta,  vol  septuaginta  equis  palatiura  ingrediuntur. — Quidam  etiam 
de  Cardiniillbus  habent  tres  Ecclesias  raetropolitanas  et  cathedrales  in 
commendam,  decern  Abbatias,  sex  Praeposituras  et  Archidiaconatus,  et 
privatas  quatuor  Ecclesias  parochiales.  Non  curant,  quot  monachi  in 
monasterio  sint ; — totam  substantiam  monasteril  tollunt. — Item  in  curia 
Romana  sunt  public!  usurarii,  bancarii  et  campsores,  cum  quibus  Papa  et 
Cardinales  habent  pecuniam,  cum  damno  vel  lucro,  Deus  novit.  Sunt 
etiam  ibi  publici  fornicarii,  concubinarii,  ruffones,  et  lenones,  et  plures 
alii  peccatores  de  famlliaribus  Cardinalium,  et  peccatrices  publicae 
plures.  Et  Papa  tolerat  Istos  etc. — Modo  emittit  Cardinalem,  qui  ut 
residuum  de  substantiis  nostris  habeat,  et  pauperes  Christi  per  positionem 
cistarum  spoliat,  indulgentias  anni  jubilaei  sub  pacto  vendendo. — Et 
ille  idem  Legatus  introductus  sub  modo  et  specie  reform ationis,  volens 
sic  reformare  Clericos,  pauperes,  pistores,  carnifices,  culinarios  :  cei-te  si 
Dominus  Apostolicus  et  sua  Curia  se  reformaret,  vel  per  Concilium 
generale  fieret  reformatio  generalis,  facile  membrura  Ecclcsiae  unum- 


438  TillKD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V,— A.D.  1409—1517. 

Italy,  although  the  Papal  system  seemed  to  reign  there  supreme, 
nevertheless  the  Pope's  excommunication  was  least  regarded.^^ 

quodque  in  suo  statu  reforraaretur.  Felix  Hemmerlin's  (Dean  of  the 
great  cathedi*al  at  Zurich  -j-  before  1464,  see  with  regard  to  him  IMiiller's 
Schweizergesch.  neue  Aufl.  1826.  Th.  4.  S.  276  ff.),  expressions 
may  be  seen  in  Mliller  ibid.  S.  257  ff.  Baptista  Mantuanus  (Carmelite 
monk  in  Mantua  -j-  1516)  de  horum  temporum  calamitatibus  lib.  iii. : 

—  —  Petrique  domus  polluta  fluenti 
Marcescit  luxu  :  nulla  hie  arcana  revelo, 
Non  ignota  loquor,  liceat  vulgata  referre, 
Sic  urbes  populique  ferunt : —     — 

—  —         —         ea  fama  per  omnem 
Jam  vetus  Europam  mores  extirpat  honestoS  : 
Sanctus  ager  scurris,  venerabilis  ara  cinaedis 
Servit,  honorandae  Divum  Ganymedibus  aedes. — 

—  —         —         venalia  nobis 
Templa,  Sacerdotes,  altaria,  sacra,  coronae, 
Ignes,  thura,  preces  :  caelum  est  venale  Deusque. 

Ejusd.  Epigrammata  ad  Falconem.    Colloquium  inopum  de  Falcone  : 

Obtiuet  expulsa  pi-obitate  pecunia  Romam, 

Nee  Deus  in  tota  possidet  urbe  locum. 
Quot  sunt  Komae  homines,  tot  eunt  per  compita  fures  ; 

Quosve  canes  speras,  experiere  lupos, — 
Omnibus  esse  lupos  licet  in  regione  luporum, 

Inter  Pygmaeos  non  pudet  esse  brevera. 

Johannis  Episc.  Chemensis  (Bishop  of  Chiemsee  in  Carniola)  Onus 
Ecclesiae  (written  1519)  cap.  19.  de  indispositione  Komanae  Cui'iae  § 
6  :  Inprimis  sedes  bestiae,  i.e.  Ecclesiae  perversae,  est  in  curia  Romana, 
cujus  regnum  est  tenebrosum.  §  8  ;  Heu  sicut  olim  in  Romano  im- 
perio,  sic  hodie  in  Romana  Curia  est  vorago  divitiarum  turpissima: 
crevit  avai'itia,  periit  lex  a  sacerdote  ac  visio  de  Propheta,  et  consi- 
lium a  senioribus  :  claves  Ecclesiae  sunt  in  abusu  et  servitute  simoniae 
et  ambitionis.  Vitia  enim  ferme  Curialium  celari  negarique  vix  pos- 
sunt :  Roma  quasi  gurges  flagitiorum.  §  13:  Ecce  Roma  nunc  est 
vorago  et  Mammon  inferni,  ubi  Diabolus  totius  avaritiae  Capitaneus 
residet,  vendens  patrimonium  Christi,  quod  sua  passione  promeruit,  qui 
nobis  praecipit,  ut  gratis  demus  quod  gratis  acceperimus.  Id  mode 
versum  est  in  proverbium  :  Curia  Romana  non  petit  ovem  sine  lana : 
dantes  exaudit,  non  dantibus  ostia  claudit.  Ludovicus  Tubero  (see  § 
134,  note  16)  comm.  de  temporibus  suis  i.  §  16  :  solos  falsarios  hoc 
corruptissimo  tempore  sedes  Apostolica  ultimo  supplicio  afficit,  in  cae- 
teris  connivere  solet :  eo  quod  falsi  crimen,  quum  Pontificum,  quorum 
omnis  in  comparandis  duntaxat  pecuniis  cura  fixa  est,  deterat  emolu- 
menta,  capitale  putatur. 

-^  See  the  report  of  the  ambassador  of  the   German   order  to  the 
Grandmaster  a.d.    1429    (Raumer's   hist.    Taschenbuch,  f.   1833,   S. 


CII.  I.— PAPACY,  g  13G    GENERAL  POSITION.  439 

Accordingly  their  most  faithful  councillors  recommended  to 
the  Popes  an  abatement  of  their  oppressions,  and  a  reform  of  the 
abuses  prevailing  at  their  court :  and  throughout  the  whole 
fifteenth  century  a  strong  feeling  was  displayed  that  unless  there 
were  some  alteration  on  these  points  spreading  downwards  from 
the  highest  rank,  there  would  be  a  compulsory  reformation  rising 
upward  from  below,  not  effected  without  violence  and  schism. ^° 
But  at  the  same  time  the  conviction  that  liome  would  not  un- 
dertake of  herself  so  great  a  reformation,  and  that  neither  the 
Ecclesiastical  aristocracy,  nor  the  temporal  princes,  would  be  able 
to  enforce  it  from  the  want  of  union  amongst  themselves,  was 
firmly  establisht  by  the  events  of  this  period.'^^ 

175)  :  fiirchtet  Euch  nur  etwa  niclit  vor  dem  Banne,  der  Teufel  ist  so 
hassHch  nicht,  als  man  ihn  oft  malet,  auch  der  Bann  nicht  so  gross,  als 
ihn  uns  die  Piipste  macben.  In  Welschland  fiirchten  auch  Herven 
und  Fursten  und  Stadte,  die  doch  unter  dem  Papste  gelegen  sind,  den 
Bann  ausser  Kecht  gar  nicht  waiter,  und  man  halt  in  Welschland 
nichts  mehr  vom  Papste,  als  insofern  er  es  mit  ihnen  wohl  will,  und 
anders  nicht.  Nur  wir  armen  Deutschen  lassen  uns  noch  diinken,  dass 
er  ein  irdischer  Gott  sey  ;  besser  wir  liessen  uns  diinken,  dass  er  ein 
irdiscber  Teufel  ware,  als  er  es  fiirwahr  avich  ist. — And  a.d.  1430,  S 
176  :  Wenn  Euch  der  -Papst  mit  dem  Banne  hart  entgegen  se^^n 
wollte,  so  bedeuket  nur,  wer  mit  Priilaten  und  Pfaffen  zu  schaffen 
haben  will,  der  muss  sich  zuweilen  des  Bannes  erwagen  :  aber  habet  zu 
ungerechtem  Banne  nur  guten  Muth,  und  lasset  Land  und  Leute  um 
solches  Bannes  wiilen  nicht  verderben. 

^"  See  Petri  de  Alliaco  praef.  ad  canones  reformandi  Ecclesiam  § 
131,  note  13.  Juliani  Card,  epist.  ad  Eugen.  iv.  §  132,  note  6. 
Andreae  Megarensis  gubernac.  Conciliorum.  §  132,  note  19.  Remedium 
contra  gravam.  nationis  Germ.  §  135,  note  15.  Johannis  Episc. 
Chemensis  onus  Ecclesiae  (see  note  28)  cap.  19,  §  14  :  Quamobrem 
vehemeuter  praesumendum  est,  ac  provide  est  timendum,  propinquam 
nunc  esse  ruinam  Ecclesiae  latinae  circa  dignitatem  ecclesiasticam, 
quoniara  debile  fundamentum  ruinam  causat.  Unde  colunma  Dei 
viventis  jam  pene  videtur  nutare,  et  sagena  summi  piscatoris,  scil. 
Petri,  procellis  intumescentibus  cogitur  in  naufragii  profunda  submergi : 
quod  nemo  percipit  corde,  neque  ad  praedictas  revelationes  et  avisa- 
tiones  fit  cujuspiam  eniendatio,  sed  singuli  Pontifices,  lam  summi  quam 
inferiores,  carnalia  sequentes,  exhibent  se  magis  mixti  Antichristi 
praecursores,  quam  veri  Christ!  fideles  servitores. 

°^  That  Rome  in  her  reformations  had  no  other  aim  than  to  deceive, 
is  declared  most  undisguisedly  in  the  Papal  Instructions  in  Raynald. 
1430,  no.  15,  see  above  §  132,  note  30,  towards  the  end.  Petrus  de 
Alliaco  de  diffie.  reform,  c.  3,  see  §  130,  note  12.  Gerson  de  modis 
uniendi  ac  reformandi  Ecclesiam  c.  12.  see  §  131.  note  1.     Gobelinus 


440  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409-1517. 

Persona,  see  §  131,  note  25.  JuHanns  Card.  Legatus  in  Cone.  Bas., 
see  §  132,  note  6.  Jo.  NicTer,  see  §  132,  note  38.  Jacobi  de  Para- 
dise or  Jac.  Junterburgii  (Carthusian  and  Doctor  of  Divinity  at  Erfurt 
■\-  1465.  see  with  reference  to  him  Walchii  monum.  medii  aevi  fasc. 
i.  praef.  p.  Ixv.)  collectaneum  de  septem  statibus  Eccl.  (wi-itten  1449) 
in  Goldasti  Monarchia  ii.  p.  1567,  in  Edw.  Brown  Appendix  ad  fascic. 
rerura  expetendarurn  et  fugiendai'um  p.  102  ss.  and  in  Walchii  moni- 
menta  medii  aevi  vol.  ii.  fasc.  2.  p.  23  ss.  Compare  in  Walch  p.  34  : 
Verisimiliter  opinabile  mihi  est,  statum  praesentem  continuandum,  imo 
pejorandum,  usque  ad  sextum  statum,  scil.  Antichristi :  cum  expe- 
rientia  docente  cognoscimus,  hos  contra  niti  reformationi  generali 
Ecclesiae,  quos  magis  deceret  conatu  toto  ad  reformationem  tendere, 
cupiditate  et  primatu  honorum  eos  ad  hoc  impellente.  Etsi  quandoque 
coetus  Deum  timentium  reformationi  operam  dare  intendat ;  tamen  in 
hoc  mundo  celebres  et  potentes  viros,  plus  ecclesiasticos  quam  sae- 
culares,  videmus  se  fortiter  opponei'e,  adhaesionem  sibi  attrahen- 
tes  Principum  et  potcntum  saecularium,  quorum  multitudo  aut  po- 
tentia  scintillam  inchoatam  extinguit.  p.  38  :  Keformationem  generalem 
Ecclesiae  extreme  necessariam  factam  nostris  temporibus,  mores 
corrupti  totius  orbis  pronunciant :  cum  revera  pene  omnis  caro  corrup- 
erit  viam  suara.  Sed  quomodo  earn  fore  possibilem  in  effectu  fieri, 
nondum  est  positum  ad  praxim  :  licet  aliquoties  per  Concilia  generalia 
sit  adtentatum.  Et  licet  quaedam  decreta  in  hunc  finem  prodierint  ab 
iisdem  Conciliis,  tamen  tanta  resistentia  altae  dignitatis  personarum, 
tarn  spiritual!  um  quam  saecularium,  facta  est,  ut  vidimus,  quod  totum 
negotium  lugemus  infectum  :  et  cum  tempus  pariendi  advenisset,  vii'es 
non  habuit  parturiens.  Tanta  denxque  credulitate  debacchati  sunt,  ut 
non  tantum  prolem  sanctam,  scil.  reformationem,  necare  contendant :  sed 
et  matrem,  scil.  auctoritatem  Conciliorum,  et  eorum  convocationem  occi- 
dant,  prout  res  in  prospectu  declarat.  Per  quoi'um  tamen  Conciliorum 
auctoritatem  major  esset  spes  ad  viam  reformationis  obtinendam.  p.  42  : 
palpabiliter  cernitur,  ipsam  summi  Pontificis  curiam  m.axima  indigere 
reformatione,  sicut  omnia clamaverunt  ultimo  celebi*ata  generalia  Concilia 
p.  43  :  Unde  mihi  vix  credibile  videtur,  posse  Ecclesiam  generalem 
reformari,  nisi  curia  Romana  fuerit  ante  reformata.  Quod  tamen  quam 
difiicile  sit,  cursus  temporura  praesentium  manifestat :  cum  nulla  gens 
aut  natio  fidelium  tantam  resistentiam  faciat  reformationi  uuiversali 
Ecclesiae,  sicut  natio  Italica,  et  alii  eis  applaudentes,  spe  pi'omotionis, 
aut  lucri,  aut  temporalis  commodi,  aut  timore  amissionis  dignitatum 
ligati.  Contremiscunt  enim  solo  auditu  congregationis  generalis  Con- 
cilii,  cum  sciant  per  experientiam,  quod  Concilia  generalia  palpare 
nesciunt,  sed  corrigere  et  emendare  sine  personarum  acceptione  :  cum 
ibi  congregentur  de  omnibus  mundi  partibus,  qui  vitiis  non  parcunt, 
nee  amore  nee  tiinore  seducti. — Praesidentes  ex  parte  Papae  Conciliis, 
quia  vident  contra  dominum  suum  et  contra  se  negotium  Conciliorum 
disponi,  quid  aliud  agere  existiniandi  sunt,  quam  ut  tota  auctoritate 
decretis  Conciliorum  obicem  ponant,  aut  per  dissolutionem  Conciliorum, 
aut  per  discordiarum  seminationera  :  sicque  opus  totum  redditur  infectum, 
ac  per  hoc  itur  in  antiquam  sylvam,  scil.  erroris  et  tenebrarum.' — Et 
ex  hoc  ortum  est  vulnus  nescio  quando  curabile  contra  auctoritatem 


CH.  I.— PAPACY,  g  13G.  GENERAL  POSITION.  441 

Conciliorum  generalium,  ut  abscedentibus  Papa  aut  suis  praesidentibus 
a  loco  Concilii,  vel  differentia  exorta  inter  patres  ejusdera,  censeatur 
Concilium  dissolutura,   resideatque  in  persona  Papae   de  pleiiitudine 
potestatis   auctoritas  dissolvendi   aut  transferendi  generalia  Concilia, 
prout  Eugenius  olim  Papa  de  anno  Domini  1437  fecisse  comprobatur. 
Hocque  venenum  eft'usum  est  per  eum   in   Ecclesiam,  per  adversaries 
Conciliorum  indelebiliter  observandum, — ad   quod  refugium   habebunt 
in  fulcimentum  sui  erroris,   ut  subterfugere  valeant  correctionem  et 
reform ationem  :  ita  ut  etiam  modernis  temporibus  frontose  aliqui  alta- 
rum  scientiarum  A'iri  dogmatizare  audeant,  in  quolibet   Papa  residere 
plenitudinem  potestatis,  non  solum   super  quolibet  membro  singular! 
Ecclesiae,  sed  et  super  totam   Ecclesiam  conciliariter  congregatam,  ad 
libitum  ipsius  disponendi,  decretandi.  dissolvendi,    transferendi,   corri- 
gendi,  et  auctorizandi :  ut  nullus  ei  audeat  dicere  :  cur  ita  facis  ?     Et 
sic  totaliter  nituntur  suftbcare  auctoritatem  Conciliorum,       p,  48 :  Et 
nisi  in  futuro  Concilio  celeri  rcniedio  provideatur  liuic  veneno  recenter 
introducto,  de  auctoritate  Conciliorum  supra  Papam,  cujus  contrarium 
dogmatizant  aliqui,  et  maxime  de  curia  Papae  et  ejusdem  assentatores  : 
clarum  est  quanta  inconvenientia  inde   sequantur.      Primo  quia  datur 
Papae  audacia  impune  peccandi  et  disponendi  omnia  negotia  Ecclesiae 
ad  libitum  suum.       Secundo  quia  datur  subjectis  in  toto  orbe  occasio 
vilependendi,   imo  contemnendi  omnes  constitutiones,    ordinationes  et 
mandata  Papae. — Tertio  sequitur,  quod  si  in   antea  fieret  convocatio 
Concilii  generalis,  totius  Germaniae  Principes  et  Praelati,  Doctores  ac 
Magistri    se    subducerent    a   Concilio.  —  Exinde   ludibrio   ducerentur 
Concilia  :    maxime  quia  videmus,  quod  omnia,  quae  tantis  laboribus, 
impendiis  in  retroactis  Conciliis  elaborata  sunt,  penitus  irritantur,  et 
tanquara  pulveres  ventis  obnoxii  conculeantur.  Fontale  vero  principium 
omnium  illorum  malorum  secundum  Apostolum  est  cupiditas,  quae  sibi 
vendicat  locum  pene  in  omnibus  Clei'icis  :  quoniam  secundum  Jeremiam 
a  maximo  usque  ad   minimum  omnes  avaritiae   student.      Ad  quam 
satiandam   non    reperiunt    ecclesiastici    viri    commodiorem    opportu- 
nltatem,  quam  in  adipiscendis  dignitatibus  et  beneficiis  ecclesiasticis. 
Et  haec  seutiunt  conferri  per  Papam,  qui  sibi  per  baec  attrabere  con- 
suevit  pene  totam  ecclesiasticorum  virorum  cohortem.     Ideo  adhaer- 
entiam  copiosam  sibi  parit  per  horum  provisionem.  p.  58  :  quid  ergo, 
putamusne,    Ecclesiam   posse    recipere   reformationem    generalem,   et 
quidem  ad  bunc  statum  devenire,  ut  omnia  vitia  toll&ntur  ab  Ecclesia '? 
Ego  judico  impossibile  buraano  modo. — Sed  est  alia  reformatio,  de  qua 
quaeritur,  ut  scilicet  ea  quae  sint  decolorativa  statuum  et  personaram 
tam  saecularium  quam  spix'itualium  ad  rectam  formam  perducantur,  ut 
reformatio    pacis    inter   regna   et   principes,   extirpatio  baeresium    et 
scbismatum,  simoniacae  pravitatis   a   Curia   Romana  et   ab   omnibus 
Ecclesiae    Praelatis,    et   concubinariorum    repressionis    etc. — Et   quis 
omnia  enarrare  ac  enumerare  sufiQciat,  quibus  Ecclesia  modernis  tem- 
poribus cernitur  deformata  ?     Putamusne  haec  omnia  aliquando  posse 
reformari  ?     Persuaderi  mihi  videor,  quod  nee  aetas  nostra  nee  futura 
haec  patietur  :  quum  non  habeam  rationes  probantes,  quomodo  illud 
fieri  possit.    Primo  propter  inveteratam  et  inolitam  consuetudinem,  quae 
difficile  curatur :  secundo  propter  potentium  tam  in  scripturis  quam  in 
VOL.  IV.  2  F 


442  THIRD  PERIOD.— DIV.  V.— A.D.  1409—1517. 

altis  dignitatibus  resistentiam :  tertio  propter  avaritiae  morbum,  qui 
ubique  invaluit,  raaximeque  in  altis  sedibus,  quae  nullo  modo  patientur 
sibi  auferri  honoris,  fastus,  divitiarum  et  voluptatis  amplitndinem.  Et 
qui  amplius  insistere  deberent  reformationibus,  his  pompis  amplius 
delectantur,  fingentes  ipsis  colores  sub  specie  defensionis  ecclesiasticae, 
ut  ideo  eos  oporteat  abundare,  ne  status  eorum  vilescat,  et  ut  habeant 
armatam  militiam,  qua  corapescere  valeant  violentos  et  bonorum 
ecclesiasticorum  detentores.  Et  ideo  oportet,  ut  dicunt,  eos  fulcitos 
esse  pluralitatibus  bencficiorum  atque  dignitafum.  p.  62  :  Aestimo 
igitur  mundum  dietim  decrescere  in  pravis  moribus — usque  ad  profun- 
dum  delictorura,  quousque  veniat  filius  perditionis  etc.  Joannes  Episc, 
Chemensis  onus  Ecclesiae  (see  note  28)  writes  likewise  a.d.  1519  cap. 
19.  §  16. :  Reformatio  vero  non  fiet,  nisi  in  aliquo  generali  et  libero 
candidoque  Concilio,  ubi  Spiritui  Sancto,  non  maligno,  locus  ad  spi- 
randum  detur.  Heu  cum  formidine  conjicio,  nostrum  saeculum  non 
esse  dignum  congregatione  legitimi  Concilii,  in  quo  vitiis  reprehensis 
et  virtutibus  promotis  Ecclesia  reformatur  :  adeo  errorum  illudimur 
operationibus.  Concilia  profecto  debita  raro  et  segniter  celebi*antur, 
vel  Romae  seu  alibi  coram  potentibus  tractantur,  ubi  humilibus  et 
fidelibus  non  libera  est  expressio,  ut  in  eis  lente  corrigantur  ea  quae 
divinum  cultum,  et  Christianam  religionem,  reformationemque  con- 
cemunt. 


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"  Chalybtius  has,  by  more  than  one  work,  established  for  himself  the  reputation  of  an 
acute  speculator,  a  fair  critic,  and  a  lucid  writer,  while,  in  particular,  these  Lectures  are, 
in  Germany,  universally  recognised  as  aft'ording  a  perspicuous  and  impartial  survey  of 
the  various  modern  systems  of  German   philosophy,  at  once  com|jreliensive  and  com- 
pendious.    This  version  of  a  work  by  no  means  easy  to  render  adequately,  appears 
eminently  worthy  of  approbation." 


In  post  Svo, 

LECTURES  ON  THE  TRUE,  THE  BEAUTIFUL,  AND  THE  GOOD. 

By  M.  VICTOR  COUSIN. 

Translated,  under  the  Sanction  of  31.  Cousin, 

By  0.  W.  WIGHT, 

Translator  of  "  Cousin's  Course  of  Lectures  on  Modern  Philosophy." 

The  Publishers  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  from  M.  Cousin,  the  advance 
sheets  of  a  New  and  greatly  Improved  Edition,  not  yet  published,  of  the  above 
work. 


Date  Due 

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BW903.G454  1846V.4 

A  compendium  of  ecclesiastical  history 

Princeton  Theological  Semmary-Speer  Library 


1    1012  00078  8770